Spatial inequality is an important feature of many developing countries that seems to increase with economic growth and development. At the same time, there seems to be little consensus on the causes of spatial inequality and on a list of effective policy instruments that may foster or reduce spatial inequality. This paper examines the theoretical and empirical literature on spatial inequality to learn what we know and do not know about the causes of spatial inequality, to investigate what policies may or may not ameliorate spatial inequality, and to determine whether policy makers can identify and implement policies that promote or reduce spatial inequality.
Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit den Agrarverhandlungen in der sogenannten Doha-Entwicklungsrunde im Rahmen der WTO, die im November 2001 eingeleitet wird. Ziel der Runde war es ursprünglich, bis Ende 2004 weitreichende Liberalisierungen und eine Präzisierung der Regeln des internationalen Handels zu verabschieden, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Interessen von Entwicklungsländern. Die zentrale Herausforderung in den Agrarverhandlungen ist, Länder mit ganz unterschiedlichen Ausgangssituationen, Problemen, Instrumenten und Zielen für ihre Agrarwirtschaften und Ernährungslage dazu zu bringen, sich auf gemeinsame Spielregeln zu einigen. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht am Beispiel von Tansania und Senegal, welche spezielle Interessenlage in den Least Developed Countries (LDC) südlich der Sahara vorherrscht, welche internationalen Agrarhandelspolitiken diesen Interessen am ehesten dienlich sind und in welche Richtung weitere agrarpolitische Maßnahmen gehen müssen, damit mögliche Impulse aus den Agrarverhandlungen auch tatsächlich zu Entwicklung im Sinne von nachhaltigem Wachstum und Armutsminderung beitragen. Die zentrale Hypothese der Studie lautet, dass mögliche Liberalisierungen der Weltagrarmärkte zwar wichtige Anreize für armutsorientiertes Wachstum in SSA (Sub-Sahara Afrika) bieten können, dass aber die wichtigsten Reformen und Entwicklungsanstrengungen dort selbst stattfinden müssen. Mit den Beispielländern, Tansania und Senegal, werden zwei charakteristische, entgegengesetzte Situationen analysiert: Tansania repräsentiert eine stark agrarisch geprägte Ökonomie mit relativ großem Reichtum an agrarischen Ressourcen. Senegal steht für eine im afrikanischen Kontext schon relativ stark urbanisierte und industrialisierte Volkswirtschaft, die aufgrund mangelnder agrarwirtschaftlicher Dynamik und der Degradierung der natürlichen Ressourcen stark von Agrarimporten abhängig ist. Im ersten Kapitel werden die wichtigsten strittigen Punkte der komplexen Agrarverhandlungen und die wichtigsten Positionen präsentiert. Diese stecken den Ergebnisraum ab, in dem sich die Verhandlungen bewegen. Die Verhandlungssituation der LDC wird besonders berücksichtigt. Im zweiten Kapitel wird thematisiert, dass nicht nur die internationalen, sondern auch die verschiedenen nationalen Interessengruppen in Bezug auf den Agrarsektor und die Doha-Agrarverhandlungen sehr heterogen sind. Aus der Kombination von Verhandlungsthemen und interner Interessenlage wird ein Analyseraster konzipiert. Das dritte Kapitel führt in die Fallstudienländer ein und zeigt die unterschiedlichen agrarökologischen und ökonomischen Ausgangssituationen. Außerdem wird die Interessenlage der wichtigsten internen Akteursgruppen diskutiert. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden die Verhandlungspositionen der LDC einer kritischen Analyse unterzogen: Im vierten Kapitel stehen die Forderungen an die Verhandlungspartner im Vordergrund, im fünften Kapitel die Forderungen für die internen agrarpolitischen Spielräume. Schließlich werden im sechsten Kapitel Folgerungen für die WTO-Positionen sowie kohärente Handels- und Agrarpolitiken der LDC gezogen und Empfehlungen für eine entsprechende entwicklungspolitische Unterstützung gegeben. (ICG2) Abschätzung der Wirkungen multilateraler Agrarliberalisierungen." [Textauszug]
Until the last major recession, there was an approach in macroeconomics that income distribution was not significant for macroeconomic processes. However, the recent major recession has prompted policymakers and economists to take into account the phenomenon of income inequality, its economic and social causes and consequences related to poverty, social inclusion, social trust, support of democratic institutions, economic growth, financial and other issues. In recent years, income inequality has been rising in many countries, and the International Monetary Fund, the OECD and other organizations underline the importance of addressing this problem. It is important to choose the right measures to make the right decisions in order to address the issues of growing income inequality. Their choice is influenced by the identification of factors influencing the change of income inequality and the impact assessment. The scale and change of income inequality can be influenced by the factors related to the market economy (globalization, technological progress) and the institutional factors (setting the rules of the game on the market, creating a certain environment). According to the factors analysed in the research, three groups of authors can be distinguished. Some authors (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014, Cabral, García-Díaz, Mollick, 2016, Lim, McNelis, 2016, Sheng, 2015, Haan, Sturm, 2017, Wade, 2004, Alvarez, 2015, Elmawazini, Sharif, Manga, Drucker, 2013, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2013, Çelik, Basdas, 2010, Hermes, 2014, Richmond, Triplett, 2017, Franco, Gerussi, 2013, Stockhammer, Guschanski, Köhler, 