Suchergebnisse

The authors discuss three specific dimensions of the internationalized state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the past 10 years. First, they examine the complexity of the conflict settlement established by the Dayton Accords and the wide range of factors within Bosnia and Herzegovina affecting their success or failure. The authors then turn their attention to two further dimensions: the nature and mechanisms of the international community's post-1995 involvement in the country and the regional context within this internationally driven, -resourced and -guaranteed state-building venture took place. (Ethnopolitics, ECMI)

In this paper we report the results of an online study conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic (May 2020). The study examined a range of social and behavioural responses by youth from different ethnic backgrounds and across 63 cities (N = 569). More specifically, the study was focused on investigating the relationship between threat perception, public health behaviour, reported stress level and social cohesion. As expected, results indicate that higher perceived threat relates to higher compliance with health and safety measures despite extremely low levels of political trust. Surprisingly, participants reported relatively low levels of stress despite high social isolation and physical restrictions. These results could partially be explained by an increased level of family interaction. Furthermore, participants reported relatively high levels of social cohesion and common ingroup identification in a usually segregated and conflict-ridden context.

This article explores the debate on local ownership in Bosnia and Herzegovina by examining the limits of international community support for reform in a divided political environment in which decision-makers and politicians have little to no interest in reform themselves. After a short review of the key issues and arguments regarding ownership in BiH, the example of education reform is presented to demonstrate the role of the OSCE as an external actor in this reform sector, and the lack of any reform progress in this field in the absence of external pressure. The article closes with reflections on whether or not external organizations can make any systemic-level impact in such a hostile reform environment, and whether the OSCE can still play a constructive role in Bosnia.

"This book offers an in-depth investigation of the emergence and spread of social mobilizations that transcend ethnicity in societies violently divided along ethno-national lines. Using Bosnia Herzegovina as a case study, the book explores episodes of mobilization which have superseded ethno-nationalist cleavages"--

What explains the existing varieties in victim-centric state policies of redress in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)? Rather than analysing BiH as a special case of a divided ethno-national state, this article studies domestic victimhood politics as a phenomenon with wider comparative applications for postconflict contexts. Redress as a set of policies that legally recognize victims/survivors of wartime atrocities and provide them with in-kind and financial support has increasingly entered the demands of victims/survivors in BiH. Many have sought to expand their rights by new legal frameworks at the state and subnational level. However, only some have succeeded (or partially succeeded) with their demands. Why? Using fieldwork data and relying on literatures in transitional justice and peacebuilding, I argue that the differences go beyond ethno-national divisions and identity politics and are explained by how victims/survivors utilize their victim capital that combines mobilization resources, moral authority and international salience.

The article tries to give a brief outline of three essential aspects that dominate the political agenda in Bosnia at the moment: Does Bosnia and Herzegovina have a realistic medium- or long-term prospect of EU-membership? Which steps of constitutional reform seem necessary and politically feasible with regard to EU-integration? What will be the role of the international organs on Bosnia's envisaged way from Dayton to Brussels? These questions are closely interrelated with each other. An ongoing and successful process of further political, social and economic integration of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an essential prerequisite for any further approach to the EU. A prospective EU member state, however, must demonstrate its ability to function as a completely self-sustaining state. On the other hand, a complete withdrawal of the international administration cannot reasonably be accomplished before the process of reconstruction and integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina directed by the international community appears to be irreversible. Adapted from the source document.

This report presents the findings of the Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Power Sector Note that focuses on a least-cost planning analysis of the BiH power sector over the next two decades (2016-2035). This World Bank ESMAP-funded study was developed in association with the Independent System Operator (ISO or NOSBiH) and other BiH stakeholders, including governmental entities and the generation utilities in BiH. The analysis presented in this report takes a critical look at the demand-supply balance in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the next twenty years (2016-2035) to identify generation investments that are most economical for a number of alternative scenarios, including policy scenarios around BiH's policy objectives on carbon emissions, local emissions control, renewable energy and energy efficiency. In particular, the analysis compares and contrasts an optimized or least-cost plan with the Indicative Plan that has been prepared by ISO, collating a wide range of projects proposed primarily by two of the main Elektroprivreda (EP) generation companies in BiH, namely EPBiH and EPRS. A significant part of the work involved active consultations with all stakeholders to develop inputs, modelled scenarios, and vetting initial rounds of model results to refine and revise inputs or scenarios.

