Suchergebnisse

Sustainable investment (SI) has a strong niche foothold in Sub-Saharan Africa, anchored in the region's largest investment market, South Africa. Yet more work is needed, at policy and portfolio levels, to grow this investment theme. This report recommends measures to expand SI in Sub-Saharan Africa. It forecasts that over the next five years there will be considerable growth of environmental, social, and governance (ESG) considerations applied to investment in South Africa, Kenya, and Nigeria. While these three countries form the basis of the study, the lion's share of data and observations emerged from South Africa, which is home to the continent's most developed capital markets.

Europe's population is growing older. People are living longer and healthier lives. Wealthier European Union (EU) countries have enjoyed near‐universal access to better health care and seen public health promotion and lifestyle changes that have reduced the morbidity and mortality due to heart disease, an effort known as the "cardiovascular revolution". As a result the EU‐15 countries enjoy an average life expectancy of 81 years. At the same time, EU‐15 countries have also witnessed a drop in fertility since the 1970s, though recently fertility has stabilized or reincreased in a number of countries.

El trabajo de investigación, se divide en tres grandes bloques. El primero lo hemos denominado, El Derecho a la Felicidad como Derecho Constitucional. El segundo lleva por título Los límites del Producto Interior Bruto. Por último, el tercero de los mismos es el relativo a Los Índices de Felicidad. En cuanto a los principales objetivos y temas de esta investigación, de igual manera podemos agruparlos también en tres, y se corresponden con cada una de las partes en los que hemos dividido este trabajo. En primer lugar, conocer si existe o ha existido a lo largo de la historia, lo que podríamos denominar como un derecho a la felicidad, y si ese derecho ha sido reconocido en los textos constitucionales de las distintas naciones. En segundo lugar, comprobar si el Producto Interior Bruto, que se ha convertido desde su creación en el principal indicador del nivel de desarrollo y de bienestar material de un país, tiene sus limitaciones y carencias, y si por tanto, es el más adecuado para medir el progreso y el bienestar de nuestras sociedades. Asimismo, conocer si diversas organizaciones internacionales y/o alguna comisión, se han pronunciado al respecto mediante resoluciones o recomendaciones, para seguidamente estudiarlas. En tercer y último lugar, comprobar si, en correspondencia con el objetivo anterior, son necesarios nuevos índices e indicadores complementarios al Producto Interior Bruto y si se han creado lo que denominaremos como "índices de felicidad" desde una perspectiva internacional, especialmente por las organizaciones internacionales más relevantes, para seguidamente analizar los mismos, junto al índice de la Felicidad Nacional Bruta de Bután, pionero a nivel nacional. Hemos empleado como principal metodología a seguir, tanto el análisis de contenido de dichos textos constitucionales, como el de las citadas recomendaciones y resoluciones de diferentes organizaciones internacionales; así como el análisis comparativo de los resultados que se han obtenido de los índices de felicidad analizados. Todo ello ha supuesto, teniendo en cuenta la complejidad del fenómeno a investigar, junto a los objetivos de la investigación, la puesta en práctica de una metodología cualitativa, mediante un amplio desarrollo normativo, y con un análisis teórico, documental y bibliográfico, realizado fundamentalmente tanto en la primera como en la segunda parte de este trabajo; junto a un tratamiento descriptivo y comparativo de los resultados obtenidos en los distintos índices de felicidad analizados, el cual se desarrolla principalmente en la tercera parte de la investigación. En la primera parte, El Derecho a la Felicidad como Derecho Constitucional, repasamos las Constituciones, además de determinadas Declaraciones, que a lo largo de la historia han reconocido ese derecho a la felicidad, o al menos el derecho a su búsqueda, en sus propios textos. En la segunda parte, Los límites del Producto Interior Bruto, comprobamos como existe una corriente a nivel internacional, con voces de gran peso, que critican la utilización del Producto Interior Bruto como única medida del progreso y desarrollo de los países, como así lo refleja la relevante Comisión para la Medición del Desempeño Económico y el Progreso Social; el Proyecto Global para la Medición del Progreso de las Sociedades, de la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos (OCDE); la Resolución de 2011 del Parlamento Europeo que lleva por título Más allá del PIB - Evaluación del progreso en un mundo cambiante; y la Resolución 65/309 de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas del mismo año, denominada La felicidad: hacia un enfoque holístico del desarrollo; las cuales no hacen otra cosa que incidir en la necesidad de implantar nuevos índices e indicadores que complementen al Producto Interior Bruto como medida del desarrollo y bienestar de las naciones, y en los que la felicidad debe tener un papel cada vez más transcendente. Por último, en la tercera parte, analizamos los tres índices de felicidad a nivel internacional que consideramos más relevantes en la actualidad. Se trata del Índice de Desarrollo Humano del Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD), el World Happiness Report de la Sustainable Development Solutions Network de Naciones Unidas (SDSN) y el Better Life Index de la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económicos (OCDE). Asimismo, procedemos a analizar un índice de felicidad a nivel nacional, la Felicidad Nacional Bruta de Bután. Respecto a las principales conclusiones alcanzadas, como aspectos generales podemos afirmar que, por extraño que pueda parecer, ya que nos encontramos ante dos conceptos de ámbitos muy diferentes, existe una relación entre Derecho y Felicidad. De hecho, el Derecho a la felicidad, al bienestar subjetivo o al menos el derecho a la búsqueda de la felicidad en alguna de su acepciones, ha sido a lo largo de la historia, y sigue siéndolo en algunos Estados, un Derecho reconocido en las Constituciones de diversas naciones, si bien es cierto que en una minoría de las mismas. Por otro lado, existen diversos factores que nos demuestran que debemos replantearnos los instrumentos actuales de medición del desarrollo y del progreso, especialmente el Producto Interior Bruto, el cual además no puede emplearse como la única medida que determine el bienestar de una nación. Por tanto, la medición del bienestar debe complementarse con diversos estudios e índices que profundicen en la felicidad como un nuevo enfoque holístico del desarrollo. Asimismo, en un plano público, y en relación con la primera de las conclusiones, si la felicidad es el objetivo último de todo Gobierno, los índices de felicidad deben de servir a los gobernantes de las naciones a orientar sus políticas hacia la misma, si lo que pretenden es que sus ciudadanos sean lo más felices posibles. Por último, llegamos a diversas conclusiones a raíz de los resultados obtenidos en los distintos índices de felicidad. The research is divided into three sections. The first one is called, The Right to Happiness as a Constitutional Right. The second one is entitled The Limits of Gross Domestic Product. Finally, the third one is related to Happiness Indices. The main objectives of this research are also three, and they correspond to each one of the sections. First, to determine whether there is or there has been throughout history, what might be called as a right to happiness, and if that right has been recognized in the Constitutions of some nation. Second, to verify if the Gross Domestic Product, which has become since its creation in the main indicator of the level of development and material welfare of a country, has its limitations and shortcomings, and if it is the best option to measure progress and welfare of our societies. Also, to find out if any international organization and/or commission, have pronounced about it with resolutions or recommendations, in order to study them. Third, and finally, to determine if new rates and additional indicators of Gross Domestic Product are needed and whether have been created what we call as "indices of happiness" from an international perspective, especially by relevant international organizations, in order to analyze them, with the Gross National Happiness of Bhutan, a pioneering nationwide. We have used as main methodology, the content analysis of these constitutional provisions, and of these recommendations and resolutions by international organizations; and the comparative analysis of the results that have been obtained with the happiness indices analyzed. All this has meant, taking into account the complexity of this investigation and its objectives, the implementation of a qualitative methodology with a comprehensive study of the policy framework, and a bibliographic and theoretical analysis, during the first and second part of this research. In the third part of the investigation has been carried out a descriptive and comparative analysis of the results obtained in the different happiness indices studied. In the first section, The Right to Happiness as a Constitutional Right, we reviewed the Constitutions and certain statements, which have recognized the right to happiness, or at least the right to the pursuit of happiness. In the second section, The Limits of Gross Domestic Product, we confirm that there is a current and international movement, that criticizes the use of Gross Domestic Product as the only one measure of progress and development of countries, such as have been indicated by the relevant Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress; the Global Project on Measuring the Progress of Societies, of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD); the Resolution in 2011 of the European Parliament entitled Beyond GDP - Measuring progress in a changing world; and the Resolution 65/309 of the United Nations General Assembly the same year, called Happiness: towards a holistic approach to development. All of them believe in the need to introduce new indexes and indicators to complement Gross Domestic Product as a measure of development and welfare of nations, and that happiness should play an important role. Finally, in the third section, we analyze the three indices of happiness at international level that we consider most relevant today. These are the Human Development Index of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the World Happiness Report of the Sustainable Development Solutions Network United Nations (SDSN) and the Better Life Index of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Also, we proceed to analyze a happiness nationwide index, the Gross National Happiness of Bhutan. Regarding the main conclusions, we can say that, despite of the fact that they are two very different concepts, we can find a relationship between Law and Happiness. In fact, the right to happiness, to subjective well-being or at least the right to pursuit of the happiness, has been throughout the ages, and still is in some States, a right recognized in the Constitutions of different countries, although it is true that they are a minority. On the other hand, there are several factors that show us that we need to rethink about current measurement instruments of development and progress, especially the Gross Domestic Product, which cannot be used as the only one measure in order to determine the well-being of a nation. Therefore, the measurement of welfare should be complemented by different studies and indexes related to happiness as a new holistic approach to development. Also, in a public level and in relation to the first conclusion, if happiness is the last goal of any government, happiness indices should help the rulers of nations in order to direct their policies towards the happiness, if what they want is that their citizens were as happy as possible. Finally, we have reached different conclusions related to the results of the indices of happiness analyzed.

This paper examines the impact of labor migration from a welfare and social development perspective. Rather than focusing on regulatory and legal aspects determining migration, this note centers on the impacts of migration on the domestic welfare of households in the Kyrgyz Republic. The profiling of labor migration and identification of knowledge gaps are used to inform the development of strategies for more effective and sustainable welfare impacts from labor migration and remittances.

Relative to other comparable income and health spending countries, Bulgaria has more physicians per capita. Bulgaria's physician to population ratio increased from 2.5 in 1980 to 3.8 physicians per 1000 population in 2011. The physician to population ratio is comparable to the EU-12 average of 3.8 physicians per 1000 population in 2012 but is higher than the EU-15 average of 3.1 physicians per 1000 population in 2012. Bulgaria has achieved significant improvements in health outcomes over time but is still falling behind most EU countries on key health indicators. Infant mortality decreased from 24.5 in 1980 to 10.5 per 1,000 live births in 2012 (Figure 5). Infant mortality in Bulgaria is slightly lower relative to other comparable income and health spending countries. Despite the significant reduction, however, Bulgaria's infant mortality rate is still more than three times higher than the EU-15 average of 3.2 infant deaths per 1000 live births and almost twice as high as the EU-12 average of 5.5 infant deaths per 1000 live births. More significant improvements were achieved in reducing maternal mortality, which fell from 24 deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990 to 8 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2010. The maternal mortality ratio in Bulgaria is low compared to the global averages relative to income and health spending. Bulgaria has surpassed the EU-12 average of 11.3 deaths per 100,000 live births and is approaching the EU-15 average of 7.6 deaths per 100,000 live births.

Microfinance supports mainly informal activities that often have a low return and low market demand. It may therefore be hypothesized that the aggregate poverty impact of microfinance is modest or even nonexistent. If true, the poverty impact of microfinance observed at the participant level represents either income redistribution or short run income generation from the microfinance intervention. This article examines the effects of microfinance on poverty reduction at both the participant and the aggregate levels using panel data from Bangladesh. The results suggest that access to microfinance contributes to poverty reduction, especially for female participants, and to overall poverty reduction at the village level. Microfinance thus helps not only poor participants but also the local economy.

