НАСТРОЕНИЯ, ОЖИДАНИЯ И ВЗГЛЯДЫ ЭЛЕКТОРАТА "ПАРТИИ ВЛАСТИ"
The electorate of the "Power Party" is understood as a rather conditional and internally contradictory coalition of all those voters who at present are ready to vote at a presidential election for some of the leaders now or until recently within the federal executives (Boris Yeltsin, Viktor Chernomyrdin, Boris Nemtsov, or Anatoly Chubais) as well as Yuri Luzhkov as a quite probable successor in many respects close to the present power entities and their policies. In spite of the fact that, as an analysis shows, the "Power Party" exists rather as a mental construct of politicians and political scientists than an integrity impressed in voters' consciousness, the grouping undertaken in the article enables to disclose certain peculiarities of the specified type of electorate, in particular such as, apart from the actual uncertainty of ideological and political attitudes, some inclination towards democratic self-identification or a certain peaceable disposition in comparison with other electorates.concerning the Chechen problem or on the issue of infringement upon the Russians' rights in Latvia. However, unquestionably the most striking distinguishing feature of the "Power Party" electorate is its middle-class affiliation. If the criterion of identifying the middle class is a subjective assessment of own economic condition as "good" or "average" (such people are now 44 per cent of Russia's population), it appears that exactly this "class" is 57 per cent of this electorate in comparison, particularly, with 19 per cent of Zyuganov's electorate. One can with certainty talk about a tendency of the "Power Party's" turning into a party of the middle strata relatively content with their economic conditions, but namely about just tendency, taking into account that a very high percentage of exactly the average-income groups of the population still stay away from elections. Increasing political activity and electoral mobilisation of the middle strata continues to be the most important problem for reformers. In particular, as regards the "Power Party" itself, neither its reforming nor stabilising potentials inspire as yet full confidence and, as a result, a willingness to vote for its representatives is displayed by only 29 per cent of those who support the continuation of market reforms and 35 per cent of those who think that during the forthcoming year life in Russia will somehow or other go right; the same is the percentage of those who believe that Russia's leaders control the situation in the country and in the coming months some improvement can be expected in the political and economic situation. ; The electorate of the "Power Party" is understood as a rather conditional and internally contradictory coalition of all those voters who at present are ready to vote at a presidential election for some of the leaders now or until recently within the federal executives (Boris Yeltsin, Viktor Chernomyrdin, Boris Nemtsov, or Anatoly Chubais) as well as Yuri Luzhkov as a quite probable successor in many respects close to the present power entities and their policies. In spite of the fact that, as an analysis shows, the "Power Party" exists rather as a mental construct of politicians and political scientists than an integrity impressed in voters' consciousness, the grouping undertaken in the article enables to disclose certain peculiarities of the specified type of electorate, in particular such as, apart from the actual uncertainty of ideological and political attitudes, some inclination towards democratic self-identification or a certain peaceable disposition in comparison with other electorates.concerning the Chechen problem or on the issue of infringement upon the Russians' rights in Latvia. However, unquestionably the most striking distinguishing feature of the "Power Party" electorate is its middle-class affiliation. If the criterion of identifying the middle class is a subjective assessment of own economic condition as "good" or "average" (such people are now 44 per cent of Russia's population), it appears that exactly this "class" is 57 per cent of this electorate in comparison, particularly, with 19 per cent of Zyuganov's electorate. One can with certainty talk about a tendency of the "Power Party's" turning into a party of the middle strata relatively content with their economic conditions, but namely about just tendency, taking into account that a very high percentage of exactly the average-income groups of the population still stay away from elections. Increasing political activity and electoral mobilisation of the middle strata continues to be the most important problem for reformers. In particular, as regards the "Power Party" itself, neither its reforming nor stabilising potentials inspire as yet full confidence and, as a result, a willingness to vote for its representatives is displayed by only 29 per cent of those who support the continuation of market reforms and 35 per cent of those who think that during the forthcoming year life in Russia will somehow or other go right; the same is the percentage of those who believe that Russia's leaders control the situation in the country and in the coming months some improvement can be expected in the political and economic situation.