2016, Soons, 2016, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2008) investigate and assess the impact of market factors (globalization, financialization, technological progress) on income inequality, while other authors or the group of authors (IMF, 2014, Arestis, Gonzalez-Martinez, 2016, Checchi, Josifidis, Supic, Beker Pucar, 2017, Feld, Schnellenbach, 2014, Obadić, Šimurina, Sonora, 2014, Calderón, Chong, 2009, Checchi, García-Peñalosa, 2008, Saez, 2017, Jaumotte, Buitron, 2015, Bastagli, Coady, Gupta, 2012, Kenworthy, Pontusson, 2005) distinguish the impact of institutional factors (labour market institutions, welfare state) on income inequality. According to J. E. Stiglitz (2016), the market does not operate in a vacuum – it operates within an institutional setting. Therefore, the third group of authors can be identified that assess the impact of both market and institutional factors on inequality (Stiglitz, 2016, Atkinson, 2003, Josifidis, Supic, 2017, Josifidis, Mitrović, Supić, Glavaški, 2016, Huber, Stephens, 2014, Darcillon, 2015, Lin, Fu, 2016, Ghossoub, Reed, 2017, Kristal, Cohen, 2017, Alderson, Nielsen, 2002, Kus, 2012, Tridico, 2015, Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Ricka, Suphaphiphat, Tsounta, 2015, Jain-Chandra, Kinda, Kochhar, Piao, Schauer, 2016). The results of empirical studies assessing the impact of different factors on income inequality are contradictory. There is a disagreement on the distinction between different factors influencing the change of inequality as well as the direction and strength of their impact. Therefore, it is relevant to determine what factors determine income inequality and what is their impact on income inequality. The aim of the research is on the basis of empirical research to analyse the impact of factors influencing the change of income inequality, to identify which factors have the greatest impact. Research methods are as follows: analysis, grouping and generalization of scientific articles. On the basis of the analysis of the studies, which evaluated the factors determining income inequality, five groups of factors determining income inequality have been identified: 1) globalization; 2) technological progress; 3) financialization; 4) labour market institutions; 5) welfare state. It is possible to state that some studies assess the impact of only one set of factors on the change of income inequality: globalization, financialization, labour market institutions or technological progress, while other studies assess more than two groups of factors. This reflects the authors' differing views on the factors and how they influence the change of income inequality. On the basis of the empirical results analysed in this research, it can be concluded that globalization tends to increase income inequality. However, the results of some studies show that globalization increases income inequality in both developed and developing countries, while the results of other studies show that globalization reduces income inequality in developing countries. The research assessing the impact of factors determining income inequality in EU countries (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014) found that in some countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, Spain) the globalization led to the decrease in income inequality and in other countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the new EU countries) it led to the increase. It has been found that: 1) the impact of trade globalization on changes of income inequality is ambiguous: in some studies it reduces income inequality, in others it increases income inequality or the impact is insignificant; 2) the impact of financial globalization on changes of income inequality is usually positive. Summarizing the impact of technological progress on income inequality, it has been found that technological progress increases income inequality, but the use of information and communication technologies (Internet and mobile communication) reduces income inequality. The impact of the group of financialization factors on income inequality is also ambiguous: 1) financial deepening increases income inequality by investigating the impact in many countries of the world, but it decreases it in developed countries; 2) if the impact of some financial development indicators on inequality is insignificant, then the impact of ratio between bank credits and GDP increases income inequality; 3) financial liberalization increases income inequality; 4) banking crises increase income inequality; 5) the intensity of microfinance reduces income inequality. One of the indicators of labour market institutions (trade union membership) is mentioned in the studies as both reducing and increasing (through channels of wage differences and unemployment rate) income inequality. The results of empirical research show that income inequality is reduced by labour protection laws, bargaining power in wage setting, and it is increased by labour market flexibility, capital per worker (through part of work and unemployment channels) and the ratio of minimum and average wage (through the gap of pay and unemployment rate channels). The factors of welfare state have a positive impact and reduce income inequality. The results of the research do not provide an unambiguous answer, but most evidence shows that labour market institutions and welfare state factors reduce income inequality, while factors of technological progress and financialization increase income inequality. In summary, technological advances, labour market institutions and globalization have the greatest impact on changes of income inequality.
