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Back in print for the first time in 30 years, this volume provides a brilliant and accessible summation of the ideas of left Marxist giant C.L.R. James. Originally delivered in 1960 as a series of lectures in his native Trinidad (Modern politics : being a series of lectures on the subject given at the Trinidad Public Library, in its adult education programme). James's wide-ranging erudition and enduring relevance are powerfully displayed. From his analysis of revolutionary history and the role of literature, art, and culture in society to an interrogation of the ideas and philosophy of such thinkers as Rousseau, Lenin, and Trotsky, this is a magnificent tour de force from a critically engaged thinker at the height of his powers. Still relevant to politics today and an essential introduction to an important body of work, the ideas of C.L.R. James remain as necessary and illuminating for this century as they have for the last

It was widely assumed in the West following the collapse of European socialism that China would undergo a similar process of counter-revolution. This article seeks to understand why, three decades later, this hasn't happened, and whether it is likely to happen in the foreseeable future. The article contrasts China's "reform and opening up" process, pursued since 1978, with the "perestroika" and "glasnost" policies taken up in the Soviet Union under the Gorbachev leadership. A close analysis of the available data makes it clear that China's reform has been far more successful than the Soviet reform; that, in contrast to the Soviet Union in the 1980s, all the key quality of life indicators in China have undergone significant improvement in the last 40 years, and China is emerging as a global leader in science, technological innovation and environmental preservation. The article argues that the disparate outcomes in China and the Soviet Union are the result primarily of the far more effective economic strategy pursued by the Chinese government, along with the continued strengthening of the Communist Party of China's leadership.

Over the past 10 years, the European Parliament has stepped up its use of evaluation to inform its law-making activities. This work has been guided in large part by the Inter-Institutional Agreement on Better Law-Making signed in 2016 by the European Parliament, the European Commission (which is the EU executive organ) and the Council of the European Union (representing the EU Member States). This article describes how evaluation is carried out in practice in the European Parliament and how it is shaped by the institutional setting. It argues that evaluation activities are inextricably linked with the law-making process, and that timing is a critical factor in evaluation uptake. Outstanding inter-institutional issues are identified and ways in which future trends and shocks can be integrated into European Parliament evaluation are described. There remain opportunities to better anticipate demands for evaluation, which could increase the time and resources available for such analysis, and for more transparency across the European Union institutions in the underlying data and evidence used to support evaluation findings.

At the time of German economic and monetary union in 1990, the Christian-Liberal coalition in Bonn saw in the privatization agency, the Treuhandanstalt (THA), an instrument which could be used to bring about a neo-liberal transformation of the hitherto state-owned and state-controlled East German economy. Portrays how, owing to the failure of the government's policy, as manifested by the deep economic crisis in the region, the Bonn government and the THA were gradually forced to adjust their original strategy. (Original abstract-amended)

The article identifies the features of intercultural communication in the context of European regulations. Based on an analytical review of scientific research of European and domestic scientists, the authors have identified the essence of the concept of "intercultural communication" in the European educational space and European documents in particular; clarification of the difference between the concepts of intercultural and cultural communication. The set of theoretical methods made it possible to identify the leading trends in European policy in the field of intercultural communication, ways to implement the main tasks and provisions of such policy and outline its main priorities and difficulties in modern socio-political conditions characterized by instability and uncertainty.It is established that intercultural communication in the European scientific and educational dimension is understood as a way of cooperation and cultural exchange, which provides for the establishment of understanding between representatives of different countries, nationalities, religions, etc.The priority goals of intercultural communication according to the provisions of European documents in this direction are: to foster intercultural understanding, tolerance, mutual respect and ethics of global citizenship and shared responsibility; development of intercultural empathy and education, training of representatives of different nations, ethnic groups and peoples to consider, analyze and solve problems related to cultural differences; to cultivate in the representatives of different states intercultural attitudes, including the manifestation of tolerance, respect, curiosity and receptivity to other cultures; to ensure the acquisition by representatives of different cultures and states of cultural knowledge, both general and specific to a particular culture, paying special attention to contextual and subtextual cultural elements; to recognize the natural and cultural diversity of the world, to recognize that all cultures and civilizations can contribute to sustainable development and are its decisive factors.Analysis of the functioning of various structural organizations of the EU revealed that their professional and social activities are directed in two directions: conceptual (dissemination of information on new laws and regulations of the European Union in the field of intercultural communication), which ensures the implementation of the value component of intercultural communication; functional (organization of various cultural events, events aimed at cooperation between representatives of different nations, ethnic groups, social strata, etc.), which ensures the implementation of basic tasks by means of direct communication and various forms of intercultural communication (festivals, creative weeks, days of European culture in education and public cultural institutions, thematic exhibitions in museums, various choreographic and theatrical performances for children and adults, etc.).It is determined that the most relevant trends in the development of European educational policy in the field of intercultural communication are: the establishment of broad communication and partnership in various spheres of life, especially - education, culture, politics and economics; expansion of public interaction and partnership for peace with the countries of the Eastern region; search for permanent means of influencing public opinion on the rule of human rights and freedoms in relation to the will, cultural affiliation, recognition and acceptance of intercultural diversity; establishing cooperation between the Ministries of Culture, Education and Science, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs; development of the existing network of cultural, public and public organizations for the dissemination of knowledge and competencies in intercultural communication; further financial assistance and encouragement of exchange between scientific circles and practices in the field of international cultural relations.Among the barriers to the implementation of intercultural communication, the authors distinguish: creating and maintaining a comfortable psychological atmosphere for each representative of different cultures; ensuring tolerant interaction and cooperation; optimal organization of group cooperation and ensuring the implementation of the principle of diversity.

Digital diplomacy, also referred to as e-Diplomacy or Diplomacy 2.0, is a form of public diplomacy that entails the pursuance of foreign policy objectives using the Internet and social media. It is one of the ways that actors in contemporary global politics can exert soft power, thereby shaping a host country's perceptions, agendas, and policies. The increasing use of digital diplomacy exemplifies a shift in diplomatic from purely government-to-government (G2G) relations, to one in which communication is directed towards publics (G2P), and can even encourage citizens to interact with one another (P2P). One actor that has become increasingly active in this area is the European Union (EU). However, unlike a country, the regional bloc is a coalition of twenty-eight member states. Consequently, the challenge for EU digital diplomacy specialists is to represent a group of countries to local audiences. There is minimal literature on this subject, and this paper hopes to contribute to it by presenting a case study of the EU's digital diplomacy initiatives towards Philippines, which are communicated through the popular social networking website, Facebook. This paper argues that the EU exercises its soft power through its social media transmissions it creates. The individuals featured in its online content, the way that the European Union represents itself, and the issues it highlights in its posts are all geared towards shaping the perceptions of Philippine audiences.

Weil die EU kollektiv bindende Entscheidungen fällt, hat sich weitgehend die Ansicht durchgesetzt, die Union könne mit den gleichen Forschungsansätzen untersucht werden wie staatlich verfasste politische Systeme. Der Beitrag analysiert, ob das Regierungssystem der EU mit den klassischen Kategorien des Parlamentarismus, Präsidentialismus und Semi-Präsidentialismus angemessen erfasst werden kann. Dabei zeigt sich, dass es zwar jeweils strukturelle Gemeinsamkeiten, aber auch gravierende Unterschiede gibt, die vor allem darauf zurückzuführen sind, dass in der EU eine gemeinsame Identität und ein unionsweites Parteiensystem nur in Ansätzen existieren (Verlag).