Обстоятельства, сопровождавшие смену международно-политических эпох на рубеже 1980-х и 1990-х гг. требуют внимания, как пример бесконфликтной трансформации конфронтационной системы в условно кооперативную. Такого результата удалось достигнуть в значительной степени благодаря позитивной политической программе сформулированной руководством Советского Союза. Начало 1990-х годов отметилось переходом инициативы в формулировании международной повестки дня к Соединенным Штатам, которые не смогли совладать с соблазном одностороннего укрепления собственных позиций в условиях исчезновения главного противника. Неудивительно, что новый порядок, формируемый США, оказался недолговечен. ; The edge of 1980s-1990s represent an example of peaceful transformation on international order into new predominantly cooperative system. This result was achieved to large extent due to the positive political programme proposed by the Soviet leadership. In the beginning of 1990s the United States took initiative in defining international agenda. However, they couldn't resist the temptation to strengthen their international standing unilaterally in the absence of major adversary. Therefore, it is not surprising that the new order, constructed by the U.S., appeared to be nondurable.
AbstractA proliferation of health information technology (HIT) policies to implement dimensions of e‐health, including electronic medical records, electronic health records, personal health records, and e‐prescribing—along with expanding initiatives on mobile health in developed countries and emerging technologies—has sparked academic inquiry into the protection of privacy and data and the technology to protect privacy and data. This article examines HIT policies in the United States and in China and the use of authentication technologies to assess biometrics as privacy's friend or foe in different political frameworks with varying conceptions of privacy. An analysis of privacy in the context of health data protection, challenging relations of trust between patients and providers, the increasing perspective of health data integrity as a cyber‐security issue, and the growing rate of medical fraud and medical identity theft may yield findings of a convergence of views of privacy and biometrics unexpected of contrasting political cultures.
Since 1991, Western bilateral and multilateral democracy promotion assistance, especially for civil society development, has increased dramatically. Much of the literature that assesses the impact of this assistance has focused on either direct recipients in civil society or macro transformations, with minimal systematic analysis of how developments in civil society unfold. This article argues that political settlements shape the impact of Western civil society building initiatives. The inclusivity of political settlements can determine who receives funding and who does not and also influences the representativeness of political institutions. In contexts with noninclusive political settlements, where certain groups are excluded from the settlement and the settlement enjoys minimal support, democracy promotion efforts are more likely to exacerbate polarization, thereby weakening the quality of civil society. Examining the women's sector of civil society in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, this article illustrates the primacy of political settlements and the limitations of civil society building in contexts where certain actors are excluded from the onset. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
This chapter takes stock of the state of play of preferential trade negotiations in services in Africa. It explores the factors that lie behind the reluctance of African governments to bind service sector policy under international treaties. The chapter chronicles several ongoing initiatives aimed at deepening intra-regional trade and investment among the eight regional economic cooperation areas found on the continent. It also describes external liberalization efforts engaging Africa with the rest of the world in services trade, devoting particular attention to negotiations underway with the European Community (EC) with a view to concluding WTO-compatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). The chapter draws attention to several novel features of the EC-CARIFORUM EPA in the services field and discusses its possible implications for Africa's ongoing processes of integration in services markets at both the intra- and extra-regional levels. The chapter concludes with a broader discussion of a range of policy challenges confronting African governments in designing development-enhancing strategies of engagement in services trade negotiations.
Scholars increasingly agree that the 'Mauritian Miracle' was enabled by the country's significant level of state capacity. This article probes Mauritius's state-building past to identify the early sources of Mauritian state capacity. Specifically, I find that the close collaboration between the island's export-oriented sugar planters, known as the Franco-Mauritians, and colonial officials accounts for the growth of Mauritian state capacity during the nineteenth century. Following the island's first major commodity boom, in 1825, sugar planters pressed colonial officials to 'regulate' the island's labour supply, improve its transportation infrastructure, and undertake research and development initiatives. These efforts collectively promoted the growth of state capacity and laid the groundwork for the country's relatively capable state. The influence of Mauritius's export-oriented coalition on state building may shed light on the country's comparative success to other African countries, where export-oriented coalitions have been rare both historically and in the contemporary era. [Sonder les sources historiques du miracle mauricien: les exportateurs de sucre et la construction des bâtiments dans les colonies de l'Etat de l'île Maurice.] De plus en plus, les chercheurs s'accordent à dire que le « miracle mauricien » a été activé par le niveau important du pays par sa capacité d'État. Cet article fait un bilan du domaine de construction dans le passé par l'État Mauricien afin d'identifier les sources préalables de capacité pour l'État mauricien. Plus précisément, je trouve que la collaboration étroite entre les planteurs de canne à sucre de l'île orientés vers l'exportation, lesquels étaient connus sous la désignation de Franco-Mauriciens et des fonctionnaires coloniaux, compte pour la croissance de la capacité de l'État mauricien au cours du dix-neuvième siècle. A la suite de l'explosion de la principale marchandise en 1825, les planteurs de sucre ont fait pression sur les autorités coloniales de « régulariser » les conditions de la main d'œuvre sur l'île, d'améliorer ses infrastructures de transport, et d'entreprendre des initiatives de recherche et développement. Ces efforts ont collectivement contribué à promouvoir la croissance de la capacité de l'État et jeté les bases d'état relativement capables pour le pays. L'influence de la coalition d'exportation de l'île Maurice sur l'édification de l'État peut apporter de la lumière sur le succès comparatif du pays par rapport à d'autres pays africains, où des coalitions axées sur l'exportation ont été rares à la fois historiquement et à l'époque contemporaine.
Mots-clés: L'île Maurice; les exportations de sucre; l'explosion des matières premières; les coalitions; l'édification de l'État; le développement politique