Until the last major recession, there was an approach in macroeconomics that income distribution was not significant for macroeconomic processes. However, the recent major recession has prompted policymakers and economists to take into account the phenomenon of income inequality, its economic and social causes and consequences related to poverty, social inclusion, social trust, support of democratic institutions, economic growth, financial and other issues. In recent years, income inequality has been rising in many countries, and the International Monetary Fund, the OECD and other organizations underline the importance of addressing this problem. It is important to choose the right measures to make the right decisions in order to address the issues of growing income inequality. Their choice is influenced by the identification of factors influencing the change of income inequality and the impact assessment. The scale and change of income inequality can be influenced by the factors related to the market economy (globalization, technological progress) and the institutional factors (setting the rules of the game on the market, creating a certain environment). According to the factors analysed in the research, three groups of authors can be distinguished. Some authors (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014, Cabral, García-Díaz, Mollick, 2016, Lim, McNelis, 2016, Sheng, 2015, Haan, Sturm, 2017, Wade, 2004, Alvarez, 2015, Elmawazini, Sharif, Manga, Drucker, 2013, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2013, Çelik, Basdas, 2010, Hermes, 2014, Richmond, Triplett, 2017, Franco, Gerussi, 2013, Stockhammer, Guschanski, Köhler, 2016, Soons, 2016, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2008) investigate and assess the impact of market factors (globalization, financialization, technological progress) on income inequality, while other authors or the group of authors (IMF, 2014, Arestis, Gonzalez-Martinez, 2016, Checchi, Josifidis, Supic, Beker Pucar, 2017, Feld, Schnellenbach, 2014, Obadić, Šimurina, Sonora, 2014, Calderón, Chong, 2009, Checchi, García-Peñalosa, 2008, Saez, 2017, Jaumotte, Buitron, 2015, Bastagli, Coady, Gupta, 2012, Kenworthy, Pontusson, 2005) distinguish the impact of institutional factors (labour market institutions, welfare state) on income inequality. According to J. E. Stiglitz (2016), the market does not operate in a vacuum – it operates within an institutional setting. Therefore, the third group of authors can be identified that assess the impact of both market and institutional factors on inequality (Stiglitz, 2016, Atkinson, 2003, Josifidis, Supic, 2017, Josifidis, Mitrović, Supić, Glavaški, 2016, Huber, Stephens, 2014, Darcillon, 2015, Lin, Fu, 2016, Ghossoub, Reed, 2017, Kristal, Cohen, 2017, Alderson, Nielsen, 2002, Kus, 2012, Tridico, 2015, Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Ricka, Suphaphiphat, Tsounta, 2015, Jain-Chandra, Kinda, Kochhar, Piao, Schauer, 2016). The results of empirical studies assessing the impact of different factors on income inequality are contradictory. There is a disagreement on the distinction between different factors influencing the change of inequality as well as the direction and strength of their impact. Therefore, it is relevant to determine what factors determine income inequality and what is their impact on income inequality. The aim of the research is on the basis of empirical research to analyse the impact of factors influencing the change of income inequality, to identify which factors have the greatest impact. Research methods are as follows: analysis, grouping and generalization of scientific articles. On the basis of the analysis of the studies, which evaluated the factors determining income inequality, five groups of factors determining income inequality have been identified: 1) globalization; 2) technological progress; 3) financialization; 4) labour market institutions; 5) welfare state. It is possible to state that some studies assess the impact of only one set of factors on the change of income inequality: globalization, financialization, labour market institutions or technological progress, while other studies assess more than two groups of factors. This reflects the authors' differing views on the factors and how they influence the change of income inequality. On the basis of the empirical results analysed in this research, it can be concluded that globalization tends to increase income inequality. However, the results of some studies show that globalization increases income inequality in both developed and developing countries, while the results of other studies show that globalization reduces income inequality in developing countries. The research assessing