Suchergebnisse

This article describes the development of Astronomy, Astrophysics, Space Science and other areas of Science within the Costa Rican Public Education System and important contributions of the San Jose Planetarium at the University of Costa Rica since its founding ten years ago, and the relationship of the planetarium within the areas of Education Administration as well as the historical, political, cultural and social impact on Costa Ricans. A brief history of the course, Fundamental Astronomy, is analyzed as well as its association with other scientific and educational programs which the Planetarium also offers. Different features of the San Jose Planetarium are analyzed as well as its association with Costa Rica´s Public Education Administrative System based on recommendations by the International Astronomical Union [IAU] (2012) and Costa Rica´s State of the Nation Program 2014. ; En este artículo se analiza el desarrollo de la Astronomía, Astrofísica, Ciencias Espaciales y otras áreas de la Ciencia; y el sistema educativo público costarricense y aportes importantes del Planetario de San José de la Universidad de Costa Rica durante una década de su creación; se incluye su relación con la administración de la educación en distintos escenarios históricos, políticos, culturales y sociales costarricenses. También, se hace un breve recuento sobre el nacimiento del curso Fundamentos de Astronomía y su reestructuración; y su correlación con los programas científicos y educativos que se elaboran y exhiben en el Planetario de San José de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Finalmente, se hace un análisis sobre distintas características del Planetario de San José y su conexión con la administración de la educación, según los planteamientos de la Unión Astronómica Internacional (International Astronomical Union [IAU], 2012) y el Programa Estado de la Nación (2014), en el marco de la sociedad costarricense actual.

Este texto busca reconstruir la dinámica del poder y la organización sindical de los estibadores brasileros en un recorte temporal que abarca los años 1950 a 1963. Además, nos proponemos comprender las relaciones políticas que establecieron tanto con el universo sindical como con los órganos públicos gubernamentales. Buscaremos, de esa forma, comprender cómo los estibadores organizaron sus demandas nacionales con res-pecto a las condiciones de trabajo en un contexto de avances y retrocesos políticos que marcaron este tenso momento de la historia brasileña. Partimos de la hipótesis central que señala que una federación unificada fue condición sine qua non para articular las demandas de los diferentes sindicatos de estibadores del país y, así, comenzar una lucha por la conquista de derechos de manera coherente. Para realizar nuestra investigación hemos consultado diferentes fuentes sobre el tema propuesto. ; This text seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of power and the trade union organization of the Brazilian stevedoring category. As a temporary cut, we list as a framework the years 1950 to 1963. In addition, we challenge ourselves to understand their established political relations with both the trade union universe and with government public bodies. We will seek, in this way, to understand how the stowage category organized its national demands regarding working conditions and in a context of political advances and setbacks that marked this tense Brazilian moment. We start from the central hypothesis that unity in a federation was a sine qua non condition to articulate the demands of the different stowage unions in the country and, thus, begin a struggle for the conquest of rights in a consistent manner. Why we carry out this analysis, our research, different sources to reflect on the proposed topic. ; Fil: Ávila Gandra, Edgar. Universidade do Porto. Universidade Federal de PelotasCentro de Investigação Transdisciplinar Cultura, Espaço e Memória. Brasil ; Fil: Cedrez da Silva, Thiago. Universidade Federal de ...