Religious divisions are an important part of the historical heritage of the Is-lamic world, which is still, to a large extent, heavy burden of mutual relations between "countries of Prophet Muhammad". These divisions determine not only the nature of relations between Islamic countries, and the rules of the for-eign affairs "game" in the Islamic world but they also determine their internal political turmoil. The "Earthquake" of the Arab Spring which has been shak-ing the Middle East for two years now is the latest example of how divisions among Muslims create not only reality but also future of this region. Without understanding the Islamic schism it is impossible to understand the uprising against Assad in Syria or answer as to why Arab countries such as Qatar, UAE and Saudi Arabia support the rebels in that country and yet at the same time violently suppress the revolution in Bahrain. Without understanding these is-sues it would be impossible to understand the complex relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran, two Middle Eastern states which both claim the right to be considered as the guardians of the "true" Islam. Through the lens of Middle Eastern version of the "Cold War", an expression which can most suitably de-scribe the relationship between these two countries in the past few decades, best reflects the depth and significance of the religious divisions in Islamic world, and above all, the importance of Sunni-Shia divisions. However, it is important to emphasize that the Sunni-Shia division and the diverse consequences which this rift carries is something which is primarily related to the Middle East. This region represents both the cradle of the Islamic faith and the root of its division. On the other hand, the Balkan Muslims as authentic and "autochthonous" European Muslim populations have, until recently, nev-er faced this kind of division. After the Ottoman conquest of this part of Eu-rope a significant number of Christians converted to Islam. One part of the local Slavic population embraced the new Islamic religion and life in this region was getting, slowly but surely, a completely new and different physiognomy, marked by the spirit of the Sunni Islam. Due to centuries of stability in the Ot-toman Empire and to the lack of religious reform movements in this part of the "Islamic" world, the Balkan Muslims remain primarily aware of the Sunni Islamic teaching and practice. The other interpretation of Islam remained re-mote and exotic to them.

The present study examines the effects of contact and common‐ingroup identification on intergroup forgiveness and outgroup behavioral tendencies. A sample of Bosnian Muslims (N = 180) were asked to report their readiness to forgive the misdeeds committed by Bosnian Serbs during the 1992–95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A path analysis of the presumed antecedents and consequences of forgiveness revealed that frequent and good quality contact with members from the perpetrator group predicted forgiveness (positively) and desire for social distance (negatively). Moreover, the positive relationship between contact and forgiveness was mediated by empathy and trust towards the outgroup and by perceived outgroup heterogeneity. Common‐ingroup identification was also found to be positively associated with forgiveness and negatively with social distance towards the outgroup. Finally, intergroup forgiveness also predicted social distance from the outgroup. The theoretical and applied implications of these findings are discussed.

Stable and good operating banking sector is important for stability of financial system and development of national economy. Having on mind specific features of financial system in Bosnia and Herzegovina as banking dominated, authors will analyse changes in its banking sector in the period between global financial crisis and COVID-19. Banking sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been analysed through a series of indicators. Authors in this paper will analyse number of banks in banking sector, bank intermediation, total assets, loans and deposits, credit risk expose of banks and liquidity. Aim of this paper is to compare behaviour of banking sector in two crises and present impact of its activities and performance (profitability, liquidity and risk).

One of the contemporary tendencies in the development of criminal procedural law is the introduction of simplified (summary) forms of criminal procedure,
aimed at accelerated resolution of criminal disputes and reducing the number of
criminal cases. Among the most common forms of simplified procedure in comparative law are institute of the plea bargaining (plea agreement), which represents
a settlement sui generis between the prosecutor and the suspect/accused, under
which the prosecutor offers to accused certain procedural benefits in exchange for
a guilty plea to committed crime.
These benefits, for example, can be reflected in proposing a more lenient qualification of the crime, or withdrawing certain elements in the charge, proposing the
imposition of lenient criminal sanctions etc. There are many arguments pro et
contra application of the institute in question. It is undoubted that the application
of a plea bargaining contributes to a faster resolution of criminal cases and to a
reduction of the costs of criminal proceedings, and at the same time such a confession, especially if it is accompanied by sincere repentance, can be a significant
satisfaction for victims, etc. On the other hand, the settlement of parties in criminal proceedings can significantly jeopardize the processes of establishing material
truth and corrective justice, especially in war crimes criminal proceedings.
These paper presents basic information on war crimes prosecutions in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and analyzes the legal framework for its implementation, as well
as the advantages and disadvantages of a plea bargaining. Statistical indicators
were collected and discussed on the scope of the plea bargaining in war crimes
committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which have been conducted before the
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), serbian and
german judiciaries, as well as courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was found that
about one-quarter of those convicted by the ICTY have previously concluded an
agreement with The Hague Prosecution. In addition, the plea bargaining (plea
agreement) applies to war crimes cases to a large extent in the courts of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, where, interestingly, the scope of its application in relation
to these crimes is at the level of the average application of this institute of all
crimes prosecuted by the courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and is around 10%.
The somewhat smaller scope of the plea agreement for war crimes in Bosnia and
Herzegovina has been reported by the courts in the Republic of Serbia

AbstractWhat are the after‐effects of the Bosnia and Herzegovinian (BH) transition from a post‐socialist, post‐genocide, and post‐ethno‐nationalist state into a European liberal democracy? This article makes a case for war reparation and argues that while poverty reduction has not been among the stated aims of transitional justice mechanisms, it is of critical importance to study war victims' deprivation in the context of historical patterns of structural injustice and examine liberal reconstruction policies that failed to provide compensation and legal redress for gross violations of human rights and serious violations of humanitarian law. The article uses the historical sociology approach as a method of analysis to investigate how moving away from a socialist to a capitalist economic model, from war to peace, and from one party political system to liberal democracy has resulted in structural injustice and growing levels of poverty that adversely impact most vulnerable Bosnians. The article presents an argument that the lack of post‐war reparation programs, coupled with an inadequate emphasis on political regime change, poverty reduction programs and social and economic rights such as access to welfare, cash assistance, food, transportation, education, pension, and disability benefits to ensure the quality of living is detrimental to everyday lives of war victims and people who live at the bottom of the society.