Suchergebnisse

The 19th century could be described as the bourgeoisie century since it is generally acknowledged that the European bourgeoisie, which reached its apex during the third quarter of the century (Hobsbawm 2000:346), was both financially strong and having a political say, and was successful in leading societies and their political states to radical changes. The rivalry of the bourgeoisie against other social groups, and mainly those attached to power or in many cases in power, led to ideological conflicts resulting in power changing hands or in some cases led the traditional aristocratic power being controlled by elements of the bourgeoisie.

In der vorgelegten Tonbandabschrift eines Diskussionsbeitrags spricht der Verfasser eine Reihe von Fragen im Zusammenhang mit der Zunahme rechtsradikaler Orientierungen in der Bundesrepublik an. Am Beispiel des Sozialdarwinismus als des "Schlüsselideologems" rechtsgerichteter Ideologie wird die Entstehung rechtsradikaler Ideologie diskutiert. Der Verfasser legt dar, daß "nicht etwa die herrschende Klasse oder deren Ideologieproduzenten oder deren politische Parteien solche Ideologien erfinden", daß vielmehr diese tagtäglich von der Wirklichkeit erzeugten Ideologien von den "Organen der herrschenden Klasse" aufgegriffen und zu Weltbildern verdichtet werden. Die Radikalisierung dieser "bürgerlichen Normalideologie" durch extrem rechte Kräfte führt zur rechtsradikalen Ideologie. Der Verfasser betont in seiner Bewertung der Zunahme des Rechtsradikalismus die breite Akzeptanz des demokratischen Systems in der Bundesrepublik im Unterschied zur Weimarer Republik und das Vorhandensein eines beträchtlichen antimilitaristischen und antifaschistischen Potentials. (ICE)

Die Arbeit beleuchtet die Beziehungen zwischen der DDR und der Volksrepublik China in den Jahren 1978 bis 1990. Dabei werden sowohl die innen-, wie auch die außenpolitischen Bedingungen dieser Beziehungen in der DDR und China beleuchtet. Besonderes Augenmerk wird auch auf die Sowjetunion gelegt. Die Beziehungen Moskaus gegenüber Beijing und Ostberlin werden dargestellt und mit den daraus resultierenden Folgen für die DDR-Führung in Bezug gesetzt. ; The paper gives attention to the relationship between the German Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of China between 1978 and 1990. Central points are the domestic policies and foreign affairs of both countries. Besides the scripture attend to the relationship of the GDR and the PRC with the Soviet Union.

Der von K. Popper in die sozial- und politikwissenschaftliche Diskussion eingebrachte Begriff der offenen Gesellschaft wird diskutiert. Dabei stehen die ideologischen Aspekte und Strömungen in der pluralistischen Gesellschaft im Blickpunkt. Der Ursprung der modernen Ideologien wird in der mit der Entwicklung zur offenen Gesellschaft verbundenen Säkularisierung gesehen; mit ihr entsteht eine Negation absoluter Werte und Verbindlichkeiten, so daß sich politische Ideologie auf konkrete materielle und weltliche Interessen konzentriert. Am Freiheitsbegriff der modernen Gesellschaft wird verdeutlicht, daß diese im Kern nicht auf dem Zusammenleben ihrer Mitglieder beruht, sondern eher auf einem Pakt der Nichteinmischung, der sie für die Ideologien anfällig macht. Schwache Grundüberzeugungen und -werte sind die Folge; trotzdem wird von den modernen Ideologien die äquivalente Funktion erwartet, die früher von der Religion ausgeübt wurde. Es wird gezeigt, daß Ideologien immer auch darauf zielen, sich in politisches Handeln zu transformieren. (HA)

The proposed article analyzes three strategies implemented by the Chinese government related to the public opinion and Chinese Internet governance. The first one is intended to limit the circulation of online rumors; the second aims to control and influence the flows of information and debate against the government; and the third to increase the overflow of online information. The first strategy will be analyzed through the presentation of a case study that is the implementation of the real name registration system, supported by the Chinese government in order to limit the spread of online rumors. The Chinese government directly imposed to private companies to adopt this system that asks all the users to provide their personal ID before logging into the service limiting the freedom of people to support the circulation of harmful content. The second strategy is aimed to safeguard a more accurate control on online content, but also to limit the circulation of parodies, puns, neologism and forms of resistance to the central government. This second strategy will be analyzed taking in example the implementation of a gaming system. The gaming effect was supported by some companies in order to better control the online users activities: users can improve their online reputation reporting the misconduct of other micro bloggers. The third strategy sees the Chinese government started to hire people (the so called fifty cents Party) in order to comment positively Chinese government's actions, increasing the online cacophony and covering negative posts. The goal of this paper is to show the complexity and the variable ideologies of the Chinese Internet government in terms of Internet governance.

