Suchergebnisse

This dissertation is a study of how people experienced and gave meaning to the violent conflicts that transformed the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands from a multipolar region into one dominated by two modern nation-states. As multiple imperial and national projects converged here between 1821-1890, borderland violence became a central way in which local people interacted with and participated in nation- and state-making. Using archival evidence from both sides of the modern border, I examine how borderlands people used gendered, racialized, and familial ideologies to organize, understand, and politicize these conflicts as well as to reckon their shifting positions within emerging nation-states. With the right ideological help, borderland violence made the abstractions of nationalism and state power intimately real for local people. These discourses were also key tools in mobilizing the local manpower and resources required for making war and creating and maintaining social hierarchies. Alongside varying forms of coercion, they created and legitimized political power at the grassroots level. Thus, I show how the ideologies and institutions of the nation-state emerged within pre-existing networks of kinship, community, and exchange.

The article takes a political philosophical perspective in a conceptual analysis of the nation, focusing on its axiological foundations in the political theories of modernity and postmodernity. It reviews the political philosophy arguments explaining conditions and reasons for individual ethnic groups to become nations. The author emphasizes the role of religion in this process as the main factor in forming national values and identity beyond tribal ties. Despite its importance religion is often dismissed in the research literature on nationalism and nation-building.To stress the importance of collective solidarity for sustaining a national identity, the author juxtaposes the idea of the nation understood as a collective of individuals living in a nationstate united by common values to the idea of the people understood as a collective of individuals living in a nation-state driven solely by their egoistic interests. From this perspective the people render institutions of the national state dysfunctional because of their disrespect for the common values, while the nation strengthens state institutions, making its nationstate resilient to the current global problems.

ABSTRACT. The article sets out to explore the rather different roles that hubris and melancholy can play in the relations between majority and minority nationalities within multinational states. In the case of majority‐type nationalities, there is a sense of being a Staatsvolk, a feeling reinforced by linguistic, cultural, geographical, and political characteristics associated with the larger nation‐state. There may also be a sense of pride caught up with the larger identity between the nation‐state and the empire with which it is associated. For their part, minority‐type nationalities have been more prone to express their national sentiment in melancholic terms. Hence a tendency to dwell on lost battles of the past, on suppressed rebellions, on recurrent threats of assimilation and linguistic extinction. There may be elements both of hubris and of melancholy to national sentiment in multinational states, and the dialectic between the two colours their overall political development.

The first part of a sweeping two-volume history of the devastation brought to bear on Indian nations by U.S. expansion In this book, the first part of a sweeping two-volume history, Jeffrey Ostler investigates how American democracy relied on Indian dispossession and the federally sanctioned use of force to remove or slaughter Indians in the way of U.S. expansion. He charts the losses that Indians suffered from relentless violence and upheaval and the attendant effects of disease, deprivation, and exposure. This volume centers on the eastern United States from the 1750s to the start of the Civil War. An authoritative contribution to the history of the United States' violent path toward building a continental empire, this ambitious and well-researched book deepens our understanding of the seizure of Indigenous lands, including the use of treaties to create the appearance of Native consent to dispossession. Ostler also documents the resilience of Native people, showing how they survived genocide by creating alliances, defending their towns, and rebuilding their communities.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 - which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany - the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made efforts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 – which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany – the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made effžorts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

This article traces the development of German politics of deporting Afghans. Since the great influx of refugees in 2015 - which doubled the number of Afghans in Germany - the asylum acceptance rate of Afghan refugees has been reduced while at the same time the government has made eff orts to increase the number of deportations, arguing that parts of Afghanistan are "safe" for deportees, in spite of increasing violence in the country. Using a logic of deservingness, politicians maintain that the only persons deported are those who refuse to "integrate". In fact, however, more "well-integrated" Afghans are deported than persons with a criminal record. Within the context of an increasingly restrictive asylum system, the emphasis on deportations has to be understood as an attempt to counter the rise of right-wing populism in Germany. Yet activists who support individual refugees and rejected asylum seekers, trying to prevent their deportation, increasingly contest this approach. By pointing out that particular persons who are threatened by deportation are "well integrated" and therefore deserve to stay, these activists essentially accept and reinforce the logic of deservingness. The article argues that the deportee epitomises the current reterritorialisation of nation-states and global system of unequal (im)mobility.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- United Nations System Organizational Chart -- Part I. United Nations Founding, Purposes, and Principles -- Introduction -- United Nations Historical Background -- Charter of the United Nations -- United Nations Purposes -- United Nations Principles -- Part II. United Nations Principal Organs -- Introduction -- General Assembly -- Security Council -- Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) -- Secretariat -- International Court of Justice (ICJ) -- Trusteeship Council -- Part III. The United Nations System -- Introduction -- Specialized Agencies -- Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) -- International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) -- International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) -- International Labour Organization (ILO) -- International Maritime Organization (IMO) -- International Monetary Fund (IMF) -- International Telecommunication Union (ITU) -- United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) -- United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) -- Universal Postal Union (UPU) -- World Bank Group -- World Health Organization (WHO) -- World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) -- World Meteorological Organization (WMO) -- World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) -- Programmes and Funds -- United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) -- United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) -- United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) -- United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) -- United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) -- United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) -- United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) -- United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) -- United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).