Suchergebnisse

Given paper represents analytical overview unpacking the relationship between the refugee crisis and the EU's perspective towards the Eastern Partnership countries. It reviews the journey of the creation and development of the EaP policy by paying a special attention to the changes reflected in the Joint Declaration of the Riga Summit participants. The paper also analyses the revision in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as well as tries to explore the intra-Union dynamics happening as a result of the huge influx of the refugees to Europe. Special attention is also paid to Russia's possible influence on the refugee crisis (considering its engagement in the Syria crisis and Assad's backing) on the one hand and EU's position vis a vis the EaP countries on the other. A key trend is identified that within the current challenging context the EU is less proactive and more cautious when it comes to its partnership with the EaP countries.

Recent political developments in Ukraine call into question its democratisation process. For this reason, it is important to consider EU relations with that country as offering a possible protection against full democratic inversion. Two problems are considered: the continuity of EU policy towards Kyiv; and, the scope for EU influence in furthering democratic standards. In the light of patterns since the Orange Revolution in 2004, the political outlook for EU/Ukraine relations appears unpromising. Keywords: Orange Revolution, democracy, European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), membership, Eastern Partnership, Ukraine. (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)

Abstract
The purpose of the article is to examine the Eastern Partnership initiative as a component of the European Neighbourhood Policy and a tool of regional security by taking into account the factor of Russian aggression and the military conflict in eastern Ukraine. Based on methods of analysis and synthesis, content analysis of primary and secondary sources of information, modelling and prediction, the following objectives are achieved: (1) to determine the vulnerabilities in the programme design, given the current geopolitical threats, and (2) to develop proposals to change the security component of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) within the context of the Russian- Ukrainian conflict. The significant shortcomings of the existing EaP model are highlighted, in particular, the initiative overall ineffectiveness, the EU membership perspective in the long run, disregarded national features, the lack of commitment by the EU countries to strengthen the integration, the security component weakness and the insufficient European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) financial support. It is concluded that intensification of the cooperation of the EaP partner countries in the area of security will not only contribute to the initiative development, but it will also enhance national securities and promote the development of a zone of stability and democracy as well as the European security space consolidation.

AbstractThe present contribution analyses the European neighbourhood policy and the Eastern Partnership (EaP), which celebrated its tenth anniversary in 2019, from the perspective of social identity theory. It is argued that the evolution of both the European neighbourhood policy and the EaP corresponds to the emergence of a distinct EU identity: its 'potential we', which has been defying the Russian 'significant we' extended to the EaP states. Drawing on the framing analysis of strategic documents and statements, which identifies eight distinct themes, the contribution ascertains three different patterns of EaP states' interaction with the EU: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine accepting the 'EU's potential we', Armenia holding to the potential we, and Azerbaijan, as well as Belarus, contesting the potential we.