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This abstract article is devoted to a review of the content of an important, new collective work of Russian Islamic scholars (authors: A.K. Alikberov, V.O. Bobrovnikov, A.K. Bustanov) "Russian Islam Essays on History and Culture" (2nd ed. , corrected and supplemented, Strategic Vision Group "Russia-Islamic World" - M.: IV RAS, 2018. - 456 p.). The content of the preface, introduction, twelve chapters and the conclusion of the work is described in detail in the article in abstract form. The author of the article emphasizes the novelty, research significance and value of work, the importance and validity of the theoretical and methodological approach of the authors to the problem of the history and culture of Islam in the Russian Federation.

From 1940 to 2000, Islam was involved in a disproportionately high number of civil wars compared with other religions, such as Christianity or Hinduism. To help explain the overrepresentation of Islam in these wars, this article introduces a theory of "religious outbidding." The theory holds that embattled political elites will tender religious bids when they calculate that increasing their religious legitimacy will strengthen their chances of survival. In combination with three overlapping factors—the historical absence of an internecine religious civil war similar to the Thirty Years' War in Europe, proximity of Islam's holiest sites to Israel and large petroleum reserves, and jihad (i.e., defense of Islam as a religious obligation), religious outbidding accounts for Islam's higher representation in religious civil wars. The article includes a statistical analysis of the role of religion in civil wars and tests the logic of the argument of religious outbidding in the case of Sudan's two civil wars.

This paper is based on a survey, 25 interviews, and observation. According to the results so far, Islam means three things for women in today's Morocco: faith, culture, and politics. Islam as faith is generally perceived as a personal relationship with God. Such a relationship is seen as both rewarding and empowering, but also private. Women who perceive Islam as faith observe the Islamic rituals and may or may not wear the veil. Women's perception of Islam as faith is a rather poorly understood topic in research in a heavily space-based patriarchy, probably because of its intimate relationship with the private sphere. However, for many women, Islam as faith constitutes a genuine locus of agency involving identity and the self. Islam as culture is mainly viewed by women as an inherent part of who they are and what sociocultural background they belong to. Unlike faith, which is often considered personal, culture is generally viewed as part of a "package" that includes community and society. A large proportion of the women who view Islam as culture do not necessarily practice the Islamic rituals, and may not wear the veil, but would feel insulted if they were called "non-Muslim." This view of Islam does not necessarily attach Islam to cultural traditions; on the contrary, culture is often perceived in this context as a lively, flexible, and dynamic concept. Women who perceive Islam as politics observe the rituals, wear the veil, and are keen on making their voice heard in the public sphere. The three meanings that women give to Islam nowadays may interact, but for methodological reasons I will deal with each separately. While the three perceptions are dictated by the conditions of a space-based patriarchy, they are differentiated by a number of variables pertaining to the overall sociopolitical contexts, as well as by women's level of education, economic status, and social status

Abstrak: Demokrasi merupakan sistem pemerintahan yang berasaskan kedaulatan rakyat. Asas yang mendasarinya adalah pemisahan agama dari kehidupan (secular). Dalam demokrasi rakyatlah yang memegang kekuasaan tertinggi, baik untuk memilih aturan apa yang akan diterapkan, siapa penguasa yang akan berkuasa atas mereka maupun memilih apa yang dianggap bermanfaat bagi mereka. Sementara dalam Islam, kedaulatan atau kekuasaan tertinggi bukan di tangan rakyat, tetapi di tangan syara'. Islam menetapkan bahwa syara' atau syariat yang bersumber dari Allah swt. merupakan aturan yang harus dijalankan oleh penguasa yang dipilih oleh rakyat. Syara'lah satu-satunya yang menentukan apa yang harus diterapkan, menetapkan baik-buruk, halal-haram, termasuk kriteria dan tata cara pemilihan penguasa.Dengan demikian, nyata bahwa demokrasi bertentangan dengan aqidah Islam. Karena itu, bagi umat Islam, demokrasi adalah sistem kufr, haram mengambil, menerapkan dan menyebarluaskannya.Kata kunci: demokrasi, kedaulatan rakyat.

This paper discusses the shift in electoral politics of political Islam in the context of democratic consolidation in Indonesia after Reformasi, particularly in South Kalimantan where 94% of the voters are Muslims and considerably religious. It examines the thesis of fading sectarian politics (politik aliran, sectarian identity-based politics) in Indonesia (Liddle and Mujani, 2004; Hamayotsu, 2012) in the midst of growing oligarchy (Hadiz and Robison, 2005; and Winters, 2011) which led to rationalism and pragmatism in electoral politics, in contrast to sectarian politics. Qualitative methodology was employed by using in-depth interviews with local elite Muslim politicians in South Kalimantan. Perceptions and motives on power, political transactional cost, coalition formation, and sharia law were elaborated and analyzed. This research argues that the political Islam adapted to the changing landscape of the electoral politics, both in elite and mass level. In disagreement with other research which concluded that the political Islam plays important role in a 'religious-democracy' in Indonesia (Tanuwidjaja, 2010), this paper argues that they adjusted their vision and strategy to make the most in the electoral politics in the changing context. Islamic norms and culture, are interpreted in harmony with nationalism and democracy, not particularly distinctive and exclusive. Islamic symbols and networks are considered advantages during election campaign and mobilization, although the Muslim politicians are pragmatic when it comes to electability, popularity, and political transaction in coalition formation and policy making.

This article studies what conversion to Islam meant in legal terms for women and how it affected their marriage, conjugal rights, children, and property rights in two circumstances: one, when conversion was of their own volition, and the other, when it was not their own decision, but that of their husbands or fathers. A cluster offive conversion documents-three for Christian, Jewish, and pagan males, and two for Christian and pagan females—from a notarial manual composed in tenth century Cordoba is used here to place the results of the investigation within the analytical framework of the study of Muslim women's legal status, and beyond, into the emotional and psychosocial environment of women's conversion and its significance as a life event.

Indigenous Australians are increasingly finding in Islam the possibility of reconnection with lost Indigenous traditions and a model of community unavailable elsewhere. But this is not a new story. From the Makassan trepang fisherman of Arnhem Land, the Malay pearl-divers of Broome, through the Afghan camel drivers of the interior, Muslims have lived and worked in Australia for over three centuries, and were among the earliest peoples to form connections with Indigenous Australians. Islam Dreaming tells the stories of Australia's Indigenous Muslims.

In this beautifully crafted book, Timur Kuran provides a remarkably rich analysis of how Islamic law impeded economic progress in the Middle East and North Africa. Kuran's views are fresh and powerful, and they are subtle. He does not claim that Islamic law was generally bad for economic activity. He does not claim that prohibitions on interest denied credit to merchants or entrepreneurs. Nor does he claim that predation by absolutist states blocked capitalist accumulation or inhibited commerce.