the impact of factors determining income inequality in EU countries (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014) found that in some countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, Spain) the globalization led to the decrease in income inequality and in other countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the new EU countries) it led to the increase. It has been found that: 1) the impact of trade globalization on changes of income inequality is ambiguous: in some studies it reduces income inequality, in others it increases income inequality or the impact is insignificant; 2) the impact of financial globalization on changes of income inequality is usually positive. Summarizing the impact of technological progress on income inequality, it has been found that technological progress increases income inequality, but the use of information and communication technologies (Internet and mobile communication) reduces income inequality. The impact of the group of financialization factors on income inequality is also ambiguous: 1) financial deepening increases income inequality by investigating the impact in many countries of the world, but it decreases it in developed countries; 2) if the impact of some financial development indicators on inequality is insignificant, then the impact of ratio between bank credits and GDP increases income inequality; 3) financial liberalization increases income inequality; 4) banking crises increase income inequality; 5) the intensity of microfinance reduces income inequality. One of the indicators of labour market institutions (trade union membership) is mentioned in the studies as both reducing and increasing (through channels of wage differences and unemployment rate) income inequality. The results of empirical research show that income inequality is reduced by labour protection laws, bargaining power in wage setting, and it is increased by labour market flexibility, capital per worker (through part of work and unemployment channels) and the ratio of minimum and average wage (through the gap of pay and unemployment rate channels). The factors of welfare state have a positive impact and reduce income inequality. The results of the research do not provide an unambiguous answer, but most evidence shows that labour market institutions and welfare state factors reduce income inequality, while factors of technological progress and financialization increase income inequality. In summary, technological advances, labour market institutions and globalization have the greatest impact on changes of income inequality.
Le celebrazioni per i 150 anni dell'Unità d'Italia offrono anche l'occasione per interrogarsi sulla storia e lo sviluppo di questo Paese, in particolare in riferimento alla cultura del mare e al sistema dei trasporti via acqua. In un paese peninsulare come l'Italia, con i suoi 7.500 chilometri di fronte d'acqua, la presenza dei porti è sempre stata elemento determinante per la crescita economica e per la sua affermazione sui mercati internazionali. Ma, dalla seconda metà del Novecento, le città e i loro porti sono andati progressivamente separandosi, determinando situazioni di forti contrasti e di continue tensioni. Solo più recentemente – a seguito della legge n. 84 del 1994 – nuove forme di 'dialogo' hanno consentito, in talune occasioni, di riavviare politiche di concertazione sui piani di sviluppo delle aree portuali e sul miglioramento della situazione delle zone urbane prossime ai porti. Per tutti questi motivi, l'occasione del 150esimo anniversario dell'Unità d'Italia può rappresentare un momento significativo per riprendere la riflessione sul ruolo dei porti italiani nella storia del nostro paese, ed, eventualmente, sul potenziale rafforzamento che essi possono subire, alla luce dei dati positivi ed incoraggianti dell'intero cluster marittimo in questi ultimi anni, almeno fino alla crisi congiunturale del 2008.Al tempo stesso, si può analizzare la complessa relazione porto-città, in un'ottica di mutuo riconoscimento delle rispettive esigenze e della volontà di sviluppare le proprie attività in un quadro di concreto ed efficace spirito di collaborazione, che richiede sia una maggiore conoscenza reciproca, così come una più efficace definizione degli obiettivi per il raggiungimento di una qualità urbana sostenibile e duratura.La progressiva globalizzazione dell'economia e la liberalizzazione del mercato hanno determinato una generale crescita degli scambi commerciali a livello mondiale e in particolare il bacino del Mediterraneo è diventato un centro di flussi di traffico Est-Ovest e Nord-Sud. L'Italia, posta al centro del bacino del Mediterraneo, è tornata ad essere oggi il crocevia delle più importanti