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The focus of post-war Toronto public secondary schools was the creation of a microcosm of liberal democracy, promising freedom and effective citizenship for the nation. The article explores how gender hierarchy was an implicit part of early post-war liberal "democracy" in schools. By examining women teachers' oral histories, the article discusses the discrepancy between their responsibilities as partners in the "democratic" school and their authority with specific reference to curriculum and inspection reforms of the period. The barriers of post-war educational "democracy" for Toronto women secondary teachers show clearly in the informal and localized ways they adapted this model for their everyday practice. ; La priorité des écoles secondaires publiques torontoises d'après-guerre fut la création d'un microcosme de démocratie libérale, promettant liberté et une véritable citoyenneté à la nation. L'auteure de l'article étudie comment las hiérarchie basée sur le genre participa de façon implicite à cette « démocratie » libérale d'après-guerre dans les écoles. Analysant les récits de vie des enseignantes, elle examine les différences entre leurs responsabilités en tant que partenaires de l'école « démocratique » et leur pouvoir rél, en faisant spécifiquement référence aux réformes des programmes scolaires et d'inspection de las période. Les obstacle que représentait la « démocratie » éducative de l'après=guerre pour les enseignantes du secondaire de Toronto apparaissent clairement à travers les moyens informels et d´centralisés qu'eles utilisèrent pour faire en sorte que ce modèle de travail fonctionne dans leur pratique quotidienne.

Ezra Pound once remarked that "the history of English poetic glory is a history of successful steals from the French." To a certain degree, the same can be said of Russian poetry, particularly at the turn of the twentieth century, when the process of literary development paid little attention to national boundaries. The Acmeists, for example, owe many of their aesthetic and stylistic principles to French poets of at least three chronological periods: the medieval troubadours, the Parnassians, and, most obviously, the Symbolists. French influence did not cease with Baudelaire and Verlaine, however. The impact of the next generation of French poets was also felt in Russia, and the parallels between French Post-symbolism and Russian Acmeism are significant. Whereas Symbolism has long been acknowledged as a world-wide artistic phenomenon, the international scope of the movement which succeeded it has received little attention. In fact, Post-symbolism was also a movement of international proportions. In the first decades of the twentieth century, British and Russian poets looked to their contemporary French counterparts as a source of innovation and manifested their influence in two parallel independent movements — Anglo-American Imagism and Russian Acmeism. In exploring the transmission of French influence to Russia in the early twentieth century and the French sources of Acmeism, I hope to establish a basis for a comprehensive study of Post-symbolist poetry and for a more complete understanding of Acmeism.

The comparative record of cabinet stability shows interesting variation across the three most consolidated post-communist democracies: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. Whereas each cabinet has been remarkably stable in post-communist Hungary, no cabinet has survived in its original composition in Poland. The cabinets that have been formed in the Czech Republic show a mixture of stability and instability: the conservative coalition government formed after the 1996 Czech elections collapsed after a little more than a year in office paving the way for early elections. In contrast, the single-party government formed by the Social Democratic Party (CSSD) after the 1998 polls has proved to be stable. In this article it is argued that cabinet stability both within and across the states can be consistently explained by the theory of dominant and central players.

Arianna Vedaschi (Bocconi University, Milan, Italy; Bocconi University - Baffi Carefin Centre) & Chiara Graziani (Bocconi University ; Bocconi University - Baffi Carefin Centre) have posted Post-Pandemic Constitutionalism: COVID-19 as a Game-Changer for "Common Principles"? (University of Pennsylvania Journal of...

Nous reproduisons, d'après le Caducée, la traduction d'un article de M. le Generalstabsarzt Dr Herold sur les instructions schématiques que l'on pourrait donner au médecin des corps de troupe et des ambulances pour l'exécution du service de santé en campagne au poste de pansement.

Der Autor unterscheidet fünf verschiedene Arten, in denen sich der Pluralismus als solcher in einer Gesellschaft manifestiert, und zeigt mit Bezug auf Afrika und insbesondere Südafrika auf, wie diese Unterschiede in eine Kultur des politischen Pluralismus Eingang finden können. Vor dem Hintergrund der vielen Facetten des Begriffes "Kultur" diskutiert er die neue pan-afrikanische und post-moderne afrikanische Identität und deren Bedeutung für das Entstehen einer übergreifenden afrikanischen politischen Kultur. (DÜI-Hlb)

By adopting a holistic multi-disciplinary approach which identifies key themes and case studies, this book sets the scene for the debate surrounding sustainable agriculture in post-conflict environments. Seeing 'fixing' agriculture as more than merely a technical matter, the volume focuses on this critical post-conflict challenge with social, political and cultural characteristics and consequences as well as the obvious economic ones.

What is really meant by 'development' in twenty-first-century post-apartheid South Africa? What are the challenges and complexities of real transformation in this context? The contributions in this title address the ways in which people in all sectors of South African society are confronting its development dilemmas: from the energy crisis, environmental sustainability and environmental justice to grassroots social movements, problems of policy implementation, land and agricultural reform and gender inequality. Written by leading academics and activists, this is an essential and illuminating in-depth study of the dilemmas facing post-apartheid South Africa, and the historical, political, economic and social context out of which a new democracy is being built. Collectively, the authors suggest that there is no easy way to attain development; it is a process, not an event, and is fraught with failures and loss, as well as gains."--P. [4] of cover

This paper argues for the potential of discursive psychology (DP) in the study of post-truth politics. Work produced outside of psychology is considered, particularly from political science and international relations, which have made a promising start. Providing an overview of this body of research, I argue for their respective strengths and weaknesses. The literature so far tends to work with the notion that truth and emotion are matters that are, or at least should be, distinguishable. Instead, I argue that, rather than lament the blurring between truth and untruth, one should look to how these unfold as matters of practical concern in political discourse. DP is a tool particularly suited to the task; it highlights the importance of viewing 'truth' as a rhetorical resource. In this light, we can view post-truth politics as a rhetorical matter rather than a degeneration of truth.

Book review "Politics and Legitimacy in Post-Soviet Eurasia" edited by Martin Brusis, Joachim Ahrens and Martin Schulze Wessel, 2016, London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan

Charting the path from intervention to integration Europe and the Post-Yugoslav Space examines the role of Europeanization on the development of the countries of the former Yugoslavia. Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo may have a shared history but their experiences, views and attitudes to European integration vary dramatically. Opinion within each state is often equally as keenly divided as to the benefits of active membership. The debate within each country and their comparative differences in approach provide fascinating case studies on the importance and relevance of the EU and the effectiveness of Europeanization. A wide range of contributors with significant experience gained within the EU as well as their country of origin use their expert understanding of the language and cultures of the countries concerned to provide detailed and rich insights into the troubled history and potential of the post-Yugoslav space.

By enabling greater freedom of expression to the soviet civil society, Gorbachev's perestrojka caused the re-emergence of radical nationalist movements among soviet nationalities. In Ukraine these radical movements, though born in a typically post soviet social and cultural environment, drew inspiration from movements and thinkers deeply influenced by European fascism and the right wing radicalism of the first half of the twentieth century. Radical right wing nationalism in post soviet Ukraine, a minority opposed to both pro-Russian and national-democratic currents of Ukrainian mainstream political life, played no role in national independence and in the events of the first two decades of independence, including the "Orange Revolution" of 2004. The bloody events of Euromajdan and the following war in Ukraine's Donbass between pro-Ukrainians and pro-Russian separatists created an opportunity for these radical movements to play a greater political and paramilitary role and to take advantage of the renewed patriotic spirit.