Density or Intensity?There is much debate about how to measure density – dwellings per hectare, bedrooms per hectare or people per hectare; including or excluding major highways, parks and open spaces; the permanent population only or the transient one too?While this gives urban planners something to disagree about it risks missing the point: great urban places are not created by density; they are created by intensity.And the difference matters. When people describe the buzz of a marketplace they do not say, "Wow - it was so dense!". They are much more likely to say how intense it was. Density is a word used by planners. Intensity is a word that real people use, and perhaps because it describes the outcomes that people experience rather than the inputs that have gone in to creating them. It is the outcomes that are ultimately more important. But planning professionals like density. Even though density fails to capture the essence of what it feels like to be somewhere, the term appeals to professional instincts. It describes the raw ingredients that planners have to handle and, once you choose which version of the formula you are going to use, density is easy to measure. It involves a simple calculation of straightforward urban quantities such as the number of people, the number of houses or the number of bedrooms, all divided by the geographic area over which those ingredients occur. Easy.In contrast, intensity seems more difficult to pin down, not least because it appears to have a subjectively emotional dimension; it speaks of feelings, of responses, of stimuli, and this raises problems about how it can be effectively measured. But intensity is also a response to context, to place and above all to people - and here we can find clues to its measurement.Observing IntensitySo what are the factors that people are responding to when they instinctively feel the intensity of a great place? For a start, they can not be calculating a planner's measure of urban density because, even if they were so minded, they could not possibly know about populations and geographic areas when they are walking along a street or sitting at a café table on a public space.What people can respond to though is what is happening around them in the public realm: they can see how many other people there are, and they can see what these people are up to. In other words, intensity is obvious, immediate and instinctively calculable to the person in the street: not only the mobile population of walkers, drivers and cyclists but also the immobile population of sitters, leaners and pausers. Intensity has a static as well as a kinetic dimension. Indeed the stationary people are the essential ingredient of intensity. They are the people who have chosen to be there, to add to the place through their semi-permanence and not simply to pass through on the way to somewhere else. Intensity is not therefore about the population density of an area but the population that is participating in the public realm of an area. And this should be obvious. And everyday. But any attempt to emphasise the benefits of static participation runs counter to the mindset of the traffic engineer and counter to the still-persuasive, kinetic legacy of Le Corbusier, who described "grinding gears and burning gasoline" as the pleasurable objectives of the Plan Voisin.Nevertheless, intense places are sticky places and especially so when people are not only co-present in space but when they are also interacting: talking to each other, sharing thoughts, ideas, opinions. This is the essence of intensity; there is an exchange - a transaction – be it economic, social, cultural, intellectual, factual or simply facile. It is the daily public life of every thriving village, town and city. It is so apparently unremarkable as to go unnoticed, unobserved and unmeasured. Until it is not there. And that is when you feel it most clearly.A number of years ago my colleagues at Space Syntax were working on a sample of towns across the UK, some historic and some new. The towns had similar residential populations and similar retail floorspace provisions across similar geographical areas; in other words, similar densities. But what the team had also done was to count the numbers of people using the centres of each town: how many were walking and sitting in public space. They had counted over several days, from morning until evening. What they found was that the historic towns consistently had many more people using their centres than the new ones - and they knew from other evidence that the historic towns had stronger economic performances. Here then were places with similar urban densities but different intensities of human activity.What seemed to explain the differences between historic and new towns were first, the spatial layout and second, the street design of each place. The historic towns were laid out around radial streets that were designed to carry cars as well as vehicles and which met at the centre of the town in a public space. Behind these radial streets were more or less continuously connected grids of residential streets, interrupted by the occasional large open space. Both cars and pedestrians could use the residential streets, while the open spaces were generally for pedestrians only. There was some limited pedestrianisation in the very centre of each town.In contrast, the new towns often had separate street networks for vehicles and pedestrians, no high street or central public space and usually one or two enclosed shopping malls. Their central areas were typically pedestrianised and spatially separated from the surrounding residential areas by a vehicle-only ring road; these residential areas were separated from each other by large swathes of open space.To summarise, the key differences were first in the intensity of the human experience and second in the design of the street network. Intensity, it seems, is facilitated by an alignment of physical and spatial factors: having the movement-sensitive land uses on sufficiently well-connected streets that are, in the main, shared by vehicles and pedestrians.Measuring IntensityImportantly, both the amount of human activity and the degree of street connectivity are measurable commodities – if you know how. This is the professional specialism of my practice, Space Syntax, and it has two key parts: one part that takes place in the studio, using purpose-designed software that measures the amount of connectivity in street grids and the other part that happens on site using some form of counting device. This device may be a camera strapped to a lamp post or, in recent years, a drone flight. Or it may simply be a set of human eyes, a pencil and a notepad. Onto these 'foundational' datasets are added other information, which might be about air quality, land value, crime rates or health outcomes. Statistical software is employed to explore relations between the datasets: how is health or wealth or educational achievement related to spatial connectivity or isolation? The product of this process is an Integrated Urban Model: a quantitative record of urban form and urban performance. A Geographical Information System is used to hold the datasets in one place and a basic form of artificial intelligence is run to explore the links between the data.However it is possible to create a primitive version of a data platform using only PowerPoint and Excel. After all, Space Syntax began its work before the Macintosh, before colour screens, before the internet, before CAD, before GIS and long before BIM. Its observations of pedestrian movements around Trafalgar Square were done with pen and paper, the results coded manually into a simple drawing programme.What matters today is what mattered then: to bring data to life using maps and colours rather than spreadsheets and charts. To make it accessible to the audiences that will be making judgments about the future of places: investors, planning officers, politicians and local communities. Measures of intensity therefore need to speak to multiple audiences and not least to the design community, into whose creative hands is entrusted the responsibility for shaping the aspirations of stakeholders. An Integrated Urban Model must be nimble, capable of responding again and again to the short and intensive programme of a rapid design process. Beware the Smart City "Control Room" stuffed with technicians; eintegratedmbrace instead a portable platform that can respond to the timescale of a creative whim.Creating a Profession of "Urban Intensity Surveyors"So why do we not measure towns and cities in such a systematic way? Why is there not a profession of urban intensity surveyors? And a culture among architects and urban planners of designing for intense human interactions?The problems start when the responsibility for thinking about cities, streets and public spaces moves from the individual enjoying the buzz of the boulevard to the collective of professional institutes charged with creating place. Density prevails over intensity and we revert to simplifications. Assumptions are made - incorrectly as we have seen - that the quality of street life will be in direct proportion to the density of people in an area. That if we have more people then the streets will be busier and the busier the streets, the better the place. But then the counter view is quite reasonably made that people need quiet streets and so densities should not be too high. And a compromise is eventually reached for neither super high nor super low densities; neither towns that are too big nor too small. And if we need big towns then they should be broken up into manageable parcels. Since we want pedestrians then we should pedestrianise.We end up with an urbanism of averages and a morphology of enclaves through an approach that is much too simplistic to ever create great place. It is not born of science and it does not reflect human experience: people know instinctively that you can turn off the busiest street in the city and immediately find yourself on a lane that is one of the quietest; that the intensity of the urban experience can transform itself in seconds. This is one of the great joys of exploring great cities: they are not pervasively busy; they are intensely quiet as well. They have a foreground grid of busy streets and a background grid of quiet ones. If we can systematically measure urban intensity then we will understand how towns and cities work in ways that will transform practice. And by transforming practice we will transform place.The Future for IntensityThe professions will be unwise to avoid the opportunities presented by technology. Both the technologies of data capture, visualisation and analysis as well as the technologies that are affecting human behaviours: broadband, social media, augmented reality (AR) and artificial intelligence (AI). Human activity is becoming ever more intense and this gives us another reason to systematically measure urban intensity. People are walking more slowly, ensconced in virtual worlds at the same time as participating in physical space; seeing their surroundings augmented with pop-up information. The trend will continue as AR on our smartphones becomes AR on our spectacles. As well as talking to each other we will be talking to objects on display in shops, to screens in buildings and on streets, and to ourselves – our digital twin may appear as an avatar walking alongside us in our peripheral vision or in front of us when trying on clothes for us. This intensity of communication can already be seen in early adopting countries, especially China, and it may seem strange at first. But there was a time, not long ago, when it seemed strangely ostentatious to put down a mobile phone on a table in a public place.The brain has a finite processing capacity and so what goes into handling increased visual information will have to be taken away from the control of bodily function. People may therefore adapt to the amplified intensity of visual stimuli by moving ever more slowly. We will need more space for these intense activities and the obvious place is the street, where we will need more space for people. Road space will have to narrow and footways will have to widen. We will need more places to sit and lean - to be sticky.And this presents a choice for designers: continue to disagree about the best way to measure density or embrace intensity and anticipate the radical transformation of place.

Zusammenfassung Die vorliegende Untersuchung beschäftigt sich mit der Rolle von Hausgärten für die Ernährungssicherung der Menschen in Zambia und Zimbabwe, Strategien der Bewirtschaftung und der (agro)-ökologische Funktion dieser Anbausysteme. Hierbei werden physisch-geographische, sozioökonomische, kulturgeographische und historische Aspekte berücksichtigt. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf urbane und periurbane Bereiche Lusakas, die Südprovinz und Nordwestprovinz Zambias, sowie die Masvingoprovinz im Süden Zimbabwes. In die Untersuchung wurden hauptsächlich die niederen Einkommensschichten einbezogen, für welche die Eigenproduktion von Nahrung ein Grundelement der Lebenssicherung ist. Zur Anlage eines Hausgartens gehört eine gewisse Dauer der Sesshaftigkeit und ein Grundstock an Ressourcen, wie z.B. Land, Wasser und Saatgut. In der Praxis wurden die Hausgärten bisher sowohl in Zambia wie auch in Zimbabwe meist übersehen, d.h. dass sich weder die Forschung noch der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsdienst damit beschäftigt bzw. diese Aktivität unterstützt haben. Die Hausgärten in den wechselfeuchten Tropen des südlichen Afrika sind von außerordentlicher Wichtigkeit für die Überlebenssicherung der Bevölkerung sowohl in städtischen und randstädtischen Gebieten als auch in den ländlichen Räumen. Der große Vorteil der Hausgartenbewirtschaftung für die Ernährungssicherung und Entwicklung liegt in der eigenverantwortlichen Produktion von Nahrungsmitteln in der Nähe der Wohnhäuser. Diese Produktion ist durch eine hohe Energieeffizienz gekennzeichnet und ist an die Bedürfnisse der Familien angepasst. Der Hausgarten kann, je nach Situation, mehr oder weniger intensiv bewirtschaftet werden, und wirkt somit als Puffer für die Ernährungssicherung. Die Bewirtschaftung eines Hausgartens kann, wie besonders die Ergebnisse aus Zimbabwe zeigen, eine Antwort auf zunehmende Gefährdung (vulnerability) des Haushaltes sein. Nimmt diese Gefährdung ab, geht auch die Hausgartenaktivität zurück. Dies kann sich dadurch äußern, dass der Hausgarten vorübergehend gar nicht mehr bewirtschaftet wird oder dass nur kleine Flächen weiter bewirtschaftet werden. Familien mit mehreren Hausgärten können sich vorübergehend auf die Bewirtschaftung eines einzigen beschränken. Wenn die vulnerability z.B. durch Missernten verstärkt wird, nimmt auch die Hausgartenaktivität wieder zu. Zur Veranschaulichung von Entscheidungs- und Bewirtschaftungsstrategien von Haushalten wurde das Hausgartenmodell entwickelt. In seiner Anwendung auf die verschiedenen Räume ermöglicht das Modell eine Analyse der verschiedenen Faktoren, die die Hausgartenaktivität beeinflussen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung kommt zum Ergebnis, dass die gartenbauliche Aktivität stark von der sozialen Stellung der Haushalte abhängig ist. Den vorliegenden Daten zufolge zeigt die Bevölkerung der ärmsten Stadtviertel die geringste Beteiligung sowohl im Gartenbau als auch im Regenfeldbau. Dies zeigt deutlich, dass die ärmste Bevölkerungsschicht, die in sehr dicht besiedelten Vierteln wohnt, kaum Zugang zu Ressourcen hat, da beide Formen der Landwirtschaft eng mit dem Zugang zu Ressourcen im städtischen Umfeld verknüpft sind. Eine hohe Grundgefährdung des Haushaltes (baseline vulnerability), von der im vorliegenden Falle vor allem die städtische Bevölkerung in den low-income, high density compounds und die sogenannten shifters von Lusaka betroffen sind, lässt die Anlage von Hausgärten also nicht zu. Als weitere stark gefährdete Gruppe wurden die frauengeführten Haushalte (female headed households) im Kabompo-Distrikt der Nordwestprovinz Zambias identifiziert. Auch diese Gruppe ist wenig an der Bewirtschaftung von Hausgärten beteiligt. Das heißt, dass der Hausgarten mit seiner Pufferfunktion für die Ernährungssicherung nur für Familien mit einem gewissen Lebensstandard von Bedeutung ist. Die Dauer der Sesshaftigkeit an einem Ort ist ein Indikator für