Suchergebnisse

Expertise and autonomy are cornerstones to the effective operation and legitimacy of European Regulatory Agencies (ERAs). Yet, we know little about ERAs' actual autonomy, nor about factors shaping it. This article studies ERAs' actual autonomy from public and private actors, emphasising two crucial explanatory factors: expertise and rulemaking competences. The lack of insights on expertise is particularly striking, as expertise—the "raison d'être" and main resource of expert bodies—provides ERAs with a potentially powerful means to increase autonomy. Relying on a rational institutionalist framework within which ERAs enjoy substantive discretion to pursue their goals, the study empirically compares three powerful ERAs—the European Medicines Agency, the European Chemicals Agency, and the European Food Safety Authority. Based on the analysis of 39 semi-structured expert interviews, findings show that expertise is a crucial explanation for ERAs' substantive autonomy from the Commission. Towards research intensive private stakeholders, the role of expertise becomes less pronounced. Instead, ERAs are more successful in protecting their autonomy by engaging in the risk-averse interpretation of the regulatory framework and by adapting rules over time to adapt their needs: they engage in "procedural insulation". Political salience provides a scope condition for ERAs to use expert knowledge and rulemaking competences more strategically—potentially undermining scientific quality.

International audience; This paper presents results from a collaborative research project investigating European scholars from the social sciences and humanities (SSH) who acted as public intellectuals during the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election campaign. We analyze op-ed contributions published in 21 broadsheet newspapers and in 9 EU member states, written by 195 authors who contributed 262 articles. The result is a portrait of European SSH scholars acting as public intellectuals. It shows a clear overrepresentation of male authors of advanced age. Academic reputation and public prestige show an east–west divide, with prominent authors prevalently publishing in renowned "West European" newspapers. Disciplinary background offers the most noticeable differentiations. Political scientists are most active, however, predominantly publishing in domestic settings. By contrast, economists reach out to a wider international audience and write explicitly on EU matters, while intervening sociologists and philosophers, as the most senior intellectuals, examine Europe in its wider international and historical context. Correspondence analysis comprising the content of public interventions, and key characteristics of all contributors, suggests that even during the EU electoral campaign, scholars from the SSH do not necessarily contribute to the rise of a European public sphere, as their interventions are more domestic than European in focus.

In spite of its promise to significantly ameliorate health and care practices, the momentous rise of eHealth technologies has been fraught with significant ethical and societal concerns. Focusing on the unfolding of eHealth within the European Union, this contribution will explore its underpinning regulatory landscape with regard to data protection, focusing on the impact of the recently enforced Regulation (EU) 2016/679, also known as the General Data Protection Regulation. In addition, this chapter will chart relevant ethical issues related to the emergence of novel eHealth technologies. Finally, the conclusion will briefly explore ethical issues and their solutions in the light of the P5 approach.

This article analyses the incorporation of social dialogue in industrial relations and its role in pacifying public sector unions in Zambia. A sample of 19 managers of public institutions and union leaders in Lusaka participated in the research. The research reveals that social dialogue is used to pacify trade unions as governments implement structural adjustment policies, which bring about poor employment conditions. Although the unions have responded to pacification by diversifying and servicing their membership, they are still weak. This finding is significant because it helps us to understand why unions in Southern Africa are weak in the post-independence era.

In view of rising concerns over increasing inequality in the European Union since the financial crisis, this study provides an inequality decomposition of the overall European income distribution by country. The EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions are our empirical basis. Inequality has risen moderately within the core Euro area, particularly in the last two years of the observation period (2010/11). Widening disparities between EU Member States are the driving force behind this trend, while inequalities within countries do not exhibit systematic changes. An analysis of binational distributions reveals that it is the countries hit worst by the crisis—Greece and Spain —for which the between-country disparities have changed most markedly.

In view of rising concerns over increasing inequality in the European Union since the financial crisis, this study provides an inequality decomposition of the overall European income distribution by country. The EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions are our empirical basis. Inequality has risen moderately within the core Euro area, particularly in the last two years of the observation period (2010/11). Widening disparities between EU Member States are the driving force behind this trend, while inequalities within countries do not exhibit systematic changes. An analysis of binational distributions reveals that it is the countries hit worst by the crisis-Greece and Spain-for which the between-country disparities have changed most markedly.

In view of rising concerns over increasing inequality in the European Union since the financial crisis, this study provides an inequality decomposition of the overall European income distribution by country. The EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions are our empirical basis. Inequality has risen moderately within the core Euro area, particularly in the last two years of the observation period (2010/11). Widening disparities between EU Member States are the driving force behind this trend, while inequalities within countries do not exhibit systematic changes. An analysis of binational distributions reveals that it is the countries hit worst by the crisis—Greece and Spain—for which the between‐country disparities have changed most markedly.

In view of rising concerns over increasing inequality in the European Union since the financial crisis, this study provides an inequality decomposition of the overall European income distribution by country. The EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions are our empirical basis. Inequality has risen moderately within the core Euro area, particularly in the last two years of the observation period (2010/11). Widening disparities between EU Member States are the driving force behind this trend, while inequalities within countries do not exhibit systematic changes. An analysis of binational distributions reveals that it is the countries hit worst by the crisis - Greece and Spain - for which the between-country disparities have changed most markedly.