The French National Police force is one of the most unionised professions in the country: close to 70%. Yet most of the scientific research on activism and social movements only considers police officers as a entities within the state repression system, and rarely as workers who experience, as any others, pressures from their management and professional struggles. Based on these observations, and using a socio-ethnographic survey, our thesis aims to question the organization and running of French police unionism. After a brief analysis of the historical process of construction and evolution of police unionism, we examine the unions representation work and its relation to politics.We notably demonstrate that police unionists articulate an important work of service to their paying members (by participating in the joint administrative commissions which manage the careers of civil servants) and forms of more conflicting mobilizations. As in other environments, police unionists are subject to a logic of professionalization, but the union officials are accompanied in their work by a large network of activists and representatives who contribute to maintaining proximity with the workers.Mobilizing and questioning Bourdieu's concept of "field", we finally examine the relations between the police union field and the political field. Police unionists entertain an ambivalent and very circumstantial relationship to politics, caught between rejection, distanciation and appropriation. Our ethnographic approach allows us to grasp the logic of practice differentiation by stakeholder, and more particularly by level of responsibility. Thus, if avoiding politics is the general rule, it is applied much more rigorously at the local level than at the national level. ; La Police Nationale est l'une des professions les plus syndiquées en France, avec un taux de syndicalisation proche des 70%. Pourtant, les recherches sur le militantisme et les mouvements sociaux pensent souvent les policiers comme les instruments de la répression, comme ...

Based on the principles of universality and equality and the guideline of integrality, the Brazilian Public Healthcare System, called Unified Health System (SUS), was constituted as a regionalized and hierarchical services network. There is the recognizing of interdependence between municipalities and between levels of government to guarantee the provision of services. The Union and the states share with the municipalities the responsibility for guaranteeing the constitutional right of access to health goods and services in the country, increasing the requirement for actions cooperation and coordination between the three levels of government. To respond to these questions, intergovernmental relations have undergone progressive transformations since the creation of the system. Recently, in a context of reducing federal social spending, the demand for lesser Union regulation has increased, with changes in federal funds allocation. In the light of the institutional trajectory of the last three decades, as well as the literature on decentralization in health and federalism and social policies, the text has the aim of analyzing the change occurred in 2017 in the form of federal transfers in the SUS. Considering these contributions, the study stresses that the results of decentralization may be negative for efficiency in management and for equity in access to health services. It also emphasizes the relevance of coordination arrangements and mechanisms to improve the health policy outcome and effectiveness in system management. Analyzing the worsening of the financing of the SUS, with a probable reduction of the participation of the Union in the allocation of health resources due to the freezing of its minimum application by EC 95, the study points to the risk of transferring greater responsibilities to states and municipalities, already undermined by underfunding in the health area. Consequently, this changing can cause a reduction in the coordination capacity of the system, a loss of effectiveness, an increase in competition and fragmentation, and an increase in the inequality of access to health goods and services in the country.

In this new development era there is a member of issues which are one of the gaining importance in this period. The Corporate World is surrounded by the two entities namely the Directors and the Shareholders. There are a number of legislation which have been incorporated for these entities. As they are two important pillars and they should be given equal importance as well as protection. It has been noticed that the Directors and Shareholders, as always been creating an issue as to whom authority has been given equal justice. The relationship between the Directors as well as the Shareholders has been sometimes friends and sometimes "good enemies'.The Corporate world is always dreams of a healthy relationship between the Directors and Shareholders. Similarly, type of relations also exists in the society is the relationship of the employer and employee. For example, the relationship between the employer and employee in the labour unit. There is also a similar kind of fight which has been experienced in this particular. It has been noticed that the labourers form trade union in order to fight against the in justice in a legal way. There is a particular law which has been incorporated long back i.e. the Trade Union Act, 1926, where the number of members need to register themselves, under this Act which will provide protection to them, where there is a justice.So looking in the particular situation, i.e. between the employer and employee in the labour unit, a legislature provide justice. One important concern which need an importance is that a trade union needs to form i.e. it is a structure of members which has been created for the purpose of securing and protection the interest of the workers on a collective voice. Same can be incorporate in Corporate World? Therefore, this article would revolve around the issue whether forming of class of shareholders will be appropriate in the corporate world.