relativ stabile Lebensumstände. Neuankömmlinge betreiben weniger Gartenbau als bereits länger etablierte Familien, wie SANYAL (1985) für Lusaka und KLUG (1989) für Accra (Ghana) zeigen konnten. Limitierende Faktoren für die Anlage von Hausgärten sind die Verfügbarkeit von Gartenland, Wasser, Arbeitskraft und Saatgut. Die Intensität des Anbaus wird durch den Bedarf an Nahrung und die Verfügbarkeit von Märkten bestimmt, ist aber durch die vorher genannten Faktoren eingeschränkt. "Typische" Hausgärten sind in der Regel nur im innerstädtischen Bereich und zwar dort anzutreffen, wo sich im direkten Hausbereich oder in der Nähe eine Wasserquelle (in Form eines Wasserhahns oder eines Wasserloches) befindet. In den untersuchten ländlichen Gegenden und im periurbanen Bereich Lusakas sind die Hausgärten oft in einiger Entfernung von den Wohnstätten angelegt. Dies begründet sich vor allem mit dem Problem der Wasserversorgung in der Trockenzeit. Nur dort, wo permanent Wasser zur Verfügung steht, befinden sich Hausgärten. Eine Ausnahme hiervon stellen die natürlichen Grasländer (dambos) dar. Sie eignen sich in besonderer Weise für den ganzjährigen Anbau von Gemüse. Der Bevölkerungsdruck und die marktorientierte Produktion führen jedoch, vor allem im periurbanen Raum Lusakas, zu starker Übernutzung der dambos. Dadurch wird die Pufferfunktion natürlicher Grasländer für die Ernährungssicherung langfristig gestört. Die Größe der Hausgärten ist in den verschiedenen Räumen deutlich unterschiedlich. Am kleinsten sind sie im urbanen Raum, gefolgt von den ländlichen Räumen Zambias und Zimbabwes. Der periurbane Raum bildet, mit relativ großen Gärten, eine Ausnahme, da hier stärker marktorientiert produziert wird. Die Rollenverteilung der Geschlechter im Gartenbau scheint abhängig von der Zugehörigkeit zu bestimmten ethnischen Gruppen. Im Süden des Landes, bei den Tongas, sind hauptsächlich die Frauen für den Hausgarten zuständig, während in der Nordwestprovinz mehr Männer Hausgärten bewirtschaften. Insgesamt sind jedoch weit mehr Frauen als Männer für die Bewirtschaftung der Hausgärten verantwortlich. Es bestehen deutliche Unterschiede zwischen den Anbauzielen von Frauen und Männern. Die Frauen produzieren i.d.R. stärker für die Ernährung der Familie, während die Männer mehr marktorientiert anbauen. Dies äußert sich auch in der Wahl unterschiedlicher Kulturpflanzen. Die Frauen sind bei der Standortvergabe für die Gärten in Zambia benachteiligt. Die Gartenarbeit wird besonders für die Frauen im ländlichen Raum zusätzlich erschwert, da die Wasserquellen weiter als bei ihren Männern vom Garten entfernt liegen. Zusätzlich müssen diese Frauen etwas weitere Wege zu ihren Gärten zurücklegen als ihre Männer. Die Standortwahl ist für die Anlage eines Gartens von elementarer Bedeutung. Die Gärten im ländlichen und periurbanen Raum werden durch die jeweiligen traditionellen Orts- oder Gebietsvorsteher (chiefs) vergeben, sind also nicht individuelles Eigentum. Geeignete Gartenstandorte sind begrenzt verfügbar, vor allem in Abhängigkeit von der Wasserversorgung. Einige Beispiele zeigen exemplarisch, wie die Nutzung verschiedener Standorte organisiert ist. Insbesondere im Lusitugebiet im Süden des Landes sind die besten Gartenstandorte meist belegt. Infolgedessen zwingt der große Bevölkerungsdruck die Bauern auf weiter vom Wohnhaus oder der Wasserquelle entfernte Standorte auszuweichen. Diese Distanz ist einer der limitierenden Faktoren bei der persönlichen Entscheidung, einen Hausgarten anzulegen. Zu weite Wege und zu großen Arbeitsaufwand bei der Bewässerung verhindern dies. Ein Beispiel hierfür sind die Gärten am Karibasee. Der stark schwankende Seespiegel des Stausees verhindert in vielen Fällen die Anlage von Hausgärten, weil entweder die Wege zum Wasser zu weit werden oder weil die Gärten bei steigendem Wasserspiegel überflutet werden. Die Gärten im urbanen Raum sind Beispiele für das enorme genetische Potential der Hausgärten. Die Berechnungen der Artenvielfalt zeigen, dass kleine Hausgärten im urbanen Raum insgesamt eine höhere Artenvielfalt aufweisen als die größeren, eher marktorientierten Gärten im periurbanen Bereich. Aber auch im ruralen und periurbanen Raum heben sich die Hausgärten hinsichtlich ihrer Artenvielfalt von den sonst weitverbreiteten Monokulturen deutlich ab. In sehr vielen Gärten wurden Nützlinge beobachtet. Dies zeigt, dass die kleinen Flächen Rückzugsnischen für diese Organismen darstellen. Einflussnahme staatlicher Beratungsdienste auf die Hausgartenbewirtschaftung kann sich allerdings negativ auf die Artenvielfalt auswirken, wie Beispiele aus Südzimbabwe belegen. Im Beitrag des Hausgartens zur Erhaltung der genetischen Artenvielfalt (Biodiversität) liegt wohl eine seiner wichtigsten ökologischen Funktionen. In den Städten, die auch in Entwicklungsländern durch vegetationsfreie Zonen geprägt sind, übernehmen die Hausgärten die wichtige Funktion der Begrünung, die, sofern sie Fruchtbäume beinhalten, insbesondere in der Nähe der Häuser für eine Regulation des Mikroklimas sorgen. Der unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstatus von Zambia und Zimbabwe zeigt seine Auswirkungen bis auf die Hausgartenebene. Die Verfügbarkeit und der Zugang zu Ressourcen und der allgemeine Lebensstandard ist in Zimbabwe deutlich besser als in Zambia. Dies äußert sich z.B. darin, dass in Zimbabwe 95% der Kleinbauern ihr Saatgut kaufen, während dieser Anteil im ländlichen Raum Zambias nur 30% beträgt. Ähnlich verhält es sich mit der Verwendung chemischer Pflanzenschutzmittel in Hausgärten. In Zimbabwe werden diese von allen Kleinbauern verwendet, während dies in Zambia insgesamt nur von 60% der Haushalte praktiziert wird, wie auch immer man dies bewerten mag. Problematisch ist die Nutzung ehemaliger Mülldeponien als Standort für Hausgärten. Hier muss mit Bodenkontamination, vor allem durch Schwermetalle gerechnet werden. Dies konnte beispielhaft für einen solchen Standort nachgewiesen werden. Im Vergleich zu periurbanen und ländlichen Standorten sind die städtischen Hausgärten insgesamt stärker mit Schwermetallen belastet. Die Hausgartenproduktion ist durch eine hohe Energieeffizienz gekennzeichnet und ist an die Bedürfnisse der Familien angepasst. Sie kann deshalb als ein Modell nachhaltiger Wirtschaftsweise begriffen werden. Der Hausgarten trägt in vielfacher Weise zur Ernährungs- und Lebenssicherung von Familien bei. Neben seiner wichtigsten Funktion, nämlich der Nahrungsproduktion und -diversifizierung, kann er zusätzliches Einkommen und z.B. über Tauschhandel und Geschenke weitere Vorteile für die Familien schaffen. Die soziale Bedeutung des Hausgartenanbaus, besonders für Frauen, ist nicht zu unterschätzen und bedarf weiterer Beachtung durch die Wissenschaft. Die Fruchtbarkeit der Gartenböden ist insgesamt gut. Dies zeigen z.B. die engen C/N-Verhältnisse in den meisten Gärten. Standortvergleiche mit Regenfeldern bzw. ungenutzten Flächen zeigen, dass sich die bodenchemischen Eigenschaften in Hausgärten deutlich positiv von den anderen Standorten abheben. Die Bewertung der Wirtschaftlichkeit von Hausgärten ist problematisch und bedarf der Diskussion. Der Wert des Hausgartens liegt natürlich zum einen in seinem Beitrag zur Ernährungssicherung, zum anderen sind aber die Aspekte der Erhaltung der Artenvielfalt, der Bodenfruchtbarkeit und sein Beitrag zu kleinen Stoffkreisläufen, vielleicht gerade wegen der Schwierigkeit der Quantifizierung dieser Faktoren, bisher meist übersehen worden. Die Verbesserung der Nahrungsvielfalt und - qualität muss neben der Gesamtproduktion aus Hausgärten als wichtiger Beitrag zur Ernährungssicherung gewertet werden. Trotz der relativ geringen Gesamtproduktion in den urbanen Gärten, die hauptsächlich auf die Knappheit von Ressourcen (Land und Wasser) zurückzuführen ist, ist hier die Diversifizierung der Nahrung und die geschmackliche Bereicherung des Speiseplans als außerordentlich wichtig einzustufen. Die Berücksichtigung umweltökonomischer und sozialer Aspekte sind bei der Bewertung der Hausgartenaktivität deshalb unumgänglich. ; Abstract African Homegardens - Self Management of Sustainable Production Systems and Strategies of Food Security in Zambia and Zimbabwe This book emphasises the importance of homegardens for food security of the Zambian and Zimbabwean population. Homegardening is part of the entire farming system, which is different in urban, periurban and rural areas by various reasons. In the urban context, becoming more important recently, homegardening is part of the urban microfarming system, consisting of many agricultural activities within the cities, including urban forestry. The "typical" homegardens (small production units near the house with mainly subsistence oriented production) are only to be found in cities, especially near water sources. The study areas are located in Lusaka as well as in the peri-urban fringe of Lusaka and rural areas of Southern and North-Western Provinces of Zambia and the Masvingo Province in Southern Zimbabwe. Especially in rural areas homegardens are very often far away from the homestead, nearly invisible and overlooked components of the households strategies for food security. Therefore there is need for a new, more flexible definition of homegardens. In this book the homegarden is consequently defined as a permanent or semi-permanent component of an entire small holder production system, managed by family members mainly, but not exclusively, for self-consumption and the creation of income. Homegardens are considered to represent models of sustainable agricultural production systems for many different reasons. Their contribution to recycling of organic waste, high soil fertility, high species diversity and manifold contributions to the social welfare of the people are some if these aspects. A homegarden - model was designed which shows the interrelationship between the political, cultural and physical environment, the household and its decision-making and the results of the household activity with respect to homegardening. This model is applicable to any environment and helps to understand why some families do homegardening while other don't. The model can assist to understand at least some of the factors influencing this activity. The household itself is based in the centre of the model. Internal and external factors, e.g. labour availability, access or "entitlement" to resources, education, occupation, etc. determine the vulnerability of the households and its decision making. The relationship between urban food production, food security and the urban environment has been largely neglected in the past. In Lusaka, as in many other tropical cities, gardening and cropping receive very little support from local authorities. Indeed, city councils often prohibit these activities. Production of staple foods prevails in the wet season, and vegetable production in the dry. Both activities largely depend on the access to resources like water and land. Within the high- and medium-density squatter quarters, vulnerability in terms of food security differs. In the Zambian case, it was found that dry-season cultivation is not practised by the most vulnerable households but rather by those which have access to essential resources for this activity. In Lusaka, garden size decreases with increasing population density. The walking distance to sources of water is much further in the high-density areas, making homegardening more difficult there. Access to both land and water is lowest in the high-density, low-income compounds in Lusaka. In peri-urban and rural areas the natural grasslands are of essential importance for food security by providing good farming and gardening conditions all year round. Near the urban centre of Lusaka the grasslands are heavily used for the production of cereals, vegetables and fruits. The proximity to the town causes structural changes in the periurban fringe of Lusaka. The over-utilisation of the natural grasslands leads to a disturbance of their buffer function for food security. Over-exploitation of soils, destruction of the natural vegetation cover and over-utilisation of water resources, affect the local population directly by limiting and changing their landuse possibilities. The provision of household food security becomes more unstable because the production in household based subsistence homegardens and staple food production are negatively influenced by the structural changes of the area. The market-oriented gardening involves the loss of species diversity and implies the use of pesticides in the gardens. Intensification of landuse in peri-urban areas and especially the year-round use of dambos can even be subject to commercial farms with advanced irrigation technology. If these plans are realised, a completely new view of the hydrological events and effects has to be taken. Homegardening obviously contributes to household food security in all the examined areas both directly by providing food and indirectly by generating income. The buffer-function of homegardens for food security gets obvious for the Zimbabwe case studies. In years of good harvests homegardening gets less important for the families - which means the planted area decreases or only one of several homegardens is used for vegetable production. In years of drought and food shortages homegardens become very important for food security and the planted areas increases. There are significant differences between the role of women and men in urban household food security. Women are more involved in agriculture and gardening in all compounds of Lusaka as the men are. In rainy season the production of staple foods is prevalent, while in dry season the people concentrate on vegetable production. Women are the major actors in urban homegardening but injured with respect to income generation and access to resources and markets. Income creation through gardening is one possibility for women to achieve more independence within the frame of the family. Additionally gathering contributes to food and income in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. 40 % of the members of the survey in Lusaka Town still practise gathering to create additional food or income. Eighty per cent of the households in peri-urban and rural areas, which where included in the survey, still practise gathering. But the urban population shows, due to vanishing plant resources, lowest involvement in the gathering activity. The genetic potential of urban homegardens is very high. Calculation of species diversity has proved that small gardens show higher diversity as the large gardens in the peri-urban areas. But also in peri-urban and rural areas, homegardens show significant higher species diversity as market oriented monocultures. The contribution of homegardens to the maintenance of species diversity seems to be one of its most important ecological functions. It would be misleading to compare homegarden-productivity with conventional agricultural production systems. The highly individual character of homegardening and the flexible handling of this production system its different from staple food production and plays a different key role in the families. It's contribution to the social welfare and economic independence especially of women and children has been completely neglected in the past. It's role in the informal economic sector has not been considered until now. There is urgent need for appropriate support of homegardening in the future. This book tries to give some ideas how to implement appropriate measures and how to establish awareness for this important activity