direttrici di collegamento mondiale di merci e passeggeri, vivendo una stagione di intensa crescita nei traffici marittimi. Ad eccezione per quei porti caratterizzati da una forte presenza del segmento crocieristico che ha registrato livelli di crescita interessanti, la crisi congiunturale e globale del 2008 ha avuto effetti molto pesanti anche in questo settore (traffico merci su mezzi pesanti e traffico container). Si pagano alcune lacune storiche della portualità del Mediterraneo, e di quella adriatica in particolare, quali la mancanza di collegamenti terrestri via ferrovia da e per i porti, anche se le Autorità Portuali stanno cercando di colmare il ritardo sia dal punto di vista infrastrutturale che di sostenibilità ambientale, attraverso politiche di condivisione e convivenza tra il porto e il territorio circostante e in una rinnovata e diffusa 'cultura del mare' e del ruolo attivo e 'creativo' dei porti. Solo attraverso un approccio culturale e una reciproca educazione potrà emergere una nuova percezione del porto in città e della città nel porto. In realtà, esistono già segnali incoraggianti di una recente appropriazione – o ri-appropriazione – del porto in chiave positiva e di un recupero della cultura del mare in alcune città portuali italiane. Attraverso un processo lento e complesso, articolato in eventi diversi, sta maturando un nuovo 'sentire' nei confronti dei porti, visti in chiave di risorsa e di parte integrante di una città, purché essi rispettino alcune regole necessarie per una vita urbana sostenibile. ; The celebrations for the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy also offer the opportunity to question the history and development of this country, particularly in reference to the maritime culture and the system of water transport. In a peninsular country like Italy, with its 7,500 km of waterfront, the presence of ports has always been crucial to economic growth and its success in international markets. But the second half of the twentieth century, cities and their ports have been gradually separated, resulting in situation of conflict and ongoing tensions. Only recently – following the Law 84, 1994 - new forms of 'dialogue' have allowed, on certain occasions, to restart political consultation on the development plans of the port areas and on improving the situation of urban areas close to ports. For all these reasons, the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy can be a significant moment to resume the debate on the role of Italian ports in the history of our country, and possibly increase the potential that they may have, according to the positive and encouraging data of the entire maritime cluster in recent years, at least until the economic crisis of 2008. At the same time, the complex relationship port-city can be analyzed, with a view to mutual recognition of their needs and to the development of their activities in a framework of practical and effective, cooperative spirit, which requires both a greater mutual understanding as well as a more effective targeting to achieve a lasting and sustainable urban quality. The gradual economic globalization and market liberalization have led to a general increase in trade globally and in particular the Mediterranean has become a centre of traffic flows East-West and North-South. Italy, located in the middle of the Mediterranean basin, is now once again become the crossroads of the most important lines of goods and passengers connected world, experiencing a period of intense growth in maritime trade. Except for those ports with a strong presence of the cruise segment, which recorded growth rates of interest, the global economic crisis of 2008 has had very heavy in this sector (freight traffic to trucks and containers). This is also due to some historical gaps of the Mediterranean ports, such as the lack of rail connections to and from the ports, although Port Authorities are trying to bridge the gap both in terms of infrastructural interventions and environmental sustainability, through policies of sharing and coexistence between the port and the surrounding area and through a renewed and widespread 'culture of the sea'. Since only through a cultural approach and mutual education will emerge a new perception of the port in the city and the city in the port. In fact, there are already encouraging signs of a recent appropriation of the port in a positive light and of a recovery of marine culture in several Italian port cities. Through a slow and complex process, articulated through different events, is gaining a new 'feeling' in relation to ports, seen in the key of a resource and as an integral part of a city, provided they respect certain rules necessary for sustainable urban living.