In this article we will attempt to analyse the dialectic relation of European economic integration under the prism of the European Union public finance. The course of European integration will be examined via the Community Budget. The vital question in our selected subject, seeking for a persuasive answer, is the relation of economic completion and unequal growth. It is, as we will prove, an ambiguous phenomenon. This ambiguity is consisted in the fact that the European integration process is developed in the base of social oppositions and is determined by the objecting interests of capital and labour. It is impossible to comprehend the European economic and political integration, outside the process of production internationalisation and supranational mechanisms of social classes regulation. In order to enlighten the relation between economy and policy, it is necessary to present extensively the public finances of the Union. Thus, we can achieve the necessary mediation between the European completion and the E.U. budgetary policy. For all the above reasons, we will proceed in a comparative analysis of the Community budget and that of the member states of the E.U. Furthermore, we will proceed to an analytic sectoral structure of the Community budget, where important redeployments in the Community financing are observed. Policies recede, like the Common Rural Policy, and policies are found in rise, as for example the European Regional Policy. We will emphasize in the critical question: how it is possible for the EU, having a budget which hardly comes to the 1% of the GNP of the European Union, to face the problem of regional inequalities, when the national budgets of the member states do usually exceed the 50% of GNP? We will mention the failure of the Intergovernmental Conference for the approval of the European Constitution (Brussels 2003) and the letter sent to the Community Chairman by «6» wealthy countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Holland, Sweden, Austria) countries, which, as a rule, are supporting the Structural Funds of the Union. These countries request to reduce the Community Budget at the 0,8% of European GNP. Our discussion therefore is focused in the relation of the rich North and the poor South. In general, the rich countries, especially after the wreck of Intergovernmental Conference declare the "two speeds Europe", wishing obviously to "punish" some poor countries like Poland. At this point, is also situated the interest of our own approach. The Community Budget investigation and in extension, his as much as possible increase, can confront the problems of unequal growth and bring a solution to the regional problem in the EU25. The "hard core" of the EU is in opposition to this perspective and counter proposes a "two speeds Europe". The future seems uncertain.

This article examines the performance and party system diffusion of Euroscepticism of the French Front National (FN) during recent European crises. The article argues that Europe's successive crises since 2008 have been essentially 'absorbed' by the FN into its existing Eurosceptic framework which is guided by its radical right-wing ideology. While allowing the FN to successfully mobilize issues and grievances about the European Union (EU), Euroscepticism is, however, significantly impeding its strategy of governmental credibility. The article identifies the main political outcomes of these crises and finds differences in impact between the different EU crises on party competition over Europe. These findings provide insight into the relationship between the radical Right, Euroscepticism, and party competition. They also inform our current knowledge of Euroscepticism in French politics, and changes that EU crises have triggered, according to party system location and whether FN influence can be postulated.

The government of Ukraine intends to intensify the work on the Association Agreement with the EU. The convergence with the progressive international political and economic union necessitates a thorough study of the EU institutions in the theoretical level.Defining of the competence of its organs and the distribution of powers among them are of particular interest, and the article is dedicated to the study of these facts.The powers of the European Council, the EU Council and the European Parliament are investigated, as well as their distribution among these authorities of the EU. The new approaches to the European Union as an international organization that has features of federation are made, and the role and importance of the European Commission in its system bodies is shown.It is emphasized that the entry into legal force of the Lisbon Treaty the European Council acquires the status of a full-fledged EU institution. Therefore, the decisions made by this organization can be regarded as acts which have legal effect and operate within both the EU and the Member States. The institutions, bodies and organizations, as well as the Member States, to which its decisions are addressed, are legally bound to meet them and to ensure their enforcement. New powers were given to the European Parliament and the Council. The Commission received higher authority like the authority of the executive power. ; Досліджено повноваження Європейської ради, Ради ЄС, та Європарламенту, а також їх розподіл між вказаними органами Євросоюзу. Розглянуті нові підходи до Євросоюзу як міждержавної організації, яка має ознаки федерації, з'ясована роль і значення Єврокомісії в системі його органів.

For over a decade media legislation, controversial as it was, has been a matter of controversy in Serbia. It was only in 2011 that a newly adopted media strategy developed by European Union and Council of Europe criteria hinted at change for the better as it envisaged the amendment of the entire media legislation (about 18 laws). Consequently, three new laws were passed in 2014: on public information and the media; on broadcast media; and, on public broadcasting service. Ten laws are still pending – either to be amended or adopted.
After the change of the regime in 2000, the media legislation was changed but not in line with a democratic value system. This specially refers to media freedoms. Repression against the media characteristic of the 1990s was replaced by "soft censorship" and self-censorship.
Serbia's media market is small and underdeveloped, and under strong influence of the government. The adopted strategy provides against state ownership of the media except in the case of the two public broadcasting services. Media outlets, especially electronic, are too many for such a limited media market; the state has a hand in media businesses in many ways, including subsidies and paid advertisements for large public enterprises. Non-transparent media ownership and money flow are among key problems of media transition.

In this paper, we examine who drives attention to the European Union (EU) in member nations—the media or the parties—and how cross-national variations in these media-party interactions can be explained by focusing on issue salience in campaign communications, party polarization, and media system characteristics. To answer these questions, we rely on a quantitative content analysis of newspaper articles and party press releases in seven countries (Austria, France, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the United Kingdom) during the twelve weeks prior to the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election. Our results from a daily-level vector autoregression (VAR) analysis show that parties are the main driver. However, our findings also indicate that single approaches in comparative research, namely, issue salience, party polarization, and media characteristics, cannot fully explain cross-national variations, which stem from combinations of different determinants, such as low (high) EU issue salience interacting with high (low) party polarization.