Among many conflicts between United States and Soviet Union during the cold war era, one of the longest were Namibia's independence war and civil war in Angola. In the historiography, especially South Africa's literature, both of them are linkaged and known as Border War. However, Namibians had begun their struggle in 1966, twenty years later there was no perspective to finisz the war. The major breakthrough appeared in 1987–1988 thanks to series of meetings between president of the US, Ronald Reagan and general secretary of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev. The key role played the year 1988. One year later United Nations has implemented Resolution 435 of Security Council from 1978. From that day, South Africa Defence Forces were beginning withdrawal from Namibia's territory. This article refers about the most characteristic and important aspects of United States' and Soviet Union' negotiations in 1987–1988, especially before and during Moscow summit in May and June 1988. ; Spośród wielu sporów istniejących między Stanami Zjednoczonymi a Związkiem Sowieckim w czasie zimnej wojny jednymi z trwających najdłużej była wojna o niepodległość Namibii i wojna domowa w Angoli, w literaturze traktowane niekiedy jako jeden konflikt, nazywany południowoafrykańską wojną o granice. Walka Namibijczyków o wolność trwała od 1966 r., jednak 20 lat później wciąż nie było widać perspektyw szybkiego zakończenia konfliktu. Przełom nastąpił w latach 1987–1988 dzięki seriom spotkań i negocjacji, jakie odbyły się między administracją prezydenta USA Ronalda Reagana i sekretarza generalnego KPZS Michaiła Gorbaczowa. Dla rozwiązania kwestii Namibii kluczowym rokiem był 1988 dzięki podpisaniu w Nowym Jorku grudniowych porozumień między władzami Angoli, Kuby i RPA. Rok później rozpoczęto realizację Rezolucji Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 435, a wojska południowoafrykańskie zaczęły stopniowo opuszczać terytorium Namibii. Artykuł ma na celu wskazać najważniejsze aspekty negocjacji między USA i ZSRS w sprawie Namibii w latach 1987–1988, głównie przed szczytem i w czasie jego trwania (Moskwa, przełom maja i czerwca 1988 r.).

The history of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU)'s strike can be traced back to 1978, the period of the beginning of the decline in the oil boom, when the country faced the consequences of the failure by its rulers to use the oil wealth to generate production and a social welfare system. Military dictatorship had eroded deeply the basic freedoms in the society. Academic freedom and university autonomy were casualties of military dictatorship. The funding of education, and so of universities, became poorer. The factors required a changed orientation of the union of academics. However, questionnaires were administered to seek the opinions of the students in University of Benin (UNIBEN) and in Benson Idahosa University (BIU), Edo States and one thousand and fifty four staff and students were randomly selected. Nine hundred and seventy one respondents validly returned their questionnaire. From the analyzed data, it was observed that frequent strikes had adverse effects on the academic performance of students. Based on the findings of the study, recommendations were made that adequate measures should be put in place by government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) etc to check incessant strike in the educational system; and conclusively that government owned Universities should emulated private school owners by avoiding strikes and intensify efforts to convince ASUU on the evils of strikes to see that students would have enough time to study so that they can be able to face challenges in the Labour Market. This paper painstakingly appraised several of these issues and concluded that all stakeholders in the education sector and federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, political, educational and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquillity) a fleeting illusion and a mirage.Keywords: ASUU, strikes, Academic performance, economic downturn, NationalUniversities Commission

International audience ; In order to succeed energy and social turnaround in an ever more complex world (Morin, 2015), it is necessary to involve as many actors as possible and to draw on collective intelligence. However, actors are numerous, and local governments are in charge of implementing with national ministries the territorial action plans focused on climate, air and energy. Regions have been appointed as leaders of regional energy policies. At the same time, energy professional unions are taking action at the level of micro regions to accompany the energy-climate action plans of groups of cities. Eventually, many other actors are involved : energy suppliers, professional unions, chambers of commerce, unions, local governments, NGOs, education providers, not for profit organizations, etc. As a result, all actors have to share common objectives and build up an energy turnaround community, which needs an enhancement of cooperation skills. The part played by Higher Education institutions can be a key success factor for several reasons. It is the case of the Mine of IMT Atlantic (formerly known as École des Mines de Nantes) which layed the-scientific, organizational and governance policy foundations of a territorial and cooperative action-research project. How to develop those turnaround communities and third parties groups to move from local logics of action to a system wide and inclusive way of thinking through a form of action research project? Acting all together is the challenge of the TES program, now officially notified as a cooperative action research project on social and energy turnaround. Acting together mainly draws on collective action engineering (Moisdon, 1984), implemented at territory level (Mottet, 2015). ; Pour « réussir » la transition énergétique et sociétale, dans un monde de plus en plus complexe (Morin, 2015), il est commun d'appeler à la mobilisation du plus grand nombre d'acteurs et mobiliser l'intelligence collective. Or, les acteurs sont nombreux. Les intercommunalités sont en ...