/박사 ; During the last decade since the liberation in 1945, Korea, unfortunately, has not had enough political and social stability to study her nationwide health needs and the problems in its care. Most of the administrative and educational measures taken in the field of public health and medical care have been temporary emergency one : or because of traditional inertia, blindly imported foreign systems have been followed. In order to attain our final goal of providing best-quality comprehensive medical care for all people who need it and at minimum cost : We need an adequate and proper plan, set up on the basis of understanding the health needs at both local and national levels. The principal purpose of this study, therefore, were to obtain the information concerning the following aspects of health and health care through the study of the citizens of Seoul : 1. The measurement of health needs. 2. The extent of unmet need for medical attention. 3. The cost of medical care. 4. The attitudes of the folks towards illness, doctors and other healers, and health facilities available. 5. An analysis of socio-economic and cultural anthropologic factors. The source of information for this study consists of a two-stage systamatic sample, namely, 933 households consisting of 5,159 persons, a representative cross-section which is about one three-hundredth of all households (281, 601) and of the total population of Seoul (1,574,868) as of September 1, 1955. For the first stage, the sampling unit was the "Pan", which is the smallest cluster of households, and the sampling rate was 1/100 ; and for the second stage, the sampling unit was the household, and the rate was 1/3. In this sample, the loss rate was only 0.5%, which is extremely lower than that in other countries. Also, we were able to see a relatively constant sampling ratio between the various characteristic variables, too. Therefore, the data obtained from this sample can be assumed to represent the native population reasonably well. In order to exclude every possible bias, well-trained non-medical senior women college students were used as the interviewers. The form used consisted of the open-end questionaire, which was revised after a pilot study. For the determination of health needsm, the method of symptom-approach using 40 kinds of symptoms was used. The questionaire asked about the experiences during the preceding 6 months. As the survey was carried out during the one-month period from August 1, 1956, the data obtained from this study are the experiences of Seoul citizens from February 1 to July 31, 1956 ; 86.3% of those questioned were female heads of housholds. The findings of the survey are as follows : 1. It was found that 63.6% of Seoul citizens had no symptoms ; 36.4% of Seoul citizens had one or more symptoms during the 6-month period, averaging 1.9 symptoms during the half-year. Therefore, the morbidity incidence rate was 74 symptoms per 100 citizens. The most prevalent symptoms were related to diseases of the digestive system, nutritional, and parasitic infection. The frequency rate of this particular disease group of digestive system is much higher than that obtained in the study of hospital cases. The morbidity rate of females was more than two times that of males in the age groups of 15-44. In the male, the morbidity incidence was lowest in the age groups of 15-24 and highest in the age group of 65 and over ; however, in the female, the incidence was lowest in the age group of 5-14, and highest in the 45-64 age group. There were significant differences in the morbidity rate among the different socioeconomic family groups, those low in income and in educational standards having a higher rate ; the more overcrowded the living accommodation, the higher was the rate. Farmer, unemployed, and daily worker groups had higher morbidity rate than other occupational groups. 2. Only 42.8% of their symptoms did Seoul citizen regard as being and illness, and for 57.2% of their symptoms, medical care was not sought. Particularly, where repeated or frequent bleeding gums, poor vision, unexplained loss of weight, repeated nose bleeds, continued loss of appetite, unexplained tiredness (reqularly), persistant cons pation, persistant pains in the joints were the eminent symptoms ; more than 70% of these were not regarded by the people as abnormal conditions demanding medical care. This shows that increasing the number of medical personnel or the facilities for medical care will do little to improve the general health and the medical care of the people unless there is adequate health education for the people. If we make a similar survey at the rural level and compare the results with this data, we can easily confirm the assumption that the demand rate for medical care in rural communities will be much lower than that in Seoul, though the people in rural areas might have higher morbidity rates than that in Seoul. 3. The loss of work or other regular activity due to illness during the period of 6 months was 138 days per 100 persons, which was incurred by the 5.4% of entire citizen it was 124 days per 100 males and 152 days per 100 females. Among the various age groups, the lowest rate was in the 5-14 age group for both sexes, and the highest rate was in the 45-64 age group for males and in the over 65 age group for females. 4. Only 44% of the demand for medical care was met ; 15% of the demand was unmet, while the rest (41%) is uncertain. Consequently, it could be said that only one fifth of health needs was cared by medical personnel and related facilities. (Whole symptoms × 42.8/100 × 44.2/100 = 18.0). Among those whose symptoms were not cared for, 78% claimed economic difficulty as their reason, such as "no money" or "too expensive". This shows that the second inportant things to do for the inprovement of health and medical care is to provide some provision for the payment of the cost of medical care, so that every patient can get what he or she at any time and without delay or postponement. This might well be done by reorganizing existing medical personnel, facilities, and medical care expenses. 5. The total cost of medical care during the 6 months was HW 10,700 per family (including no-patient families), and HW 2,000 per person. Twice this cost of medical care is 7.2% of the average annual family income (HW 300,000) of Seoul City. In general, many factors, such as low income, high morbidity in the community, a higher demand for medical care account for the high ratio of medical cost to income. Therefore, it is presumed that in our rural communities, the cost of medical care would surpass 7.2% of the average annual family income. Only 1/1,000 of citizen incurred as much as a half of entire medical costs, and 1/40 of citizen incurred 87% of total charges while upon 39/40 of citizen fell 13% of the total charges. Low income families spent a greater proportion of their incomes on the costs of sickness than did the well-to-do and the wealthy. The mean costs and the median cists per illness paid to medical doctors was HW10,300 and HW1,500 respectively, while that paid to herb doctors was HW16,100 and HW1,700 respectively. The high mean cost of HW23,400 paid to hospitals, while its median is only HW1,000, is due presumably to serious cases coming to the hospital. But it is rather ridiculous that mean costs paid to specialists should be less than half that paid to general practitioners. It is also surprising that they paid a mean of HW9,800 and a median of HW2,500 for moxa and acupuncture compared with a mean of HW9,400 and a median of HW1,500 for general practitioner. These phenomena show that there is much waste in the medical expenditures of the people. The analysis of medical costs according to payment to doctors, hospitals, and for drugs, etc.,was rather difficult to make since the current accounting system in this country does clearly differentiate these categories. 6. The responses given to interviewers regarding what was believed to be the cause of whether due to demos, curse, witchcraft, sin, and fear or fright, were frank and revealing ; in general, those questioned born in the southern provinces of Korea gave more superstitious answers than those born in the northern provinces of Korea. Among the different religious groups, Christians gave the least superstitious answers. 7. Regarding the choice of healer, 83.4 of those questioned preferred medical doctors ; of these 71.9% were in general practice, 5.9% were specialists, 0.9% were foreign doctors, 4.7% denoted hospitals. Only 12.7% preferred herb-doctors ; the rest chose other healers or patent drugs. However, only 71.5% of them actually visited medical doctors and as many as 14.5^ of them visited herb-doctors, and the number visited drugstore or superstitious healer increased to two and a half times of the number they wanted, Such a phenomenon might be interpreted as due to the belief that herb-doctors charge less than medical doctors in general. But actual figures reveal the opposite, for 73.0%, 22.3%, and 4.7% of the cost paid to healers were to medical doctors, herb-doctors, and other healers respectively. Facts already mentioned reveal that herb-doctors charge more per illness than medical doctors on an average. The higher the educational level of the head of the household, whether male or female, the stronger the choice for medical doctors. Administrative warkers, specialistic and technical workers, and sales business groups had stronger choice for medical doctors than the other occupational groups, christian families had stronger choice for medical doctors than the other religious groups. 8. Inquiring what kind of treatment were given at the clinic of various healers visited, it is surprising to find that consultation, injections, dressings, prescription and even operation were frequently done at drugstores, and injections by herb-doctor. Mean duration and median duration of care given per illness was 13.1 days and 2.9 days respectively in general ; however that of cared by herb-doctors were the longest being 17.0 days and 4.4 days. About a half of patients had treatment lasting three days or less and 14% of patients spent one month or longer for the care of their illness. 9. Very few seems to have their own family doctor. The most prevalent reason for their choosing healer is nearness and convineance, and hearing good rumour. More than 30% of the patients changed their doctor or healer during treatment. The primary reason given for their change of healar was the "effectiveness of the treatment." ; other reasons such as "expensive charge", "unkindness" or "recommendation by family doctor" had little role in causing them to change healers. The only one exception was seen in the case of one hospital where the complaint of unkindness was decisive. Random advertisement of healers and drugs, and free also of any drugs without doctor's prescription should be controled ; and the competition for patients between general hospitals and general practitioner should be abolished. 10. Relatively few interviewees could indicate why they like or dislike a doctor or herb-medicine was preferable for such vague conditions as "cold", "women's disease", "Internal disease", "General malaise", etc. About 59% of the interviewees commented favorably on "tonics" ; and actually, more than 5% of sampled familieg used "tonics" costing an average HW15,400 during the period, which is 7.7% of entire annual expenditures from medical care. The family groups higher in income used "tonics" more frequently than the lower income groups. 11. Only 54.4% of interviewees recognized distinction between a general hospital and a doctor's clinic. Those living in Songpuk-Ku, and Chung-Ku knew this distinction, whereas those living in Yong-wan-Ku and Yondongpo-Ku had a relatively poor understanding of a general hospital . The higher the educational standard of the interviewees, the better their understanding of the general hospitals were "excellent medical doctors", "good facilities", "cheap cost", and "clean". On the other hand, the main unfavorable comments were "unkindness", and "keeps us waiting". Only 22.4% of respondents ever heard the word "health center". Most people generally had poor understanding about the location, function, financing and administration of health centers. The higher the educational standard of the female heads of households, the better their knowledge about health centers. Only 5.7% of responding families ever visited to health center ; the higher in income and in educational standards, the higher was the rate. 12. Regarding medical insurance, 45.5% of interviewees gave favorable opinions, while 24.2% had no opinions and 30.3% had adverse opinions. Regarding a national health service, 40.9% responded favorably, 26.9% were indifferent, and 32.2% responded adversely. The group lowest in educational standards and in income had favorable respond to a national health service system. ; restriction

End Of Mission Statement Of The Special Rapporteur On The Negative Impact Of Unilateral Coercive Measures On The Enjoyment Of Human Rights To The Syrian Arab Republic ; 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 1/4 English > News and Events > DisplayNews English | Français | Español Go to navigation | Go to content | русский | العربية | 中文 WHAT ARE HUMAN RIGHTS? DONATE HOME ABOUT US ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS BY COUNTRY WHERE WE WORK HUMAN RIGHTS BODIES NEWS AND EVENTS PUBLICATIONS AND RESOURCES End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights to the Syrian Arab Republic, 13 to 17 May 2018 Arabic End of mission statement 17 May 2018 Preliminary observations and recommendations I would like to begin this briefing by expressing my gratitude to the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic for the invitation to visit the country and for the openness and readiness with which it facilitated the meetings for my mission. I would also like to thank the office of the Resident Coordinator, the members of the UN country team and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights for their invaluable support. I have been entrusted by the Human Rights Council with the task of monitoring, reporting and advising on the negative impact on the enjoyment of human rights of unilateral coercive measures. The United Nations has repeatedly expressed concern that the use of such measures may be contrary to international law, international humanitarian law, the UN Charter and the norms and principles governing peaceful relations among States . During my visit, I had the honour of being received by Ministers, Deputy Ministers and senior officials of the ministries of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, Economy and Foreign Trade, Local Administration and Environment, Social Affairs and Labour, Transport, Agriculture and Agrarian Reform, Electricity and Health. I also met with the leadership pf the Planning and International Cooperation Commission, the Central Bureau of Statistics, the Chamber of Commerce, and with the Governor of the Central Bank. I was b riefed by staff from civil society, humanitarian organizations and by independent experts. Last but not least, I am also grateful to the numerous diplomatic missions that shared their views with me during my visit. I very much appreciate the briefings I received from the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia in Beirut prior to my visit. The purpose of this mission was to examine to what extent unilateral coercive measures targeting the Syrian Arab Republic impair the full realization of the rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments. I will present my full report to the Human Rights Council in September 2018. My present statement contains my preliminary observations on the outcome of my visit. I have examined the situation of the Syrian Arab Republic as a target of unilateral coercive measures 1 134K 118K 2290 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 2/4 I have examined the situation of the Syrian Arab Republic as a target of unilateral coercive measures by a number of source States. I have examined relevant evidence and endeavoured to assess the actual impact of such measures on the Syrian people. One source country has applied unilateral coercive measures since 1979, and they were strengthened in subsequent years. A larger group of States began applying similar measures in 2011. The collective measures call for a trade ban on the import and export of multiple goods and services. It also includes international financial transfers. The superimposition of different packages of collective sectoral measures, together with the across­the­board implementation of financial restrictions, are tantamount in their global impact to the imposition of comprehensive restrictions on Syria. Additional measures targeting individuals by virtue of their alleged relationship with the government have also been applied. Because of their comprehensive nature, these measures have had a devastating impact on the entire economy and the daily lives of ordinary people. This impact has compounded their suffering resulting from the devastating crisis that has unfolded since 2011. Singling out the impact of the unilateral coercive measures