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This paper considers #blacklivesmatter an important part of current discussions of race and social justice. It explores the ways in which Twitter users (and students) are developing a globally-connected voice to not only build awareness and solidarity, but also challenge the framing of issues relating to #blacklivesmatter and the ways blacks are represented by a variety of political actors, including the mainstream media. The paper identifies two trends in teaching #blacklivesmatter and its relevance to the classroom: historicizing the "new" civil rights movement and the use of testimony and discussion as a new praxis. The authors conclude that students must be reminded of their ability to influence their own lives by using their personal stories and seizing their voice.

Have state and local governments (SLGs) achieved pay parity with the private sector? The answer depends on how one defines parity. Using a standard labor economics model on U.S. Census data from 1990 to 2014, we find different patterns if we focus on pay, on pay plus benefits, or on total compensation within an occupation. All approaches indicate that pay is higher in local than in state governments and that Blacks, Hispanics, and employees without college diplomas earn higher pay in SLGs than in the private sector. In contrast, Whites, Asians, and college graduates are less likely to enjoy higher pay working in SLGs than in the private sector. Unsurprisingly, states with more liberal and Democratic legislatures pay public employees better, relative to workers in the private sector.

Although the EU global security strategy has to offer orientation on multiple levels and domains, the present paper approaches the challenges emerging from the Union's eastern neighbourhood. The argumentation includes theoretical aspects of strategy, main characteristics of the Black Sea security environment, trends of frozen conflict evolution, and the EU's approach in this entire context. The study concludes that the serious challenges the EU faces nowadays in its eastern vicinity are the result of phenomena with a consistent history and deficient management by the EU. In our opinion, this train of events¨makes the project of a new EU security strategy so challenging that it could become a new document of an over-general character, with little practical value.

This study examined processes by which extracurricular participation is linked with positive ethnic intergroup attitudes in multiethnic middle schools in California. Specifically, the mediating roles of activity‐related cross‐ethnic friendships and social identities including alliances with multiple groups were examined in a sample including African American or Black, East or South‐East Asian, White, and Latino youth (N = 1,446; Mage = 11.60 in sixth grade). Results of multilevel modeling suggested that in addition to activity‐related cross‐ethnic friendships, complex social identities mediated the association between availability of cross‐ethnic peers in activities and ethnic intergroup attitudes. Results are discussed in terms of how activities can be structured to promote cross‐ethnic relationships and complex social identities, as well as positive ethnic intergroup attitudes.

This paper reviews literature on information channel type and disasters, and presents results on hurricane evacuation information gathering. Results show that respondents reported they would use television and radio most frequently for gathering information about hurricane evacuation. Minority respondents reported more preference of the use of community or local government as information sources than white respondents, females gathered information from multiple channels more than males, and younger residents gathered information from multiple channels more than older respondents. Implications include areas for future research in how channel utilization occurs during slow onset hazards in predominantly black communities, how age and gender relate to channel preference, and how channel preferences affect length of time to make decisions and engage in protective actions.

ObjectiveThis article seeks to test group threat theory by interacting it with two other literatures: the campaign contribution literature and the racial order literature.MethodIt tests this interaction by measuring the effect of neighborhood racial composition on campaign contributions, controlling for mean adjusted gross income.ResultsIt finds that white population is negatively correlated with campaign contributions, drowning out any income effect, and using a measure of "diversity" that includes black population reverses the direction of the relationship. Thus, increasing white homogeneity appears to increase majority complacence, while increasing racial diversity leads to campaign contributions as a threat response. Contributions. (1) This study offers indirect support to group threat theory and (2) it demonstrates that campaign contributions can be a threat response.

This study analyses data obtained from the UK Labour Force Survey (LFS) 2002–2013 to examine the ethno-religious differences in the gross hourly pay within the British salariat occupational class. It explores the extent to which these differences are associated with ethnicity, religion or both. The findings suggest that substantial between-group differences do exist, but these differences cannot be attributed to a pure religious or ethnic discrimination. Although two of the Muslim groups experience a greater penalty than many of the other groups, there was no evidence for an overarching 'Muslim penalty'. There also was no evidence for an overarching 'Black penalty'. It is possible that within the salariat class, mechanisms other than pure colour and cultural racism are at work.