Le celebrazioni per i 150 anni dell'Unità d'Italia offrono anche l'occasione per interrogarsi sulla storia e lo sviluppo di questo Paese, in particolare in riferimento alla cultura del mare e al sistema dei trasporti via acqua. In un paese peninsulare come l'Italia, con i suoi 7.500 chilometri di fronte d'acqua, la presenza dei porti è sempre stata elemento determinante per la crescita economica e per la sua affermazione sui mercati internazionali. Ma, dalla seconda metà del Novecento, le città e i loro porti sono andati progressivamente separandosi, determinando situazioni di forti contrasti e di continue tensioni. Solo più recentemente – a seguito della legge n. 84 del 1994 – nuove forme di 'dialogo' hanno consentito, in talune occasioni, di riavviare politiche di concertazione sui piani di sviluppo delle aree portuali e sul miglioramento della situazione delle zone urbane prossime ai porti. Per tutti questi motivi, l'occasione del 150esimo anniversario dell'Unità d'Italia può rappresentare un momento significativo per riprendere la riflessione sul ruolo dei porti italiani nella storia del nostro paese, ed, eventualmente, sul potenziale rafforzamento che essi possono subire, alla luce dei dati positivi ed incoraggianti dell'intero cluster marittimo in questi ultimi anni, almeno fino alla crisi congiunturale del 2008.Al tempo stesso, si può analizzare la complessa relazione porto-città, in un'ottica di mutuo riconoscimento delle rispettive esigenze e della volontà di sviluppare le proprie attività in un quadro di concreto ed efficace spirito di collaborazione, che richiede sia una maggiore conoscenza reciproca, così come una più efficace definizione degli obiettivi per il raggiungimento di una qualità urbana sostenibile e duratura.La progressiva globalizzazione dell'economia e la liberalizzazione del mercato hanno determinato una generale crescita degli scambi commerciali a livello mondiale e in particolare il bacino del Mediterraneo è diventato un centro di flussi di traffico Est-Ovest e Nord-Sud. L'Italia, posta al centro del bacino del Mediterraneo, è tornata ad essere oggi il crocevia delle più importanti direttrici di collegamento mondiale di merci e passeggeri, vivendo una stagione di intensa crescita nei traffici marittimi. Ad eccezione per quei porti caratterizzati da una forte presenza del segmento crocieristico che ha registrato livelli di crescita interessanti, la crisi congiunturale e globale del 2008 ha avuto effetti molto pesanti anche in questo settore (traffico merci su mezzi pesanti e traffico container). Si pagano alcune lacune storiche della portualità del Mediterraneo, e di quella adriatica in particolare, quali la mancanza di collegamenti terrestri via ferrovia da e per i porti, anche se le Autorità Portuali stanno cercando di colmare il ritardo sia dal punto di vista infrastrutturale che di sostenibilità ambientale, attraverso politiche di condivisione e convivenza tra il porto e il territorio circostante e in una rinnovata e diffusa 'cultura del mare' e del ruolo attivo e 'creativo' dei porti. Solo attraverso un approccio culturale e una reciproca educazione potrà emergere una nuova percezione del porto in città e della città nel porto. In realtà, esistono già segnali incoraggianti di una recente appropriazione – o ri-appropriazione – del porto in chiave positiva e di un recupero della cultura del mare in alcune città portuali italiane. Attraverso un processo lento e complesso, articolato in eventi diversi, sta maturando un nuovo 'sentire' nei confronti dei porti, visti in chiave di risorsa e di parte integrante di una città, purché essi rispettino alcune regole necessarie per una vita urbana sostenibile. ; The celebrations for the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy also offer the opportunity to question the history and development of this country, particularly in reference to the maritime culture and the system of water transport. In a peninsular country like Italy, with its 7,500 km of waterfront, the presence of ports has always been crucial to economic growth and its success in international markets. But the second half of the twentieth century, cities and their ports have been gradually separated, resulting in situation of conflict and ongoing tensions. Only recently – following the Law 84, 1994 - new forms of 'dialogue' have allowed, on certain occasions, to restart political consultation on the development plans of the port areas and on improving the situation of urban areas close to ports. For all these reasons, the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy can be a significant moment to resume the debate on the role of Italian ports in the history of our country, and possibly increase the potential that they may have, according to the positive and encouraging data of the entire maritime cluster in recent years, at least until the economic crisis of 2008. At the same time, the complex relationship port-city can be analyzed, with a view to mutual recognition of their needs and to the development of their activities in a framework of practical and effective, cooperative spirit, which requires both a greater mutual understanding as well as a more effective targeting to achieve a lasting and sustainable urban quality. The gradual economic globalization and market liberalization have led to a general increase in trade globally and in particular the Mediterranean has become a centre of traffic flows East-West and North-South. Italy, located in the middle of the Mediterranean basin, is now once again become the crossroads of the most important lines of goods and passengers connected world, experiencing a period of intense growth in maritime trade. Except for those ports with a strong presence of the cruise segment, which recorded growth rates of interest, the global economic crisis of 2008 has had very heavy in this sector (freight traffic to trucks and containers). This is also due to some historical gaps of the Mediterranean ports, such as the lack of rail connections to and from the ports, although Port Authorities are trying to bridge the gap both in terms of infrastructural interventions and environmental sustainability, through policies of sharing and coexistence between the port and the surrounding area and through a renewed and widespread 'culture of the sea'. Since only through a cultural approach and mutual education will emerge a new perception of the port in the city and the city in the port. In fact, there are already encouraging signs of a recent appropriation of the port in a positive light and of a recovery of marine culture in several Italian port cities. Through a slow and complex process, articulated through different events, is gaining a new 'feeling' in relation to ports, seen in the key of a resource and as an integral part of a city, provided they respect certain rules necessary for sustainable urban living.