The thesis consists of four chapters, which discuss the different aspects of macroeconomic policy elaboration under uncertainty.The first chapter is devoted to the robust monetary policy in a currency union. A great number of recent researches reveal the importance of country-specific shocks for the optimal policy in a currency union. However, these shocks have been completely overlooked by the literature on optimal policy under model uncertainty. Thus, the main purpose of this chapter is to fill this gap and to show that the asymmetries between regions have to be taken into account when elaborating robust monetary policy. In our research, we use a New-Keynesian model of a two-country currency union which is hit by asymmetric shocks. For this model, we derive the robust monetary policy which works reasonably well even for the worst-case model perturbations. We find the attenuation effect of uncertainty in case of shocks in a region with stronger price stickiness. This means that the central bank reacts to these shocks less aggressively when the extent of model uncertainty is higher. For the shocks in a region with more flexible prices, we find a anti-attenuation affect of model uncertainty.The second chapter discusses the optimal policy design in a game-theoretical framework. More precisely, this chapter explores the role of uncertain government preferences in a linear-quadratic model of fiscal and monetary policy interaction. We show that the effects of preference uncertainty are fastened on multiplicative uncertainty about the policy effectiveness. If the effects of fiscal and monetary policies on the economy are known, preference uncertainty does not alternate the symbiosis result of interaction. In this case, inflation and output are equal to their targets irrespective of the central bank and the government preferences. Multiplicative uncertainty about the fiscal policy effects creates the inflation bias. Multiplicative uncertainty about the monetary policy effects creates either standard inflation bias or ...

Programme doctoral en Science politique ; In January 2009, a general strike, that would last 44 days, broke out following the call of the Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon ("Unite against exploitation") in Guadeloupe and of the Kolectif 5 Févrié ("Collective of February 5th") in Martinique. Those two coalitions led by union leaders sought to mobilize the local population against the high cost of living in the Antilles, insisting on the unequal and colonial dimensions of this phenomenon. The first part of this work tackles the genesis of unionism in the Antilles: first by describing the influence of May 1968 events on the anticolonial youth in those islands; then by analyzing the trajectories of the anticolonial activists who turned toward unionism at the end the 1970s. The second part of the dissertation is dedicated to the study of contemporary union's political culture, throughout the analysis of four organizations: the Union Générale des Travailleurs de la Guadeloupe (UGTG), the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGTG and CGTM), and the Confédération Démocratique des Travailleurs de Martinique (CDMT). More specifically, it will uncover the way separatism and the various branches of the far-left succeed in imposing and maintaining their political options while dealing with the diversity of the constituents that the unions serve. The third part will focus on the situation of widespread social unrest, which emerged as a result of the 2009 general strike. It will analyze the coalition work of the various protesting groups, the collective bargaining with local authorities and the dynamics of conflict radicalization. ; En janvier 2009, une grève générale de 44 jours était déclenchée à l'appel du Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon - pour « Unité contre l'exploitation » en Guadeloupe et du Kolectif 5 Févrié - « Collectif du 5 février » en Martinique. Ces deux coalitions menées par des syndicalistes entendaient alors mobiliser la population locale contre la cherté de la vie aux Antilles, en soulignant le caractère inégalitaire et ...