Study of the consumption of counterfeit products casts consumers as reflexive agents who knowingly break the law (through the consumption of illegal commodities). Because this analysis is pitched at the level of meaning rather than structural constraints, it produces a misleading view of reflexive counterfeit consumption as being motivated by resistance or the wish to escape from normative coercion. This article contrasts this with approaches that prefigure meaning in explaining counterfeit commerce by treating the trade as an unavoidable structural feature of capitalism. That is, the structural logic of capital accumulation inevitably creates a black market of counterfeit commerce. It is a parasitic form of illegal consumerism which mirrors conventional capitalist organization, reproducing familiar dynamics of status differentiation.

This study is set in the North of England in the context of debates around the integration of communities, after a series of street disturbances in the early 2000s. The debates centred upon 'social cohesion' and the social mixing of Pakistani British and White British communities. The current study explores this from the context of 10‐ to 11‐year‐old Asian, Black and White British boys participating in cricket and football clubs. It draws on the sociology of childhood approach that sees children as active participants and co‐creators of their own lives. This more nuanced approach sheds important light on children's own negotiations of home, peers, sports clubs and identities that are key to how cohesion is achieved.

AbstractThis article examines the history of precarious labor within the retail sector in South Africa since the early decades of the twentieth century. It argues that a "regime of contract" characterized through a bifurcated legal apparatus for black and white workers and skill segmentation naturalized by race and gender can be used to track the continuities as well as explain the changes within forms of precarious labor in the present. The history of struggle for regulation as well as employer efforts to refragment the employment contract have been a key part of this story. This article suggests that "regimes of contract" can be used to develop comparative and transnational study to explain precarious labor regimes globally.

This essay examines the crisis of American policing through a close reading and critique of the visual rhetoric that circulated in the aftermath of Michael Brown's untimely death in Ferguson, Missouri. By drawing on recent work in visual and media criticism, Black Studies, and Foucault, we analyze and critique what we call "vernacular visuality" as a site in the unfolding politics of racial representation. Because practices of policing cannot be divided from visual culture and the politics of representation, we argue that the vernacular visuality of race can deepen our understanding of late capitalist policing because it illustrates how the racial logics of late capitalism operationalize it as a mode of biopolitical intervention on the racialized body.

International audience ; In this paper, we study the changing explanations of success and failure over the course of a firm's history. We build on a discursive approach that highlights the role of narrative attributions in making sense of corporate performance. Specifically, we analyze how the Nokia Corporation was framed first as a success and later as a failure and how these dimensions of performance were explained in various actors' narrative accounts. In both the success and failure accounts, our analysis revealed a striking black-and-white picture that resulted in the institutionalization of Nokia's metanarratives of success and failure. Our findings also reveal a number of discursive attributional tendencies; and thus warn of the cognitive and politically motivated biases that are likely to characterize management literature.

This paper considers #blacklivesmatter an important part of current discussions of race and social justice. It explores the ways in which Twitter users (and students) are developing a globally-connected voice to not only build awareness and solidarity, but also challenge the framing of issues relating to #blacklivesmatter and the ways blacks are represented by a variety of political actors, including the mainstream media. The paper identifies two trends in teaching #blacklivesmatter and its relevance to the classroom: historicizing the "new" civil rights movement and the use of testimony and discussion as a new praxis. The authors conclude that students must be reminded of their ability to influence their own lives by using their personal stories and seizing their voice.

Five years ago the Pacific Media Centre and Pacific Media Watch published a 'state of media freedom report'—the first such documentation in the Pacific region—and the most devastating section was about West Papua (Perrottet & Robie, 2011, 2012). The harrowing account of human rights violations and abuses of freedom of speech by the Indonesian military and security forces eclipsed comparable reports from the Pacific, including Fiji which was at the time a cause célèbre for free press champions. The theme of this report echoed many articles I have written over the years highlighting the 'black' or 'blind spot' demonstrated by New Zealand media neglect of covering West Papua and the self-determination cause (see Robie, 2011). Since then much has changed.

'Living Landscape' is a community-based museum and schools curriculum project located in the small rural Western Cape town of Clanwilliam. Founded in 1812, and originally known as Jan Dissels Vallei, Clanwilliam was for much of the 19th century a frontier settlement, in which the politics of colonialism were played out against the magnificent backdrop of the Cederberg mountains. Now, in another era of political reorganisation, the current citizens are attempting to construct a democratic future and put aside a divided past. As in most rural Cape towns the divisions take the form of white town, coloured township and black informal settlement. Our project seeks to support these attempts at reconciliation by revealing and celebrating the history of those who were previously denied a contribution.