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International audience ; The history of environmental policy in Hungary still seems to bear the marks of the Communist past. Till 1989, the environment came under consideration in planning only as a sectorial policy and was seen only in terms of nature conservation. The central government and bureaucracy, in charge of policy-making, were rather unwilling to regulate pollution and environmental hazards. By the late 1980s, environmentalist movements were objecting to this situation and challenging the declining regime. Despite its obvious willingness to break with the Communist past, Hungary has still not fully erased all traces of previous political and institutional practices. Environmental policy is still technocratic and centralized. Official institutions are struggling to apply European environmental standards based on sustainable development and local initiatives precisely because the latter are lacking. The Communist era's main legacy seems to be the lack of democratic participation at the local level in environmental (or other) matters. ; L'histoire des politiques environnementales en Hongrie est marquée par les caractéristiques du système d'État socialiste : la prise en compte de l'environnement dans la planification est restée, jusqu'en 1989, largement sectorielle et limitée à la seule protection de la nature. Les décisions politiques relevaient du pouvoir central et de la sphère bureaucratique, peu enclins à la prise en compte des pollutions et des risques environnementaux. Les mouvements écologistes des années 1980 ont précisément contribué à dénoncer ces traits et à ébranler le régime finissant. Cependant, la période post-socialiste, malgré sa volonté affichée de rupture avec le régime précédent, n'a pas tout à fait gommé les traces des pratiques politiques et institutionnelles antérieures. L'action environnementale a repris un tour technocratique et centralisé ; les institutions politiques peinent à appliquer le paradigme environnemental européen fondé sur le développement durable et l'initiative ...

Two perspectives provide alternative insights into household composition in contemporary Eastern Europe. The first stresses that individuals have relatively fixed preferences about living arrangements and diverge from them only when they cannot attain their ideal. The second major approach, the adaptive strategies perspective, predicts that individuals have few preferences. Instead, they use household composition to cope with economic hardship, deploy labor, or care for children or the elderly. This article evaluates these approaches in five post‐socialist East‐European countries, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Russia, using descriptive statistics and logistic regression. The results suggest that household extension is common in these countries and provide the most evidence for the adaptive strategies perspective. In particular, the results show that variables operationalizing the adaptive strategies perspective, including measures of single motherhood, retirement status, agricultural cultivation, and poverty, increase the odds of household extension.

When reforming their own countries, several observers, ideologues and politicians in former socialist countries have pointedf to Sweden as a blueprint. It is then believed that Sweden, or the "Swedish model", has combined the efficiency, dynamism and flexibility of capitalist market economies with the economic security and egalitarianism so highly evaluated by many social liberals and socialists. An analysis of the Swedish experience, and its relevance for former socialist countries, may therefore be of rather general interest. When addressing this issue, it is important to realize that basic features of the economic and social system in Sweden have changed considerably over time. Though attempts to divide history into periods are hazardous, in this paper I partition modern economic and social history in Sweden into three periods. The first is the century-long time span from about 1870 to 1970, which may be called "the period of decentralization and small government". During this period, the economic system in Sweden did not differ much from those in other countries in Western Europe, although Sweden was probably one of the least regulated economies in this part of the world. The second period, from 1970 to 1985/90, may be characterized as a "period of centralizaion and large government". In this time span, Sweden acquired idiosyncratic features, though still within the framework of a capitalist market economy. The third period, from 1985/90 onwards, may be regarded as a "period of transition" due to deregulation of markets for capital and foreign exchange, intensified importance of private saving and private supply of capital, comprehensive tax reforms (with lower rates, a broader base and fewer asymmetries), a shift of the macroeconomic policy regime towards greater emphasis on price stability, a stricter budget process in the public sector, as well as some (modest) attempts to reform and rewind various welfare-state arrangements. The paper deals mainly with the last two periods. By way of introduction, I will make a few comments on the first, century-long period, as it was largely then that the foundation of today's affluence in Sweden was established. Some of the experience from this period is also highly relevant for post-socialist countries.

This paper describes a study designed to identify the ways in which blind and visually impaired persons utilize adaptive skills following successful rehabilitation. In addition, the effects of certain personal characteristics on the use of such skills was measured. The skills utilized most frequently and at the highest levels were, as expected, related to caring for one's daily living needs. Those reported least frequently related to specialized needs, such as braille, typing, and independent travel. Chi-square analyses demonstrated significant relationships between educational level and typing skills (p = .04), degree of vision and handwriting skills (p < .01), degree of vision and personal management skills (p <.01), age of onset and listening and recording skills (p = .01), and age of onset and home management skills (p = .04). Key words: blind rehabilitation, adaptive skills, post-rehabilitation and blindness skills.