from that of the crisis is fraught with difficulty, but this does in no way diminish the necessity to take measures to restore their basic human rights as a whole. It is clear that the sufferings imposed by the unilateral coercive measures have reinforced those that were caused by the conflict. Indeed, it seems ironic that these measures applied by source States out of a concern for human rights are actually contributing to the worsening of the humanitarian crisis as an unintended consequence. The dramatic increase in the suffering of the Syrian people The Syrian economy continues to decline at an alarming rate. Since the application of coercive measures in 2011, and the beginning of the current crisis, the total annual GDP of Syria has fallen by two thirds. Foreign currency reserves have been depleted, and international financial and other assets remain frozen. In 2010, 45 Syrian Liras were exchanged for one dollar; by 2017 the rate fell to fell to 510 liras per dollar. Inflation has dramatically increased since 2010, reaching a peak of 82.4% in 2013; the cost of food items rose eight­fold during this time. This combination of factors visited further devastation on the living conditions of the population that were already degraded by the conflict. This has hit the half of working Syrians living on fixed salaries particularly hard. The unintended consequences of unilateral coercive measures This damage to the economy has had predictable effects on the ability of Syrians to realize their economic, social and cultural rights. Syria's human development indicators have all tumbled. There has been a staggering increase in the rate of poverty among ordinary Syrians. While there was no food insecurity prior to the outbreak of violence, by 2015 32% of Syrians were affected. At the same time unemployment rose went from 8.5% in 2010 to over 48% in 2015. Banking restrictions The most pervasive concerns I have heard during my mission relate to the negative effect that comprehensive financial restrictions have had on all aspects of Syrian life. Restrictions on the Central bank, state­owned and even private banks, and transactions in the main international currencies have comprehensively damaged the ability of anyone seeking to operate internationally. Despite nominally including "humanitarian exemptions" they have proven to be costly, or extremely slow, to access in practice. The uncertainty around what transactions do, or do not violate the unilateral coercive measures, have created a "chilling effect" on international banks and companies, which as a result are unwilling or unable to do business with Syria. This has prevented Syrian and international companies, non­governmental actors (including those operating in purely humanitarian fields), and Syrian citizens from engaging in international financial transactions (including for goods which are legal to import), obtaining credit, or for international actors to pay salaries or contractors in Syria. This has forced Syrians to find alternatives, such as hawala, which result in millions of dollars flowing 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 3/4 y , , g through high cost financial intermediaries, who are alleged at times to be owned by terrorist organizations. These channels which are not transparent, cannot be audited, and increase transaction costs remain the only avenue for smaller companies and Syrian civil society actors to operate internationally. Medical care Syria practices universal, free health care for all its citizens. Prior to the current crisis, Syria enjoyed some of the highest levels of care in the region. The demands created by the crisis have overwhelmed the system, and created extraordinarily high levels of need. Despite this, restrictive measures, particularly those related to the banking system, have harmed the ability of Syria to purchase and pay for medicines, equipment, spare parts and software. While theoretical exemptions exist, in practice international private companies are unwilling to jump the hurdles necessary to ensure they can transact with Syria without being accused of inadvertently violating the restrictive measures. Migration and 'brain drain' While the security situation was a central factor which led to migration flows from Syria, it should be emphasized that the dramatic increase in unemployment, the lack of job opportunities, the closure of factories unable to obtain raw materials or machinery or to export their goods have all contributed to increasing the emigration of Syrians. Some receiving States have selected skilled migrants, while pressuring the less fortunate to return to Syria. This "brain drain" has harmed the medical and pharmaceutical industries in particular, at the worst possible time for Syria. The anticipated end of the current conflict will not put an end to the flows of migrants, especially to Europe, in view of the saturation of neighbouring countries. These flows are likely to continue so long as the Syrian authorities are prevented by unilateral coercive measures from addressing the pressing problems related to their social and economic infrastructure, in particular the restoration of energy and water supplies. Ban on equipment and spare parts The ban on the trade in equipment, machinery and spare parts has devastated Syrian industry. Vehicles, including ambulances and fire trucks, as well as agricultural machinery suffer from a lack of spare parts. Failing water pumps gravely affect the water supply and reduce agricultural production. Power generation plants are failing, and new plants cannot be purchased or maintained, leading to power outages. Complex machinery requiring international technicians for maintenance are failing, damaging medical devices and factory machinery. Civilian aircraft are no longer able to fly safely, and public transit buses are in woeful condition. Whatever rationale source countries may have for restricting so­called dual use goods, greater effort is needed to ensure that goods that are clearly intended for civilian use are permitted, and that they can be paid for. Ban on technology As a result of unilateral coercive measures, Syrians are unable to purchase many technologies, including mobile phones and computers. The global dominance of American software companies, technology companies, and banking and financial software, all of which are banned, has made it difficult to find alternatives. This has paralyzed or disrupted large parts of Syrian institutions. Education Shortages of inputs, energy and water supply as well as of teaching material causing delays in the rebuilding of schools have kept 1.8 million children without access to their classrooms. The ability of Syrians to participate in the international community has been sharply affected. Syrians have been excluded from international educational exchange programs, and the tremendous difficulties involved in obtaining a visa have prevented many from studying or travelling abroad, upgrading their training and skills, or participating in international conferences. By removing consular services from Syria, countries have forced people including the poorest, to travel to neighbouring countries for such applications, which are also placing onerous restrictions on entry for Syrians. 6/3/2018 OHCHR | End of mission statement of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights t… http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23094&LangID=E 4/4 Conclusion I am profoundly concerned that unilateral coercive measures are contributing to the ongoing suffering of the Syrian people. Claims that they exist to protect the Syrian population, or to promote a democratic transition, are hard to reconcile with the economic and humanitarian sufferings being caused. The time has come to ask whether these unintended consequences are now more severe than can be reasonably accepted by democratic States. Whatever their political objectives, there must be more humane means by which these can be achieved in full compliance with international law. In view of the complexity of the system of unilateral coercive measures in place, there needs to be a multi­stage approach to addressing the dire human rights situation prevailing in Syria. This would imply a sequenced approach involving addressing the crucial humanitarian needs of the population throughout the whole of Syria, without preconditions, when these touch on issues of life and death. A first stage could include addressing the urgent needs of the food insecure, which represent nearly one third of the population. The second stage is to translate at the ground level effective measures to fulfil the commitment of source States to meet their obligation to allow humanitarian exemptions, particularly for financial transactions. Finally, there must be a serious dialogue on reducing unilateral coercive measures, starting with those that have the most egregious effect on the population, along with those that will promote confidence building between the parties, with the ultimate aim of lifting the unilateral coercive measures. I hope that my report and my future work can contribute in this end. Thank you. Note: 1. More information on this prohibition can be found in the reports and resolutions on the website of the Special Rapporteur. Home CONTACT US Frequently Asked Questions OHCHR on Social Media OHCHR Memorial Employment Mobile App Site Map © OHCHR 1996­2018

Botswana has been one of the most successful countries in the developing world over the last 40 years by many measures. Incomes have grown at a sustained pace, poverty has fallen, and the citizenry has become more educated. To be sure, poverty and income inequalities remain a problem, but rising standards of living have meant a better life for this generation of Batswana than any before it. The question facing the country leadership is whether this commendable performance can be sustained into the next generation. There are clouds on the horizon that cannot be ignored. Diamond earnings, the life blood of decades of prosperity, have flattened out. In per capita terms they are falling. Moreover, because revenues from diamonds going to the public sector have been falling for more than a decade, a growth model predicated upon an ever expanding state presence is not viable. Diamond earnings accruing to the state for subsequent redistribution have peaked. Employment and wages in the public sector have reached their natural limits as a share of Gross Domestic Product (GDP); recycling revenues from mining into the private sector, either directly or through the financial sector, has been inefficient with low social returns; and redistributive mechanisms to support social safety nets are also likely be approaching their limits. The country confronts the challenge of looking for new sources of growth outside of government.

25 Jahre nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion sind aus einem unitären Hochschulsystem 15 einzigartige nationale Systeme hervorgegangen. Deren Entwicklung wurde von je eigenen ökonomischen, kulturellen und politischen Kräften beeinflusst und geprägt, sowohl nationalen wie internationalen Ursprungs (Johnstone and Bain 2002). Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit untersucht die Veränderungen der Governance von Hochschulsystemen der drei postsowjetischen Staaten Russland, Kasachstan und Moldau über den Zeitraum von 1991 bis 2015, analysiert, zu welchem Grad diese Entwicklungen einem Prozess der Konvergenz hin zu einem "globalen Modell" oder einem "postsowjetischen Modell" folgen und formuliert Hypothesen über die treibenden Kräfte und Pfadabhängigkeiten, welche auf nationalem, regionalen und globaler Ebene diese Entwicklungen befördert, gehemmt oder auf idiosynkratische Art und Weise geprägt haben. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass global propagierte Governanceinstrumente – wie z.B. Globalbudgets, erweiterte Befugnisse der Hochschulleitung, externe Qualitätssicherung, Stakeholdergovernancegremien – in allen drei untersuchten Ländern Verbreitung finden und ein Prozess der Konvergenz hin zu einem "global Modell" der Hochschulgovernance stattfindet. Gleichzeitig zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass die spezifischen Eigenarten der nationalen Governancearrangements durch die Einführung dieser neuen Instrumente in der Regel nicht ersetzt werden und dem Bestehenden stattdessen als zusätzliche Ebenen hinzugefügt werden. Wo die Logiken der neuen mit den alten Strukturen kollidieren, zeigt sich, dass sich die tradierten Strukturen und Prozesse in der Regel durchsetzen. Zudem zeigt sich, dass die Governancearrangements der drei untersuchten Länder eine große Zahl spezieller Eigenschaften teilen, durch die sie sich systematisch von jenem propagierten globalen Modell abheben. Jenes "Postsowjetische Modell" der Hochschulgovernance zeichnet sich durch dominante Rolle des Staates, Hierarchie als primäre und legitime Form der Governance sowie einen geringen Grad an Vertrauen zwischen den zentralen Akteuren des Hochschulsystems aus. Zuletzt illustriert die Dissertation die Divergenzen und Besonderheiten der Governancemodelle in Russland, Kasachstan und Moldau. Die vorliegende Dissertation leistet somit einen Beitrag zum Verständnis der Entwicklung der Governance der Hochschulsysteme in einer sich dynamisch entwickelten Weltregion, welche in der akademischen Literatur bislang nur wenig Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat.:Table of Contents Table of Figures . 5 Preliminary remarks and acknowledgements . 6 Glossary . 8 1 Abstract . 11 2 Introduction . 13 2.1 Research Topic . 13 2.2 Starting point and personal research interest . 14 2.3 Research approach . 15 2.4 Relevance to research and practice . 16 2.5 Structure . 16 3 Steps towards a framework of analysis . 17 3.1 The Governance of Higher Education Systems . 17 3.1.1 Higher Education systems . 17 3.1.2 Governance in higher education . 23 3.1.3 Summary: Making sense of higher education governance . 32 3.2 The changing governance of higher education systems . 33 3.2.1 Conceptualizing forces of change in the governance of higher education systems: The 'Glonacal' agency heuristic . 33 3.2.2 Global trends and the emergence of a "global model" of higher education governance36 3.2.3 Instruments of Governance of Higher Education Systems . 49 3.2.4 Conclusion: A global model of HE governance? . 66 3.3 State of research on the governance of higher education in post-Soviet countries . 67 3.3.1 European Integration in the post-Soviet space . 70 4 Framework of Analysis and Research Design . 73 4.1 Research Questions and Scope of Analysis . 73 4.2 Research Methodology, Case Study Design, and Data Collection . 74 4.2.1 Case Studies and data collection . 74 4.2.2 Comparing the governance of higher education systems and assessing convergence . 77 4.2.3 Discussion of validity and reliability of the chosen case study design . 78 4.3 Limitations of the study . 79 5 The Point of Departure: The Soviet Union . 80 5.1 Introduction - Key features of the Soviet Higher Education system . 80 5.2 Structure of the HE system . 83 5.3 The governance of higher education in the Soviet Union . 85 5.3.1 Actors and their capabilities . 85 5.3.2 Educational Standards and Quality Assurance . 86 page 3 5.3.3 Regulation of admission into higher education . 88 5.3.4 Institutional governance, decision-making and institutional autonomy . 89 5.3.5 Financing of HEIs. 90 5.4 The HE Reforms of 1987 . 91 5.5 The break-up and transition of the Soviet higher education system . 94 6 The Russian Federation . 99 6.1 Introduction . 99 6.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Russia . 99 6.2.1 De-regulation and marketization of higher education (1991-2000) . 100 6.2.2 Renaissance of state control, internationalization and renewed investment into higher education (2000-2004) . 105 6.2.3 Asserting state control and promoting differentiation of the higher education system (2004-2012) . 110 6.2.4 Differentiated state steering (2012-2016) . 119 6.3 The governance model of the Russian HE system by 2015 . 128 7 The Republic of Kazakhstan . 134 7.1 Introduction . 134 7.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Kazakhstan . 135 7.2.1 Establishing statehood and institutions (1991-1999) . 136 7.2.2 Curbing corruption and saddling the market (1999-2004) . 139 7.2.3 Preparing to join the Bologna Space (2005-2010) . 