Suchergebnisse

Investigates the socioeconomic structures of the member nations of the European Union (EU) using data on the agricultural, industrial, & services sectors gathered by various international organizations. Socioeconomic structure is defined as the social arrangements with respect to ownership & control of the means of production & their allocation in the production of goods & services. Results reveal a significant gap between the northern & southern states of the EU. In agriculture, the socioeconomic structures of the South, particularly in Portugal & Greece, more closely resemble those of developing than advanced countries. Further, while the North tends to specialize in human capital accumulation, the South focuses on intensive-resource products. This difference is exacerbated by the large gap in expenditures on social security between North & South. It is argued that the push toward uniformity of these structures will require either massive investment or the development of a preferential treatment program for the South. 2 Tables, 28 References. D. M. Smith

"This book examines the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the context of internal functions performed with regards to the European Union (EU) political system and its key actors. It argues that the ENP has been formulated not only in reaction to external challenges and threats, but also in response to EU internal legitimacy needs at systemic, institutional and actor level. Looking beyond governance approaches and the power of norms, this book follows a sociological approach to the politics of legitimation. Using Bourdieu's field theory, it bridges the rationalist-constructivist divide inherent in much of the ENP scholarship. While analysing articulations of EU institutions in terms of narrative production, reproduction and reconstruction, it sheds valuable light on where the conflicting goals, ambiguity and incoherence stem from. By highlighting third countries' responses and usages of ENP narratives for domestic and international legitimacy-seeking, the book calls for a more outside-in perspective on EU foreign policy. With the European integration project being increasingly contested, both internally and externally, this book provides a timely focus on the topic of legitimation and delegitimation dynamics with regards to EU foreign policy. This book is of key interest to scholars and students of European integration, EU Foreign Policy, and more broadly EU Studies and International Relations"--

Many believe that the European Union, even if it has not caused a new division of Europe, has been complicit in the creation of such a division by virtue of different strategies towards alternative groups of post-communist countries. However, have the 'Europeanization' prospects of 'left-out' countries in fact already been predetermined by the alternative strategies of the EU. A number of key questions arise in this context. Is 'inclusion' really dependent on whether the EU has given a membership promise? How true is it actually to speak of alternative EU strategies towards post-communist countries? Is a different perspective on the issue of inclusion or exclusion possible if we concentrate on the European integration process rather than regarding EU membership per se as the key to whether the future trajectory of Europe is continuation of division or end of it? Finally, what role are sub-regional co-operation processes playing in the Europeanization of so-called 'left-out countries'? Adapted from the source document.

The term anti-Americanism has become common in public and academic debate in the last decade. Yet we have only limited knowledge of those who hold such views. From 2003, 2005 and 2006 Eurobarometer data, almost 20% of EU respondents disapproved of USA policy in all five dimensions the surveys examined. Following the literature, this consistent opposition is defined as anti-American. Anti-Americans exhibit systematic differences in age, education, geographical location, policy preferences and nationality. In addition although anti-Americanism is associated with a preference for greater European independence, perhaps surprisingly it is also linked to a desire for a less federal and hence less powerful Europe. In both sets of attitudes, to the USA and to the EU, there is also a strong regional dimension within countries, which reinforces the view that it is too simplistic to describe a country as being anti-American or being pro European integration.

In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950's through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.

Considers the importance of geographical and institutional factors in the development of clusters and industrial districts as a response to economic integration in the European Union (EU). Theoretical works by economists, economic geographers and organisational theorists are synthesised to provide a framework for the analysis of the emergence and/or development of the geographical concentration of firms in response to economic integration in the EU. An explanation based on competitive advantages from creating or developing geographical concentration in response to economic integration is proposed. A threefold classification is made to distinguish between different types of industrial geographical concentration – clusters, industrial districts type I, and industrial districts type II. Argues that the main difference between these three kinds of geographical concentration is attributed to the nature of their networks. Finally, the paper illustrates the importance of geographical concentrations for international business by considering a famous Italian industrial district, the ceramic tile industry in Sassuolo.

Cover -- The European Union and British Democracy -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Figures -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Chapter One Why Democracy? -- Chapter Two Pre-Blairite Democracy In Britain -- Chapter Three The Uk, The European Union And The Legitimacy Deficit -- Chapter Four Power And The European Parliament -- Chapter Five Democracy And The European Parliament -- Chapter Six The European Union -- Chapter Seven The European Union'S Options For Participatory Democracy -- Chapter Eight Towards Multi-Level Governance -- Chapter Nine Converging Democracy -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.