This seventh economic update goes to the heart of one of the main challenges faced by Tanzania: how can the country finance its development? This is a fundamental question when aid is coming down as a proportion of a growing GDP, and as access to financial markets remains limited. Oneoption would be to rely more on the private sector to deliver education, health, roads, ports and electricity. This is possible as demonstrated by many such experiences around the world, and therefore this approach needs to be one important part of the solution to finance development. The argument presented in this economic update is that higher tax revenues will come only if a comprehensive approach is adopted. The tax system has to be affordable, fair, simple, and transparent. The government also has to be accountable for the money it is receiving. It is onlywhen these basic conditions are met that tax compliance will increase. Because a strong social contract between the State and its citizens is not yet sufficiently in place in Tanzania, a number of suggestions are proposed in the update, with the objective of stimulating debate on possibleapproaches to increase tax revenue.
This paper is intended to provide a brief overview of the different SEZ experiences in China and Africa, the key lessons that Africa can learn from China, as well as the recent Chinese zones in Africa. For this purpose, the paper is structured in the following way: section 1 starts with definition of SEZs, then followed with the Chinese experiences (section 2), African experiences (section 3), the lessons that Africa can learn from China (section 4), Chinese zones in Africa (section 5), and then concludes.
Studies on the link between financial development and poverty have been inconclusive. Some claim that deeper financial sectors should improve the allocation of capital by allowing entrepreneurs greater access to finance, which should particularly favor the poor. Others argue that improvements in the financial system primarily benefit the rich and politically connected. The literature has also been ambiguous about the channels through which finance may be associated with lower poverty (deposits versus credit). Looking at a sample of 37 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1992 through 2006, the paper suggests that financial deepening is associated with lower poverty through different channels depending on the strength of property rights. In the absence of well-defined and enforced property rights, wider access to saving and risk-sharing instruments is accompanied by a reduction in poverty. Only once property rights grow stronger is credit associated with lower poverty.
This paper examines the phenomena of high rates of youth that are out of school and out of work in Latin America. The analysis pursues a dynamic approach by constructing a pseudo-panel from 234 household surveys for 18 countries in the region that allow tracing the life cycle trajectories of different cohorts over time. The trajectories are associated with a series of variables characterizing the household, community, and macro environment in which schooling and labor market participation decisions take place. The most important result obtained is that the persistently high rates of being out of school and out of work among males are strongly associated with greater labor force participation by women, which can be generating a "crowding out" effect against men, given slow job creation rates across the region. The analysis also explores the possibility of scarring effects, and finds that higher shares of out of school and out of work youth at ages 15–20 years are associated with lower wages for the same cohorts later in life, at ages 35–40 years, for males and females. As for employment prospects, the analysis finds scarring effects only for females, with greater out of school and out of work youth shares being related to lower proportions of women in the labor market later in the life cycle.