146 7.2.4 Differentiation and expanding autonomy (2011-2017) . 153 7.3 The governance model of the Kazakh HE system by 2015 . 171 8 The Republic of Moldova . 173 8.1 Introduction . 173 8.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Moldova . 176 8.2.1 Experimentation and laisser-faire after independence (1991-1994) . 177 8.2.2 Attempts to establish impartial instruments to regulate quality (1994-2001) . 178 8.2.3 Re-Centralization of powers in the Ministry of Education (2001-2006) . 181 8.2.4 Creation of dysfunctional public structures (2006-2009) . 183 8.2.5 The long struggle for a new system of governance (2009-2015) . 184 8.3 The governance model of the Moldovan HE system by 2015 . 194 9 Cross-National Comparison of Developments and Discussion of Results . 197 9.1 How has the governance of higher education systems changed between 1991-2015? . 197 9.1.1 Common challenges and similar answers . 197 9.1.2 Diverging paths . 200 9.1.3 Two-track state steering system in Russia . 203 9.1.4 Marketization and expanding state-overseen stakeholder governance in Kazakhstan 205 page 4 9.1.5 Imitation of "European" institutions in Moldova . 207 9.2 Is there a convergence towards a "post-Soviet" or global model of governance of higher education systems? . 208 9.2.1 Quality Assurance . 208 9.2.2 Institutional Governance and University Autonomy . 210 9.2.3 Regulation of access . 211 9.2.4 Financing . 212 9.2.5 Conclusion: Is there a common model of governance? . 213 9.3 The interplay of national, regional and global factors on the development of the governance of higher education . 218 9.3.1 Global and European forces . 218 9.3.2 Regional forces . 224 9.3.3 National-level: Governments and Ministries responsible for higher education . 225 9.3.4 National-level: Stakeholder organizations. 232 9.3.5 National-level: Higher Education Institutions . 234 9.3.6 National-level: Institutional factors of path dependence . 235 10 Discussion and Outlook . 244 10.1 Concluding reflections on the contribution of this study to the field of research . 246 11 References . 247 12 Annexes . 269 12.1 Annex 1: Russia - The governance of the higher education system . 269 12.1.1 Russia: Structure of the higher education system . 269 12.1.2 Actors and their capabilities . 273 12.1.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Russia . 283 12.1.4 Competitive programs for investment and differentiation of higher education. 295 12.2 Annex 2: Kazakhstan – The governance of the higher education system . 299 12.2.1 Kazakhstan: Structure of the higher education system . 299 12.2.2 Actors and their capabilities . 302 12.2.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Kazakhstan . 310 12.3 Annex 3: Moldova – The governance of the higher education system . 322 12.3.1 Moldova: Structure of the higher education system . 322 12.3.2 Actors and their capabilities . 325 12.3.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Moldova . 328 12.4 Annex 4: The European "infrastructure" of quality assurance . 336 ; After 25 years of transformations of higher education systems in post-Soviet countries, the single Soviet model of higher education has evolved into fifteen unique national systems, shaped by economic, cul-tural, and political forces, both national and global (Johnstone and Bain 2002). International agencies such as the World Bank and the OECD have lobbied for a set of policies associated with the Washington Consensus (Neave, G. R. & van Vught, 1991). The Bologna Process has created isomorphic pressures, supported by EU policies and funding. Many post-Soviet States have responded to these influences, albeit with different motivations and unclear outcomes (Tomusk, 2011). Comparative research on these developments, however, is scarce and has primarily discussed them in terms of decentralization, mar-ketization and institutional autonomy (Heyneman 2010; Silova, 2011). This PhD thesis aims to 1) reconstruct the developments of governance of higher education systems, 2) analyze to what degree the developments represent a convergence towards a "global model" or a "Post-Soviet model" and 3) formulate hypotheses about driving forces and path dependencies at national, regional and global level which have driven or impeded these changes. Following work by Becher & Kogan (1992), Clark (1983), Jongbloed (2003), Paradeise (2009); Hood (2004); Dill (2010) and Dobbins et al. (2011), the research analyzes the object of analysis, the govern-ance of higher education systems, on five dimensions: 1. Educational Standards, quality assessment, and information provision; 2. Regulation of admissions to higher education; 3. Institutional structures, decision-making, and autonomy; 4. Higher education financing and incentive structures; and 5. The relationship of higher education and the state. Explanatory approaches draw upon perspectives of path dependence and models of institutional change drawing on work by North (1990), Steinmo (1992), Weick (1976), Pierson (2000) and Witte (2006). Three post-Soviet, non-EU, Bologna signatory states were selected to represent a diverse geographical sub-sample of the 15 post-Soviet States. The three countries studied in-depth are Russia, Moldova and Kazakhstan. The period of analysis comprises the changes taking place over a 25-year period between 1991 and 2015. Methodologically, the study rests on extensive literature analysis of previous academic publications, reports by international organizations such as the World Bank, OECD, and the EU, and national strategy papers. Building on this document analysis, over 60 semi-structured expert interviews were conducted with representatives of State organizations, HEIs and other stakeholder groups engaged in the govern-ance of higher education. The outcomes of interviews were used to situate developments in the particular page 12 social-political and societal contexts and to triangulate policy documents with various stakeholder per-spectives, in order to reconstruct how and why specific policy changes came about, were implemented or abandoned. The results show a differentiated picture: The governance instruments promoted by OECD, WB and EU are clearly recognizable in the 2015 governance arrangements in all three case countries. On this instru-ments-level "surface", a process of convergence towards the "global model" is clearly taking place. While these new instruments are being adopted, however, the specific national governance arrangements persist and continue to matter. Only in isolated instances are old instruments fully displaced. More com-monly, new structures are added as additional layers to existing governance arrangements. The three countries continue to share a number of unique characteristics which sets them apart from the Anglo-Saxon higher education systems, which have inspired the "global model". The dominating con-trolling role of the state has remained in place in all countries. This is strongly reinforced by national-level institutions and mental models which affirm hierarchy as the legitimate principle in governance and a lack of trust between actors in the system. In all case countries, the mutual expectation of state and HEIs alike remains that the state should be steering the higher education sector. This it does (Russia and Kazakhstan) or attempts to do (Moldova). Clearly, the adoption of governance instruments which are inspired by the "global model" does in no way equate with a retreat of the state. While the elements of university autonomy and stakeholder governance are slowly expanded, even this very process of loosening the reigns of the state is in great measure overseen and steered by the state. Shared character-istics, such as centralized control over admission; a state claim to steer and, in many cases, control the system; a hierarchical, authoritarian, personalized style of governance, management, leadership, as well as accountability form the discernable core of a common "post-Soviet" model of HE governance. The shared institutional past of the Soviet era, as well as common challenges, have facilitated and maintained these commonalities. As time passes, however, these post-Soviet commonalities are getting weaker. Divergent national-level forces and actors are driving or impeding reforms: While in Moldova, political volatility and underfund-ing have repeatedly undermined substantial reforms, Russia and Kazakhstan have each adopted govern-ance and management practices from New Public Management in new idiosyncratic ways: Kazakhstan has embarked on an authoritarian-driven decentralization program. Russia has created a two-tier system of state steering through financial incentivization and evaluation on the one hand, and tight oversight, control and intervention on the other. This dissertation sheds light on the developments, driving forces and mechanisms behind the convergence and divergence of approaches to higher education governance in an under-studied region of the world.:Table of Contents Table of Figures . 5 Preliminary remarks and acknowledgements . 6 Glossary . 8 1 Abstract . 11 2 Introduction . 13 2.1 Research Topic . 13 2.2 Starting point and personal research interest . 14 2.3 Research approach . 15 2.4 Relevance to research and practice . 16 2.5 Structure . 16 3 Steps towards a framework of analysis . 17 3.1 The Governance of Higher Education Systems . 17 3.1.1 Higher Education systems . 17 3.1.2 Governance in higher education . 23 3.1.3 Summary: Making sense of higher education governance . 32 3.2 The changing governance of higher education systems . 33 3.2.1 Conceptualizing forces of change in the governance of higher education systems: The 'Glonacal' agency heuristic . 33 3.2.2 Global trends and the emergence of a "global model" of higher education governance36 3.2.3 Instruments of Governance of Higher Education Systems . 49 3.2.4 Conclusion: A global model of HE governance? . 66 3.3 State of research on the governance of higher education in post-Soviet countries . 67 3.3.1 European Integration in the post-Soviet space . 70 4 Framework of Analysis and Research Design . 73 4.1 Research Questions and Scope of Analysis . 73 4.2 Research Methodology, Case Study Design, and Data Collection . 74 4.2.1 Case Studies and data collection . 74 4.2.2 Comparing the governance of higher education systems and assessing convergence . 77 4.2.3 Discussion of validity and reliability of the chosen case study design . 78 4.3 Limitations of the study . 79 5 The Point of Departure: The Soviet Union . 80 5.1 Introduction - Key features of the Soviet Higher Education system . 80 5.2 Structure of the HE system . 83 5.3 The governance of higher education in the Soviet Union . 85 5.3.1 Actors and their capabilities . 85 5.3.2 Educational Standards and Quality Assurance . 86 page 3 5.3.3 Regulation of admission into higher education . 88 5.3.4 Institutional governance, decision-making and institutional autonomy . 89 5.3.5 Financing of HEIs. 90 5.4 The HE Reforms of 1987 . 91 5.5 The break-up and transition of the Soviet higher education system . 94 6 The Russian Federation . 99 6.1 Introduction . 99 6.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Russia . 99 6.2.1 De-regulation and marketization of higher education (1991-2000) . 100 6.2.2 Renaissance of state control, internationalization and renewed investment into higher education (2000-2004) . 105 6.2.3 Asserting state control and promoting differentiation of the higher education system (2004-2012) . 110 6.2.4 Differentiated state steering (2012-2016) . 119 6.3 The governance model of the Russian HE system by 2015 . 128 7 The Republic of Kazakhstan . 134 7.1 Introduction . 134 7.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Kazakhstan . 135 7.2.1 Establishing statehood and institutions (1991-1999) . 136 7.2.2 Curbing corruption and saddling the market (1999-2004) . 139 7.2.3 Preparing to join the Bologna Space (2005-2010) . 146 7.2.4 Differentiation and expanding autonomy (2011-2017) . 153 7.3 The governance model of the Kazakh HE system by 2015 . 171 8 The Republic of Moldova . 173 8.1 Introduction . 173 8.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Moldova . 176 8.2.1 Experimentation and laisser-faire after independence (1991-1994) . 177 8.2.2 Attempts to establish impartial instruments to regulate quality (1994-2001) . 178 8.2.3 Re-Centralization of powers in the Ministry of Education (2001-2006) . 181 8.2.4 Creation of dysfunctional public structures (2006-2009) . 183 8.2.5 The long struggle for a new system of governance (2009-2015) . 184 8.3 The governance model of the Moldovan HE system by 2015 . 194 9 Cross-National Comparison of Developments and Discussion of Results . 197 9.1 How has the governance of higher education systems changed between 1991-2015? . 197 9.1.1 Common challenges and similar answers . 197 9.1.2 Diverging paths . 200 9.1.3 Two-track state steering system in Russia . 203 9.1.4 Marketization and expanding state-overseen stakeholder governance in Kazakhstan 205 page 4 9.1.5 Imitation of "European" institutions in Moldova . 207 9.2 Is there a convergence towards a "post-Soviet" or global model of governance of higher education systems? . 208 9.2.1 Quality Assurance . 208 9.2.2 Institutional Governance and University Autonomy . 210 9.2.3 Regulation of access . 211 9.2.4 Financing . 212 9.2.5 Conclusion: Is there a common model of governance? . 213 9.3 The interplay of national, regional and global factors on the development of the governance of higher education . 218 9.3.1 Global and European forces . 218 9.3.2 Regional forces . 224 9.3.3 National-level: Governments and Ministries responsible for higher education . 225 9.3.4 National-level: Stakeholder organizations. 232 9.3.5 National-level: Higher Education Institutions . 234 9.3.6 National-level: Institutional factors of path dependence . 235 10 Discussion and Outlook . 244 10.1 Concluding reflections on the contribution of this study to the field of research . 246 11 References . 247 12 Annexes . 269 12.1 Annex 1: Russia - The governance of the higher education system . 269 12.1.1 Russia: Structure of the higher education system . 269 12.1.2 Actors and their capabilities . 273 12.1.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Russia . 283 12.1.4 Competitive programs for investment and differentiation of higher education. 295 12.2 Annex 2: Kazakhstan – The governance of the higher education system . 299 12.2.1 Kazakhstan: Structure of the higher education system . 299 12.2.2 Actors and their capabilities . 302 12.2.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Kazakhstan . 310 12.3 Annex 3: Moldova – The governance of the higher education system . 322 12.3.1 Moldova: Structure of the higher education system . 322 12.3.2 Actors and their capabilities . 325 12.3.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Moldova . 328 12.4 Annex 4: The European "infrastructure" of quality assurance . 336