In January 2009, a general strike, that would last 44 days, broke out following the call of the Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon ("Unite against exploitation") in Guadeloupe and of the Kolectif 5 Févrié ("Collective of February 5th") in Martinique. Those two coalitions led by union leaders sought to mobilize the local population against the high cost of living in the Antilles, insisting on the unequal and colonial dimensions of this phenomenon. The first part of this work tackles the genesis of unionism in the Antilles: first by describing the influence of May 1968 events on the anticolonial youth in those islands; then by analyzing the trajectories of the anticolonial activists who turned toward unionism at the end the 1970s. The second part of the dissertation is dedicated to the study of contemporary union's political culture, throughout the analysis of four organizations: the Union Générale des Travailleurs de la Guadeloupe (UGTG), the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGTG and CGTM), and the Confédération Démocratique des Travailleurs de Martinique (CDMT). More specifically, it will uncover the way separatism and the various branches of the far-left succeed in imposing and maintaining their political options while dealing with the diversity of the constituents that the unions serve. The third part will focus on the situation of widespread social unrest, which emerged as a result of the 2009 general strike. It will analyze the coalition work of the various protesting groups, the collective bargaining with local authorities and the dynamics of conflict radicalization. ; En janvier 2009, une grève générale de 44 jours était déclenchée à l'appel du Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon - pour « Unité contre l'exploitation » en Guadeloupe et du Kolectif 5 Févrié - « Collectif du 5 février » en Martinique. Ces deux coalitions menées par des syndicalistes entendaient alors mobiliser la population locale contre la cherté de la vie aux Antilles, en soulignant le caractère inégalitaire et colonial de ce phénomène. La première partie ...

The thesis consists of four chapters, which discuss the different aspects of macroeconomic policy elaboration under uncertainty.The first chapter is devoted to the robust monetary policy in a currency union. A great number of recent researches reveal the importance of country-specific shocks for the optimal policy in a currency union. However, these shocks have been completely overlooked by the literature on optimal policy under model uncertainty. Thus, the main purpose of this chapter is to fill this gap and to show that the asymmetries between regions have to be taken into account when elaborating robust monetary policy. In our research, we use a New-Keynesian model of a two-country currency union which is hit by asymmetric shocks. For this model, we derive the robust monetary policy which works reasonably well even for the worst-case model perturbations. We find the attenuation effect of uncertainty in case of shocks in a region with stronger price stickiness. This means that the central bank reacts to these shocks less aggressively when the extent of model uncertainty is higher. For the shocks in a region with more flexible prices, we find a anti-attenuation affect of model uncertainty.The second chapter discusses the optimal policy design in a game-theoretical framework. More precisely, this chapter explores the role of uncertain government preferences in a linear-quadratic model of fiscal and monetary policy interaction. We show that the effects of preference uncertainty are fastened on multiplicative uncertainty about the policy effectiveness. If the effects of fiscal and monetary policies on the economy are known, preference uncertainty does not alternate the symbiosis result of interaction. In this case, inflation and output are equal to their targets irrespective of the central bank and the government preferences. Multiplicative uncertainty about the fiscal policy effects creates the inflation bias. Multiplicative uncertainty about the monetary policy effects creates either standard inflation bias or ...