DOI:10.17336/igusbd.14781 ; In establishing their new nation-state by waging war against the occupant Western countries during the aftermath of the World War I, the secular nationalist cadres who were educated in the Western-modern schools of the semi-colonial Ottoman State implemented a modernization project that acknowledged the superiority of Western values in order to "civilize" the society that they were attempting to build. These secular nationalist cadres gained legitimacy via running a national Independence battle against the colonialist imperialist powers, and they pursued a internal colonialism and local orientalism approach excluding the various social groups that existed in the periphery of their own nation-state from the political, cultural, social, and economic fields. However, different social groups resisted against this civilization project in various forms from the very beginning, and brought to power the "Islamist" Welfare Party (RP) in 1996 and then Justice and Development Party (AK Party) in 2002. As a response to this development, RP was discredited in the political and social arena and finally overthrown by a 'post-modern coup d'état", and AK Party faced a closure trail and the military e-memorandum. This article shall employ a post-colonial perspective to carry out a sociological discussion of the processes that fostered the mental codes of these "secular nationalist cadres" that were determined to modernize their nation-state at any cost. ; Yarı sömürgeleştirilmiş Osmanlı Devleti'nin Batılı modern okullarında yetişen milliyetçi seküler kadrolar Birinci Dünya savaşı sonrası yeni ulus-devletlerini işgalci Batılı ülkelere karşı savaşarak kurdular. Ancak inşa etmeye çalıştıkları toplumu "medenileştirmek" için batılı değerlerin üstünlüğünü kabul eden bir modernleşme projesini hayata geçirdiler. Meşruluklarını sömürgeci emperyalist güçlere karşı ulusal kurtuluş mücadelesini yürütmekten alan bu kadrolar "milli bir kolonyalizm ve yerel bir oryantalizm" ile kendi milli devletlerinin çeperinde yer alan farklı toplumsal grupları siyasal, kültürel, sosyal ve ekonomik sahalardan dışladılar. Ancak bu medenileştirme projesine karşı farklı toplumsal gruplar Cumhuriyetin başından beri farklı formlarda direniş gösterdiler ve 1996 yılında destekledikleri "İslamcı" Refah Parti'sini (RP) ve daha sonra 2002 yılında Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'ni (AK PARTİ) iktidara getirdiler. Bunun üzerine milliyetçi seküler kadrolar, Refah Partisi'ni siyasal ve sosyal alanda itibarsızlaştırmış ve bir post modern darbeyle iktidardan uzaklaştırmıştır, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi ise kapatma davası ve askeri e-muhtıraya maruz kalmıştır. Bu makalede ulus-devletlerini her ne pasına olursa olsun modernleştirmek isteyen "milliyetçi seküler kadroların" zihinsel kodlarını besleyen süreçler post kolonyal bakış açısıyla sosyolojik olarak tartışılacaktır.

International audience ; The history of environmental policy in Hungary still seems to bear the marks of the Communist past. Till 1989, the environment came under consideration in planning only as a sectorial policy and was seen only in terms of nature conservation. The central government and bureaucracy, in charge of policy-making, were rather unwilling to regulate pollution and environmental hazards. By the late 1980s, environmentalist movements were objecting to this situation and challenging the declining regime. Despite its obvious willingness to break with the Communist past, Hungary has still not fully erased all traces of previous political and institutional practices. Environmental policy is still technocratic and centralized. Official institutions are struggling to apply European environmental standards based on sustainable development and local initiatives precisely because the latter are lacking. The Communist era's main legacy seems to be the lack of democratic participation at the local level in environmental (or other) matters. ; L'histoire des politiques environnementales en Hongrie est marquée par les caractéristiques du système d'État socialiste : la prise en compte de l'environnement dans la planification est restée, jusqu'en 1989, largement sectorielle et limitée à la seule protection de la nature. Les décisions politiques relevaient du pouvoir central et de la sphère bureaucratique, peu enclins à la prise en compte des pollutions et des risques environnementaux. Les mouvements écologistes des années 1980 ont précisément contribué à dénoncer ces traits et à ébranler le régime finissant. Cependant, la période post-socialiste, malgré sa volonté affichée de rupture avec le régime précédent, n'a pas tout à fait gommé les traces des pratiques politiques et institutionnelles antérieures. L'action environnementale a repris un tour technocratique et centralisé ; les institutions politiques peinent à appliquer le paradigme environnemental européen fondé sur le développement durable et l'initiative locale - précisément parce que cette dernière fait défaut. Le principal héritage du socialisme serait ainsi le manque relatif de participation démocratique à la question environnementale comme à l'action locale en général.