Introduction. Every society needs a basic rules of economic life organization. Economic and financial systems would be in complete chaos if business was not subject to the actions of certain laws. But, in general, the more economic freedom the participants of economic relations have, the greater is the probability of their economic prosperity and economic development of the state. Thus, it can be assumed that the level of economic freedom has a significant impact on the development of the economy and the financial sector, which is its inalienable component of it, and its indicator can be used as a tool of information provision for making managerial decisions at the macro level in the direction of liberalization or strengthening control over the organization of economic relations, depending on the perspective vectors of economic development. In addition, we see the prospect of using the level of economic freedom as one of the indicators of the state of economic security of the countryPurpose. The purpose of the article is to establish the relationship between the level of economic freedom in the country and the state of economic security at the micro and macro levels at the theoretical and applied levels.Methods. Formal-logical method is used to determine the basic concepts; monographic and comparative methods; method of theoretical generalization; ordering method, analysis.Results. The definitions of economic security of the subject of economic activity and economic security of the state are offered. Their content demonstrates the necessity of economic freedom as a prerequisite for achievement of economic security at macro and micro levels. The role of economic freedom in the state in the process of «securing economic security» of various types of entrepreneurial structures, institutions and organizations is specified. A retrospective analysis of the values of the index of economic freedom in Ukraine and in the world in dynamics has been carried out, the lowest positions of the rating of our state have been revealed for the separate components of the index of economic freedom in order to form an information base for establishing the relationship between the level of economic freedom in the country and the state of economic security of the country and individual business objects. The directions of use of economic freedom indices as tools for assessing the state of the economic security system of economic entities, including financial institutions, are offered.Originality. Author's definitions of economic security of the state and economic security of the business entities are offered. The dynamics of each component of the index of economic freedom is analyzed, tendencies of their changes for the past 16 years have been established. The following components of the index of economic freedom are revealed, the low values of which should attract the attention of the authorities to the problem of the need to improve their state. The connection between the indicators of economic freedom and the state of economic security of the country and the state of economic security of the business entities is explained. Proposals of the use of indicators of economic freedom as tools for evaluating the level of functional components of economic security of business entities are presented (on example of financial institutions).Conclusion.According to the results of the analysis of the values of the indices of freedom, it was found that for the business entities that are integrated into investment processes, there is a high level of threats to normal activity, taking into account the indicator of investment freedom. The value of the index of financial freedom indicates that the level of financial threats and risks is high. The indicator of monetary freedom shows a high level of macroeconomic security, which has a positive impact on the state of economic security of the participants of the economic system of the country. The value of the index of freedom of labor relations signals about the threats that are associated with personnel, staffing of business entities. Domestic business entities, considering the importance of the index of public expenditures, in the issue of securing their own economic security, have to rely only on themselves and their own resources. Indices of freedom from corruption and property rights protection should be used to assess the power of legislative influence on the state of economic security. Indices of fiscal (tax) freedom and level of public expenditure - to establish the degree of state intervention in economic processes, including, the process of providing economic security for business entities. Indices of freedom of business, freedom of labor relations, monetary freedom make it possible to evaluate the effectiveness of economic processes regulation, including the state of economic security. And the indices of freedom of trade, investment freedom and financial freedom make it possible to diagnose the level of openness of markets for goods and services that domestic enterprises, institutions and organizations conduct.
In fiscal year 2010-11, India's economy has expanded at a rate close to that observed prior to the global financial crisis. However, growth in the second half of the year slowed, and the performance of industry and investment has been particularly disappointing. Despite some fiscal consolidation and monetary tightening, inflation has emerged as a serious concern because of its effects on the poor, who are usually less able to protect themselves against rising prices, and because of its dampening effects on long-term investment, which is sensitive to interest rate expectations. India's economic growth reached 8.5 percent, helped by a strong rebound of the agriculture sector because of good rains in the 2010 monsoon season against the near-drought conditions of 2009. On the external side, exports staged an extraordinary recovery and the current account deficit narrowed, while capital flows slowed driven by a pronounced decline in foreign direct investment. Foreign institutional investment remained robust, however, and external borrowing increased to compensate partially for the decline in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). The rupee remained stable against the U.S. dollar but showed a small real appreciation against a 36-currency trade weighted index, and Reserve Bank of India foreign reserves increased to more than $310 billion. The central government budget deficit for FY2010-11 is estimated to have reached 6 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), an important contraction from the widened fiscal stance of FY2009-10. Budget implementation benefited from higher-than-expected growth in nominal GDP and related higher tax intake; although the tax-to-GDP ratio is still significantly lower than in FY2007-08. The spending-to-GDP ratio, on the other hand, was reduced by 0.7 percent of GDP despite two supplementary demands for grants.