The thesis consists of four chapters, which discuss the different aspects of macroeconomic policy elaboration under uncertainty.The first chapter is devoted to the robust monetary policy in a currency union. A great number of recent researches reveal the importance of country-specific shocks for the optimal policy in a currency union. However, these shocks have been completely overlooked by the literature on optimal policy under model uncertainty. Thus, the main purpose of this chapter is to fill this gap and to show that the asymmetries between regions have to be taken into account when elaborating robust monetary policy. In our research, we use a New-Keynesian model of a two-country currency union which is hit by asymmetric shocks. For this model, we derive the robust monetary policy which works reasonably well even for the worst-case model perturbations. We find the attenuation effect of uncertainty in case of shocks in a region with stronger price stickiness. This means that the central bank reacts to these shocks less aggressively when the extent of model uncertainty is higher. For the shocks in a region with more flexible prices, we find a anti-attenuation affect of model uncertainty.The second chapter discusses the optimal policy design in a game-theoretical framework. More precisely, this chapter explores the role of uncertain government preferences in a linear-quadratic model of fiscal and monetary policy interaction. We show that the effects of preference uncertainty are fastened on multiplicative uncertainty about the policy effectiveness. If the effects of fiscal and monetary policies on the economy are known, preference uncertainty does not alternate the symbiosis result of interaction. In this case, inflation and output are equal to their targets irrespective of the central bank and the government preferences. Multiplicative uncertainty about the fiscal policy effects creates the inflation bias. Multiplicative uncertainty about the monetary policy effects creates either standard inflation bias or ...

7 páginas : imágenes. ; Para nadie es un secreto que hoy en día la Logística es esa herramienta que mueve al mundo, y de la cual depende en gran medida el éxito y/o fracaso de una empresa. La logística "es el nexo de unión que hace funcionar a la economía" [1]. Además, el transporte juega un papel fundamental dentro de ésta cadena; pues es el enlace que finiquita la unión entre la compañía y el cliente, y el que, a su vez, agrega un valor consciente al producto. En el presente artículo, se propondrá un modelo de transporte para una empresa del sector salud, cuyo propósito y finalidad es cumplir a cabalidad tiempos de servicio que permitirán reflejar una mayor satisfacción del cliente; todo esto bajo una compleja realidad de infraestructura, políticas de gobierno, recursos y medios para lograrlo. Teniendo en cuenta, además, que en este caso específico subir el nivel de satisfacción; significa salvar una vida. ; For anyone it is a secret that today Logistics is that tool that moves the world, and on which the success and / or failure of a company depends to a great extent. Logistics "is the connecting link that makes the economy work" [1]. In addition, transport plays a fundamental role within this chain; It is the link that ends the union between the company and the client, and the one that, in turn, adds a conscious value to the product. In the present article, a transport model will be proposed for a company in the health sector, whose purpose and purpose is to fully comply with service times that will reflect greater customer satisfaction; all this under a complex reality of infrastructure, government policies, resources and means to achieve it. Bearing in mind, in addition, that in this specific case raising the level of satisfaction; means saving a life.

The thesis consists of four chapters, which discuss the different aspects of macroeconomic policy elaboration under uncertainty.The first chapter is devoted to the robust monetary policy in a currency union. A great number of recent researches reveal the importance of country-specific shocks for the optimal policy in a currency union. However, these shocks have been completely overlooked by the literature on optimal policy under model uncertainty. Thus, the main purpose of this chapter is to fill this gap and to show that the asymmetries between regions have to be taken into account when elaborating robust monetary policy. In our research, we use a New-Keynesian model of a two-country currency union which is hit by asymmetric shocks. For this model, we derive the robust monetary policy which works reasonably well even for the worst-case model perturbations. We find the attenuation effect of uncertainty in case of shocks in a region with stronger price stickiness. This means that the central bank reacts to these shocks less aggressively when the extent of model uncertainty is higher. For the shocks in a region with more flexible prices, we find a anti-attenuation affect of model uncertainty.The second chapter discusses the optimal policy design in a game-theoretical framework. More precisely, this chapter explores the role of uncertain government preferences in a linear-quadratic model of fiscal and monetary policy interaction. We show that the effects of preference uncertainty are fastened on multiplicative uncertainty about the policy effectiveness. If the effects of fiscal and monetary policies on the economy are known, preference uncertainty does not alternate the symbiosis result of interaction. In this case, inflation and output are equal to their targets irrespective of the central bank and the government preferences. Multiplicative uncertainty about the fiscal policy effects creates the inflation bias. Multiplicative uncertainty about the monetary policy effects creates either standard inflation bias or ...