An die Mastschweinehaltung werden bezüglich einer umwelt- und tiergerechten Produktion hohe Anforderungen gestellt. Das zunehmend umweltbewußte Denken und die Forderung nach tiergerechten Haltungssystemen sowohl von Seiten der Öffentlichkeit als auch vom Gesetzgeber führen dazu, daß neue zukunftsorientierte Haltungssysteme geschaffen werden müssen, die einerseits ökologische und ethologische Auflagen bzw. Postulierungen erfüllen und die andererseits es den Betrieben ermöglichen, sich im europäischen Wettbewerb zu behaupten. Für eine umwelt- und tiergerechte Mastschweinehaltung gewinnen Haltungssysteme mit Einstreu an praktischer Bedeutung. Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, das Tierverhalten in einem Haltungssystem mit Stroheinstreu unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Stallklimakenndaten und Stallarbeiten zu analysieren, Wechselwirkungen zwischen dem Tierverhalten und Stallklimaparametern zu erkennen und Produktionsleistungen festzuhalten. Die Daten wurden zur kalten Jahreszeit in einem im Winter geschlossenen Tiefstreustall gewonnen. Die ethologischen Untersuchungen erfolgten mittels Videotechnik. Es wurden eine periodische Gruppenbeobachtung zu 4 Beobachtungsphasen, eine aperiodische Gruppenbeobachtung zu 2 ausgewählten Stallarbeiten (morgendliche Einstreuarbeit und Neuversorgung der Beobachtungsbucht mit einem Strohballen) und eine kontinuierliche Einzeltierbeobachtung (3 Tiere mit unterschiedlichem Gewicht) zu 2 Beobachtungsphasen, die in 4- wöchigem Abstand lagen, durchgeführt. Ziel der Gruppenbeobachtung war es, das Verhalten hinsichtlich eingenommener Körperpositionen und dieser in Bezug zur Raumstruktur festzuhalten, Ziel der Einzeltierbeobachtung war es, zusätzlich Aktivitäten und deren Dauer zu erkennen. Folgende Stallklimaparameter wurden gemessen: Stallufttemperatur im nahen Tierbereich, relative Luftfeuchte im Stall, Mistmatratzentemperaturen. Weiterhin wurde die Außenlufttemperatur aufgenommen. Die Ergebnisse können wie folgt zusammengefasst werden: • Im Tierverhalten war eine Tagesrhythmik zu erkennen: Das Ethogramm der von der Tiergruppe (42 Tiere) eingenommenen Körperpositionen zeigte einen deutlichen Wechsel zwischen den liegenden und nichtliegenden Körperpositionen. Im wesentlichen konnte nachts eine Hauptliegephase und eine kürzere vormittags registriert werden. Nachmittags war ein hoher Anteil der aufrechten und sitzenden Körperpositionen zu verzeichnen. Die ausgeprägte Tagesrhythmik läßt auf ein diesbezüglich adäquates Haltungssystem schließen. • Die Temperatur im Stall war stets höher als außen. Vom Stallinneren zur Außenwand zeigte sich ein abfallendes Temperaturprofil Das höhere Niveau der Stallinnentemperatur ergab sich vorwiegend durch die Abstrahlwärme der Tiere und der Mistmatratze. In der Mistmatratze wurde an dem Ort, an dem der Strohballen hineingesetzt wurde, ein heißer Temperaturkern ermittelt. Die relative Luftfeuchte im Stall war im Meßzeitraum Februar größtenteils über dem in der Literatur angegebenen Optimalbereich (60 bis 80 %). Besonders hoch war sie in der letzten Beobachtungsphase (85 bis 97 %). • Der Verlauf der Stallinnentemperatur zeigte ebenfalls eine Tagesrhythmik. Er wurde beeinflußt durch den Verlauf der Außentemperatur und durch die Bewegungs- und Stoffwechselaktivität der Tiere. Folgende Korrelationskoeffizienten zwischen der Stallinnentemperatur und den Körperpositionen wurden errechnet: zwischen der Temperatur und der Seitenlage ergab sich ein negativer Zusammenhang von -0,47 (signifikant, α=0,01), zwischen der Temperatur und dem Liegen gesamt (Bauchlage und Seitenlage) ebenfalls ein negativer Zusammenhang von -0,47 (signifikant, α=0,01), ein positiver Zusammenhang zeigte sich zwischen der Temperatur und der Bauchlage mit einem Korrelationskoeffizienten von +0,30 (signifikant, α=0,01) und zwischen der Temperatur und aufrechter + sitzender Körperstellung mit einem Korrelationskoeffizienten von +0,46 (signifikant, α=0,01). Die Seitenlage ist die Ruheposition mit der maximalen Entspannung, d.h. die Bewegungsaktivität der Tiere ist gering. Die Bauchlage kann neben dem Ruhen (im Sinne von ruhig liegen und schlafen) mit Bewegungsaktivitäten verbunden sein. • Während der Stallarbeiten wurden vermehrt die Körperpositionen aufrecht und sitzen eingenommen. Es zeigte sich in der Regel ein Temperaturanstieg. Obwohl alle Seitentore während der Stallarbeit "Hineinsetzen des Strohballens in die Buchten" geöffnet waren und die Außentemperatur niedriger war als die im Stall, zeigte sich im Stall ein leichter Temperaturanstieg. • Über 4 Beobachtungsphasen (eine Beobachtungsphase entspricht 24,1 Stunden; alle 12,8 Minuten wurden die Körperpositionen festgehalten) waren aus der Gruppe durchschnittlich 48,1 % der Tiere in Seitenlage, 31,4 % in Bauchlage, 15% in aufrechter und 5,5 % in sitzender Stellung. Der Literatur kann entnommen werden, daß die Tiere die Seitenlage einnehmen, sofern es warm genug ist, was bedeutet, daß ausreichend Wärme (durch die Tiere selbst und durch die mikrobiellen Abbauvorgänge in der Mistmatratze) vorhanden war. In der letzten Beobachtungsphase konnten in Verbindung mit einer hohen relativen Luftfeuchte (85 bis 97 %) signifikant (α=0,05) mehr Bauchlagen und weniger Seitenlagen beobachtet werden. Die Bauchlage wird beim Ruhen beibehalten, wenn dem Tier zu kalt oder zu warm oder aus sonstigen Gründen unwohl ist. • Gesichert war ein raumstrukturbezogenes Tierverhalten zu erkennen. Es konnten auf der Stroh-/Mistmatratze folgende Funktionsbereiche in der Bucht ausfindig gemacht werden: ein Hauptliegebereich, ein Wühlbereich (am Ort des Strohballens), ein Kotplatz. Die durchschnittliche Belegungsdichte war auf der planbefestigten Fläche am höchsten und auf dem konzentrierten Kotplatz am geringsten. Auf der planbefestigten Fläche entstand auf der linken (westlichen) Seite aufgrund der sich dort befindenden Tränken und dem Zugang zum Futterautomaten ein Ballungsraum. Die 4 Preßplätze des Futterautomaten waren im Beobachtungszeitraum weniger als 50 % pro Tag ausgelastet. • Die Ergebnisse der Einzeltierbeobachtung entsprachen den Literaturangaben bezüglich der Einnahme der Körperpositionen im Laufe des Alters: Mit dem Alter war eine Zunahme der Seitenlage, eine Abnahme der Bauchlage, eine Zunahme des Sitzens und eine Abnahme der aufrechten Körperposition zu beobachten. Mit 10,87 % von der Gesamtaktivität zeigten die Tiere ein ausgeprägtes Erkundungs-/Futtersuchverhalten (Wühlen/Scheinwühlen). Die Dauer des Wühlens nahm mit dem Alter zu, was auch andere Autoren ermittelt haben. Gewichtsabhängige Unterschiede in den Aktivitäten zwischen den 3 Tieren konnten nicht ausfindig gemacht werden. • Im Vergleich zu den Ergebnissen des LKV (Landeskuratorium der Erzeugerringe für tierische Veredelung in Bayern e. V.) für Bayern 1994/1995 (656 g tägliche Zunahmen, Futterverwertung 3,0 kg Futter/kg Zunahme, Muskelfleischanteil 58,0 %) waren die Produktionsleistungen der Tiergruppe mit 714 g täglichen Zunahmen bei einer Futterverwertung von 2,77 kg Futter/kg Zunahme gut und der erreichte Muskelfleischanteil mit 55,1 % unterdurchschnittlich. Das Haltungssystem ist in Bezug auf die Tagesrhythmik der Tiere als tiergerechtes Haltungssystem zu beurteilen. Auch nahmen die Tiere die Möglichkeit wahr, sich ausgiebig mit dem dargebotenen Stroh/Strohballen zu beschäftigen. Allerdings waren die Temperaturen auf der Mistmatratzenoberfläche, also im mikroklimatischen Bereich der Tiere, über 20 °C und damit vor allem für ältere Tiere über dem empfohlenen Temperaturbereich. Besonders unter diesem Aspekt ist zu erwähnen, daß auf der planbefestigten Fläche die höchste Belegungsdichte errechnet wurde. Es sollte daher in Betracht gezogen werden, die planbefestigte Fläche in einem geschlossenen Tiefstreustall zu vergrößern oder Schweineduschen einzusetzen, um den Tieren, und hier vor allem den älteren Tieren, die Möglichkeit zu bieten, ihre Körperwärme abzugeben. Dies ist auch hinsichtlich der vermutlich im Sommer noch höheren Temperaturen wichtig. Probleme bereitete im Winter das Lüftungssystem: die Luftfeuchtigkeit war eindeutig zu hoch. Verbesserungen sind daher erforderlich. Die Ergebnisse lassen den Schluß zu, daß auch ein Offenstallsystem möglich wäre. In weiteren Arbeiten sollten die im Winter erfolgten Untersuchungen auch im Sommer durchgeführt werden. Positiv wäre, zusätzlich Stallklimaparameter wie Luftgeschwindigkeit, Emissionen und Staubentwicklung mit zu erfassen und Wechselbeziehungen zwischen diesen und dem Tierverhalten zu untersuchen. ; Nowadays, we are accustomed to the claim that fattening pigs' farming must be based upon considered care of the animals on the one hand and of the environment on the other hand. An increasing ecological way of thinking as well as a demand for finding ways of how to keep and to care for animals as far as the public and the legislation alike are concerned, are clearing the way for the demand of new housing systems, capable of fulfilling the new ecological as well as the ethological laws and demands, in order to give farmers the possibility to survive the struggle of European competition. Housing systems where pigs are kept on litter acquire an increasing practical importance for a just ecological as well as a just ethological housing system. It was the aim of this work to analyse the behaviour of pigs kept on straw, especially taking into account climatic factors as well as stable jobs, to make note of the interchangeable reactions regarding the behaviour of the animals and the climate in the stable and to keep diary as to the well-being of the livestock on the one hand and the economic value of sold pigs on the other hand. The data were gained during the cold season in a pen within a stable permanently closed in winter and where the straw was kept and simply piled up during the period off attending (deep litter system). The ethological research was done by means of video cameras. 4 observation periods were chosen for one periodical observation of one and the same group (42 pigs), further one aperiodical observation of the group for 2 specially chosen jobs in the stable (throwing of fresh straw in the morning and providing a bale of straw for the pen chosen for observation), further a 24 hours' period observation of one animal allowing 3 animals with different weight to be observed during two periods of observation with a 4 weeks' period of interval in between. It was the aim of the observation of the chosen group of pigs to find so nothing about the attitude of the animals in view of their body positions allotted to their given place. The aim of the observation of the one animal on the other hand was to gain additionally knowledge of the pigs' activities as well as of the duration of their activities. The following climatic factors were measured: outside temperature, temperature within the stable (as close as possible to the animal), relative humidity in the stable and the temperatures of the layers of straw/dung underneath the animals. The results can be summarized as such: • There could be seen a daily rhythm in the behaviour of the animals. From the ethogram taken of the position of the bodies of the group of pigs (42 pigs) could be seen a clear change between lying down and not lying down positions. On the whole, there could be registered a main lying down period during the night and a shorter one before noon. In the afternoon, there could be noted a high percentage of standing as well as sitting positions. The existance of a consolidated rhythm during the day can be respectively seen as an adequate way of life in the stable. • The temperature in the stable was always higher than the outside temperature. From the inside of the stable to its outside wall the temperature was going down. The higher level of the temperature inside the stable was mainly achieved by the loss of body temperature of the animals and of the layers of dung and straw mixture. In the place where the bale of straw was put in, there could be measured a hot temperature nucleus inside the dung mattress. During the time of taking the measurements, in February, the relative humidity in the stable was mainly above the best measurements noted in Iiterature (60 to 80 %). Especially high it was during the last observation period (85 to 97 %). • As to the inside temperature of the stable there could be seen a certain rhythm during the day. It was influenced by the course of the outside temperature and by the activities caused by movement and metabolism. The following coefficients of correlation between the inside temperature of the stable and the positions of the bodies were calculated: between temperature and lying down on the side there was a negative relation of -0,47 (significant, α=0,01), between temperature and total lying down position (on the stomach and on the side) another negative relation of -0,47 % (significant, α=0,01); a positive relation was seen on the other hand between the temperature and the position on the stomach with a coefficient of correlation of +0,30 (significant, α=0,01) and between the temperature and a standing plus a sitting position with a coefficient of correlation of +0,47 % (significant, α=0,01). The best position of rest and therefore the best way of relaxation is lying on the side, meaning that the activity of movement of the animals is at its lowest at that time. The position on the stomach can either be seen when resting (meaning sleeping quietly) or during activities of movements. • During the time of work in the stable there could be counted more standing and sitting positions than usual. Also, there was measured a rise in temperature. Though all side doors were opened during the work in the stable (while bales of straw were put into the boxes) and though the outside temperature was lower than the temperature within the stable there was still a small rise in the temperature in the stable. • On average 48,1 % of pigs within the group of pigs were lying down on the side during the 4 periods of observation (one observation period equals 24,1 hours; every 12,8 minutes the body positions of the pigs were noted), 31,4 % of them were lying down on their stomach, 15,0 % were in a standing and 5,5 % were in a sitting position. From Iiterature can be learned, that the animals like to be on the side as long as it is warm enough for doing so, meaning that there was enough warmth caused by the animals themselves as well as caused by the warmth of the fermenting dung mattress. During the last time of observation where there was a high relative humidity (85 to 97 %) there could be counted significantly (α=0.05) more pigs lying on their stomachs and less lying on their sides. Lying on the stomach is taken place while resting, whenever the animal is too cold or too warm or whenever there is another reason for being unwell. • For sure there was to be seen an attitude of the animal which was related to the structure of the box. It provided certain places of influencing the behaviour of the animals: on the dung/straw mattress there was a place where dung was separated from the main place of resting as well as a place for digging where the bale of straw was put. The highest number of pigs were registered on the concrete floor and the lowest number of pigs were registered in the manure area. On the left side of the concrete floor there was a densely populated area aroused where both the watering place and the access to the left side of the automatic feeder were placed. During the time of observation, the feeder in the pen, providing 4 places, was visited less than 50 %. • The results of the one-pigs' watching as to its body position its age taken in course agree with Iiterature concerned: as pigs grew older, there was a steady increase in the lying down position on the side as well as in their sitting position; there was a decrease in standing up and in lying on their stomachs. With a 10.87 % digging activity in regard to total activity, pigs showed an extreme liking for digging. Accordancing to literature, the older the pigs the longer it lasted. Differences in activity because of weight could not be traced. • Productivity data showed a daily weight gain of 714 g and a food utilization of 2.77 (kg food/kg weight gain). Both were good in accordance to the results of the figures of the production areas of animal husbandry in Bavaria in 1994/1995 (656 g daily weight gain, food utilization of 3.0 kg food/kg weight gain). The amount of muscle meat of 55 % in slaughtered animals was below average (58 %). It is seen, that the housing system of the animals can be judged as a keeping system just to the animals in relation to their daily routine. Also the animals liked to make use of the possibility to occupy themselves with the supply of straw and/or straw bales. But the temperatures on the surface of the dung/straw mattress and so within the microclimate of the pigs were above 20 °C and therefore beyond the recommended best measurements for temperatures which should be around pigs, especially older pigs. Regarding this it has to be mentioned that on the surface of concrete floor the highest percentage of pigs could be calculated. Therefore it would be wise to consider either to provide a bigger area of concrete flooring in order to provide for more room for the animals to get rid of their excessive body temperatures or to give them the possibility to take a shower in order to cool down. During winter there are problems concerning the airing system: it could be seen, that humidity was without doubt too high. Hence improvements of the airing system have to be carried out. The results of this work also tolerate the idea of an open housing system. More could be done in repeating the measurements, taken in the cold season, in summer as well as in placing additional instruments of measuring climatic factors in the stable such as for air velocity, emissions and developments of dust and to make note of the interchangeable relations in between these studies related to the behaviour of pigs.