The remarkable success of Václav Klaus and the 'Thatcherite' right in the Czech Republic was an exception in post-communist Eastern Europe. Explanations for its success have usually focused on policy performance, fixed historical legacies or generalised understandings of post-communism, but have largely ignored the role of ideology. However, despite differences of context, 'Czech Thatcherism', like its British precursor, can be seen in Gramscian terms as an innovative, populist right-wing ideology linked to a hegemonic project of social transformation. This article traces the importation of Anglo-American neo-liberal and conservative ideas by intellectual counter-elites under the communist regime. It then examines the 'revolutionary conservatism' formulated by the Czech Right after 1989, focusing on its discourse of post-communist transformation and its attempts to ground imported New Right ideas in the Czech context. Finally, the article considers the ideological tensions within 'Czech Thatcherism' and discusses alternative Czech readings of conservatism.

This study considers the discursive construction of a particular type of student in Singapore - the lowest-tracked, Normal Technical (NT), secondary school student. Shaped by meritocratic policies, educational practices, and ideologies common to many late-modern societies, students in the NT track are institutionally and individually constructed through the results of high-stakes testing regimes and essentialist views of ability. This article extends an understanding of the NT student as a widely held, deficit construction in Singapore by considering its use as an ideological label in interpersonal and institutional discourse. I consider how school leaders' and government commentaries about NT students' abilities, opportunities, and supposed characteristics provide insights about the processes through which students are recruited into institutional categories of deficit and risk¾i.e. differentiated instruction, ascribed ability, and these processes' translation into educational structures and practice in the name of meritocracy. While the illustration of this phenomenon is uniquely Singaporean, implications include concerns about equity, constructions of ability, and ideologies of merit common to late modern society. ; Este estudio considera la construcción discursiva de un tipo particular de estudiantes en Singapur – estudiante de la escuela secundaria asignados a los grupos de bajo rendimiento en la escuela Normal Técnica (NT). Formado por políticas meritocráticas, prácticas educativas, e ideologías comunes a muchas sociedades modernas tardías, los estudiantes en NT son institucionalmente e individualmente configurados a través de resultados de regímenes de pruebas y perspectivas esencialistas sobre la capacidad de aprender. Este artículo amplía la comprensión del estudiante NT como una construcción de un déficit ampliamente celebrada en Singapur, considerando su uso como una etiqueta ideológica en el discurso interpersonal e institucional. Se analizas cómo directores de la escuela y comentarios gubernamentales sobre las supuestas capacidades, oportunidades y características de los estudiantes NT proporcionan una visión sobre los procesos mediante los cuales los estudiantes son reclutados en categorías institucionales de déficit y riesgo - instrucción diferenciada, la capacidad atribuida, y la traducción de estos procesos a estructuras y prácticas educativas en el nombre de la meritocracia. Mientras que el ejemplo de este fenómeno es único para el caso de Singapur, se discuten implicaciones en relación con construcciones sobre equidad, capacidad e ideologías de mérito comunes a las sociedades modernas tardias. ; Este estudo considera a construção discursiva de um tipo particular de estudantes em Singapura⎯ estudante do ensino médio atribuído a grupos de mau desempenho na escola Técnica Normal (NT). Formado por políticas meritocráticos, práticas educacionais e ideologias comuns muitas sociedades modernas final, os alunos NT são institucionalmente e individualmente configurado através de resultados de teste regimes e perspectivas essencialistas sobre a capacidade de aprender. Este artigo amplia a compreensão do aluno NT como uma construção de um amplamente realizada em déficit Singapura, dada a sua utilização como um rótulo ideológico no discurso interpessoal e institucional. Você pode analisar como diretores de escolas e comentários do governo sobre os recursos supostamente, oportunidades e características dos alunos NT fornecer informações sobre os processos pelos quais os alunos são recrutados em défice categorias institucional e riscos diferenciados ⎯ instrução, a capacidade atribuída, e a tradução desses processos para as estruturas e práticas educativas em nome da meritocracia. Embora o exemplo deste fenômeno é exclusivo para o caso de Singapura, implicações sobre construções de imparcialidade, competência e mérito ideologias comuns sociedades modernas final são discutidas