[spa] La actual organización geopolítica y económica ha configurado una situación laboral y social que implica una serie de riesgos para los trabajadores (Sennett, 2000, 2001, 2006, 2009, 2011) derivados de un contexto global, de la presión e inestabilidad laboral y de las exigencias de la tarea, a los que la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) ha clasificado como riesgo psicosocial. Simultáneamente, la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) ha manifestado que las nuevas enfermedades profesionales, entre las que destacan el estrés, la depresión y la ansiedad, son la epidemia del siglo XXI. De todo ello, cabe destacar que el creciente interés por la salud laboral y el "bienestar psicológico" ha propiciado un gran avance en la investigación de estos trastornos, concienciando a los trabajadores y a las organizaciones de la necesidad de poner en marcha programas de prevención, evaluación, formación, información e intervención para mejorar la calidad de vida tanto a nivel personal, como a nivel laboral y social. Por otra parte, el actual contexto global y el auge de las nuevas tecnologías, han puesto de manifiesto la aparición de riesgos emergentes que representan una amenaza para la seguridad de las personas, de sus bienes y del medio ambiente donde se mueven y, que debido a su complejidad, son difusos y difíciles de controlar. Tal es así, que lo que acontece fuera de la propia comunidad puede trascender o afectar de forma directa o indirecta al entorno próximo, como sucede en grandes catástrofes y atentados terroristas, entre otros. Ello ha obligado a las diferentes comunidades, tanto en el orden nacional como internacional, a reorganizarse y analizar nuevas estrategias para hacer frente a este tipo de amenazas. Seguridad y defensa son términos complementarios que analizaremos en el presente estudio, así como la estructura necesaria para el desarrollo de las tareas de seguridad en el marco de las emergencias. Dentro de esta estructura, los cuerpos y fuerzas de seguridad del Estado, a nivel gubernamental y también algunas organizaciones no gubernamentales, constituyen el sector de profesionales y voluntarios implicados en la resolución de situaciones consideradas de riesgo o emergencia para la población. Cuando todavía son pocos los estudios en el área de emergencias, consideramos que la importancia de este trabajo radica en aportar una visión práctica de la intervención en emergencias. En la revisión teórica, inicialmente, se abordarán algunas variables conductuales del personal de emergencias y su relación con las variables psicosociales, motivacionales y organizacionales, centrando el foco de atención en las respuestas de mayor riesgo, la ansiedad y el estrés, consideradas conductas de riesgo psicosocial. Ello implica a su vez, el análisis del medio donde se desarrollan estas conductas con el fin de canalizar este tipo de conflictos dentro de un contexto global. En esta línea, la clínica y la intervención estratégica en emergencias se centra, en primer lugar, en mantener el equilibrio entre los recursos y necesidades de las personas y en el análisis de las demandas y oportunidades del medio, dando lugar a nuevos modelos para afrontar situaciones de riesgo, tanto a nivel individual como a nivel comunitario. En cuanto a las variables conductuales, partiendo de los trabajos pioneros de Selye (1936, 1960,1974) respecto a la respuesta fisiológica del estrés, se ha revisado el modelo de Lazarus y Folkman (1986), el cual considera el estrés como un proceso de afrontamiento (adaptativo o no adaptativo, eficaz o ineficaz) que no siempre guarda relación con los resultados, ya que éstos dependen en gran medida del contexto. Más adelante, Carver y Scheier (1994) presentaron dos tipos de afrontamiento, definiendo el afrontamiento situacional en función de los cambios del entorno y, el afrontamiento disposicional en base a dos componentes, denominados estilos de afrontamiento y estrategias de afrontamiento. Finalmente, los trabajos de Lazarus y los trabajos de Moos sobre el afrontamiento han sido el eje principal de este estudio por su visión integral de la persona y el contexto en el marco de las emergencias. Respecto a las variables motivacionales, los trabajos pioneros de McClelland, Atkinson, Clark y Lowell (1953) publicados en su obra "La motivación de logro" (The Achievement Motive), fueron un avance sobre las teorías cognitivas y sociales. De igual forma, los trabajos de R.H. Moos (2005) destacan el papel de la atmósfera social en la satisfacción de las personas, identificando los principales factores del clima laboral en el desarrollo organizacional, en la salud laboral y en la productividad. En la actualidad, se consideran "organizaciones inteligentes" aquellas que disponen de un sistema abierto en el que sus miembros, además de relacionarse, pueden desarrollar su capacidad creativa y de aprendizaje (Senge, 1992, 1995, 2014). Finalmente, sin entrar en valoraciones o criterios personales, nos ha parecido importante mostrar algunos modelos de afrontamiento, tanto a nivel personal como a nivel comunitario, desde el enfoque de la psicología positiva, tales como el pensamiento sistémico, la resiliencia y el crecimiento postraumático, entre los que destacan autores como Siegrist (1996), Grotberg (1998, 2001), Folkman y Moskowitz (2000), Calhoun y Tedeschi (2001), Seligman (2003), Zuckerfeld y Zonis (2006), Cyrulnik (2007), Leka y Cox (2010) y Wollin (2010), entre otros, y también cabe mencionar la propuesta de la UNESCO respecto a la educación en emergencias, como principal estrategia de afrontamiento. La segunda parte del estudio se centra en el análisis y tratamiento estadístico de las respuestas de afrontamiento del personal de emergencias. Para ello hemos revisado algunos instrumentos de medida elaborados por diferentes autores tales como la Escala de Modos de Afrontamiento de Folkman y Lazarus (1980), el Inventario COPE de Carver, Scheier y Weintraub (1989), el CSI de Tobin, Holroyd y Reynolds (1984,1989) y el CRI-A de R.H. Moos (1993), entre otros. En este contexto, los objetivos que se plantean en el presente estudio pretenden validar una serie de hipótesis capaces de aportar un enfoque eminentemente práctico respecto al perfil del profesional de emergencias y a las estrategias más utilizadas por los intervinientes, con objeto de presentar o validar un instrumento ágil y eficaz que nos permita establecer cuáles son las estrategias de afrontamiento más adecuadas en los procesos de selección y formación e intervención del personal de emergencias. Resumiendo, nuestro esfuerzo va dirigido a proporcionar una visión integral del profesional de emergencias en relación al contexto donde se desarrolla la tarea, poniendo el foco de atención en los estresores laborales que afectan la salud y el bienestar psicológico, personal, familiar, laboral y social y, como éstos pueden ser manejados de forma más eficaz por el propio interviniente y por la organización. ; [eng] The actual geopolitical and economic structure has given place to a social and occupational situation which involves new risks for workers (Sennett, 2000, 2001, 2006, 2009, 2011), deriving from the global context, of inestability and persistent pressoure in employment and the demands of the job, which the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has classified as a psychosocial risk. At the same time, the World Health Organization (WHO) has declared that the new professional diseases, amongst which they attach great importance to stress, depression and anxiety, are the epidemic of the 21st century. Above all, we must underline that the growing interest in occupational and "psychological well being" has propitiated a great advance in the investigation into these disorders, making workers and also institutions aware of the need to implement programmes for prevention, evaluation, formation, information and intervention in the hope of improving the standart of life as much on a personal, as on occupational and social level. On the other hand, the current global context of events and the increase in new technologies, have made it evident that the consequent new risks represent a threat to personal safety, to personal property and the environment in which we move and, due to their complexity, they are disordered and difficult to control. And this means, that what may occur outside of our own community can extend or can cause an affect in a direct or indirect way on our immediate surroundings, such being the case during large scale disasters or terrorist attacks, amongst other matters. This fact has made many different communities, as much on a national level as on international level, reorganise and analyse new tactics to be able to face up to this kind of treats which we will see throughout this study. Security and defense are complementary terms that we will analyse in this study, as well as the essential framework necessary for the development of safety duties within emergency settings. Within this structure the nation´s security forces, on a governmental level and also some non-governmental organizations, make up the sector of professionals and volunteers involved in the resolution of situations considered to be of a high risk, a threat, or an emergency for the population. While there are still few investigations in the emergency field, we consider that the importance of this study lies in providing a practical view of interventions in emergencies. In the theoretical revisión, we will initially broach some of the behavioural variables of the emergency personal and their relation to psychosocial, motivational and organizational variables, focusing our attention on the reponses of greater risk, anxiety and stress, that are considered to be conducts of high psychosocial risk. This involves at the same time, an analysis of the environment where these conducts develop with the aim of canalizing this type of conflicts within a global context. On these lines, the current clinical and strategic intervention in case of emergency centre, in the first place, on maintaining a balance between the resources on hand, and the needs of the people and on the analysis of the demands and opportunities of the environment, giving rise to new ways of confronting hazardous situations as much as on, an individual level as on a communitarian scale. As for the behavioural variables, starting with the pioneering works of Selye (1936, 1960, 1974) in relation to the physiological reponse to stress, we have reviewed Lazarus` model (1986) which considers stress to be a coping process (adaptive or not adaptive, effective or not effective), that does not always bear any relation to the results, as these depend in greater part on the context. At a later date, Carver and Scheier (1994) presented two kinds of confrontation, defining situational coping as relating to the changes in our surroundings and, dispositional coping as based on two components designated as manners of coping and coping strategies. And finally, Lazarus` studies and Moo`s Works on coping have been the main crux of this investigation because of his integral visión of the person and its context within an emergency framework. With regard to motivational variables, the pioneering works of McClelland, Atkinson, Clark and Lowell (1953), in this field with their studies published as "The Achievement Motive", maked an advance in cognitive and social sciencies. In the same way, R.H. Moos (2005), underlines the role of a social atmosphere for personal satisfaction, identifying the principle factors of the working atmosphere as organizational development, in occupational health and in productivity. Nowadays we regard as "intelligent organizations" the institutions that provide an open system in which their members as well as mixing socially can develop their creative and learning abilities (Senge, 1992, 1995, 2014). Finally, without entering into personal evaluation or personal judgement, we have thougtht it important to offer some patterns of coping, as much at a personal level as at a communitarian level, from the point of view of positive psychology, such as systemic thinking, resilience and post-traumatic growth , with works by noteworthy authors such as Siegrist (1996), Grotberg (1998, 2001), Folkman and Moskowith (2000), Calhoun and Tedeschi (2001), Seligman (2003), Zuckerfeld and Zonis (2006), Cyrulnik (2007), Leka and Cox (2010), and Wollin (2010), amongst others, and also the UNESCO´S proposal with regard to education for emergencies, as the main coping strategy. The second part of this work centres on the analysis and statistics treatment of coping responses used by a representative simple of emergency staff. For this matter we have review a several scales of measurement worked by different authors, for example Folkman and Lazaru´s "Scale of Coping Modes" (1980), Carver, Scheier and Weintraub´s COPE Inventary (1989), CSI by Tobin, Holroyd and Reynolds (1984,1989) and R.H. Moos CRIA (1993), amongst others. In this context, the objetives set out in the present study are those which seek to validate a series of hypotheses capable of forming a highly practical point of view with regard to the profile of the emergency personnel and the strategies most used by the professionals who intervene in emergencies, whit the purpose of presenting or validating an effective and flexible instrument that will let us establish the most appropiate confrontational strategies for the procedures of selection, formation and intervention of emergency personnel. Summing, our main endeavour is directed at proportioning an overall view of the professionals who deal with emergencies in relation to the context in which their task evolves, focusing our attention on the factors of occupational stress that affect their health and their psychological well-being, on a personal and social level, at work and within the family and, how these factors can be dealt with in the most efficacious manner by the person intervening and by the organization.