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The purpose of this study is first to show that Bakunin's thought, as a reflection about the accomplishment of human freedom in history, is tied to the main philosophical trends of the 19th century, such as German idealism, French positivism, Marxism and scientific materialism. This study shows also that Bakunin's thought, as a libertarian theory and practice of emancipation, deals with the status of politics and with the role of national and social issues. The plan of this study takes Bakunin's works as a whole, in its diversity and its historicity. The first two parts deals with the writings which are former to Bakunin's anarchism. The third part describes the philosophy of freedom developed after 1864. The last two parts are a study of Bakunin's political project, before and after his entry into the International Workers Association. ; Cette étude met en lumière les liens que la pensée bakouninienne, en tant qu'elle cherche à penser la réalisation de la liberté dans l'histoire, entretient avec les courants philosophiques dont elle est le point de rencontre (idéalisme allemand, positivisme, marxisme, matérialisme scientifique), et en dégage les enjeux philosophiques, qui sont ceux d'une politique de l'émancipation (statut de la politique et du politique, rôles respectifs de la question nationale et de la question sociale), pour en montrer l'actualité. S'appuyant sur la diversité du corpus, elle prend en compte l'historicité de l'oeuvre étudiée. Les deux premières parties sont consacrées aux développements antérieurs aux premières revendications d'anarchisme. La troisième étudie la philosophie de la religion et la philosophie de la liberté développées à partir de 1864. Les deux dernières parties présentent le projet politique bakouninien, autour de l'inflexion que représente son entrée dans l'Internationale en 1868.

Die Diplomarbeit untersucht die Frage, welche Rolle die Religionsfreiheit in den Auswanderungen der Jahre 1683 und 1709 aus Deutschland einnahm und welche Entwicklung sie bei der Konstituierung des kolonialen Pennsylvanias durchlief. Der erste Teil der Arbeit beleuchtet die Vorbedingungen der Auswanderungen und untersucht die deutschen Vernetzungen innerhalb der konfessionellen Minderheiten, wobei vor allem auf den pietistischen Zirkel um Johanna von Merlau eingegangen wird.Die historische Beleuchtung von Franz Daniel Pastorius als Organisator der Auswanderungen in Deutschland und erstem Bürgermeister von Germantown dient der Überleitung nach Nordamerika, wo am Beispiel von Pennsylvania und der Biografie von William Penn die Entwicklung und die Bedingungen der Religionsfreiheit, auch im Vergleich zu jener in Maryland und Rhode Island untersucht werden. Der Arbeit eingefügt ist ein Kapitel über die Reisebedingungen, welches das daraus resultierende Redemptioner-System und seine Folgen für die Auswanderer untersucht.Als Quellen dienen Berichte und Briefe, anhand derer die Hoffnungen und Ängste der Auswanderer festgemacht werden können, aber auch ein Sinneswandel in Bezug auf die Auswanderung nach Nordamerika erkennbar ist. Gleichzeitig hatten eben diese Beschreibungen einen massiven Einfluss auf weitere Emigrationen nach Nordamerika.Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass der Besiedelung Pennsylvanias eine enge Zusammenarbeit der verschiedenen Auswanderungsgruppen vorausging, welche den Grundstein für die rasante Entwicklung Pennsylvanias legte. In Bezug auf die Religionsfreiheit wird eine Entwicklung weg von Penns Idealismus hin zu einer staatlich notwendigen Praktikabilität nachgewiesen, die an den Frames of Government erkennbar ist und auf die sozialen Bedingungen der Zeit zurückgeführt werden kann. ; The diploma thesis examines the role of religious freedom in emigrations from Germany in the years 1683 and 1709, and its development during the constitution of colonial Pennsylvania.The first part of the thesis examines the preconditions of emigrations and the German entanglements within confessional minorities, whereby special attention is put on the pietist circle around Johanna von Merlau.The historical analysis of Franz Daniel Pastorius as organizer of German emigrations and his role as the first mayor of Germantown is used as contextual transition to North America, where Pennsylvania and the biography of William Penn serve as an example to investigate developments and conditions of religious freedom, comparing it also to the situation in Maryland and Rhode Island at the time. Furthermore, the thesis includes a chapter about travel conditions, which aims to shed light on the resulting redemptioners system and its consequences for emigration.Reports and letters where used as sources, as they evidence the expectations and fears of emigrants, but also allow to identify a general change of attitude towards emigration to North America. At the same time, those particular descriptions had a decisive impact on further emigrations to North America.The work highlights the fact that the settlements in Pennsylvania had been preceded by a close collaboration between different emigrating groups, which laid the foundation for the rapid development of Pennsylvania. Regarding religious freedom, the thesis proves the tendency away from Penns idealism towards a necessary practicability which becomes apparent in the Frames of Government and traces back to the social conditions at the time. ; vorgelegt von David Kober ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2744108

Philosophie und Frühantisemitismus bilden den Themenbereich der Arbeit. Der Frühantisemitismus reicht von 1780 bis 1850. Speziell verweigert er die Bürgerrechte für Juden. In diesem Sinn wenden Deutsche Liberale sich während der Entstehungsphase der bürgerlichen Gesellschaften im frühen 19. Jahrhundert gegen die jüdische Emanzipation: F. L. Jahn, E. M. Arndt, K. Follen, C. F. Rühs und J. F. Fries. Im Gegensatz zu ihnen votiert Hegel mit seinen Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts entschieden für sie. Er schließt damit an die Erklärung der Menschenrechte in den USA und Frankreich an und führt deren Normativität fort. Es ist das Ergebnis konsequenten Denkens und Hegel überwindet einige seiner früheren antijüdischen Ansichten. Er betont die klare Verbindung zwischen Menschenrechten und Judenemanzipation, geht aber auch darüber hinaus: Sein Konzept fordert eine Integration, die zudem wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Teilhabe verlangt. Hegel opponiert unter historischen Bedingungen gegen die liberalen Frühantisemiten, was ebenso zu berücksichtigen ist, wie die systematischen Argumente der Rechtslehre. Nichtsdestotrotz gelingt ihm kein konsistentes Konzept. Der Grund dafür liegt jedoch in der Realität, die dargestellt werden soll, und nicht bei ihm. Hinsichtlich der internationalen Beziehungen zwischen den modernen Staaten gibt es keine universellen Institutionen mit Macht. Hegel opfert letztlich sein Vorhaben, die universelle Ethik weiterzuentwickeln, weil er dies reflektiert und sich ihm beugt. Unter Berücksichtigung dieses Kontextes müssen seine Konzepte zum Volksgeist betrachtet werden. Die Partikularität des Volksgeistkonzepts gefährdet seinen Entwurf zur Emanzipation, der universal fundiert ist; doch der Grund der Probleme liegt in den internationalen Beziehungen. ; In this thesis early anti-semitism is discussed in the context of G.W.F. Hegel's philosophy. Early anti-semitism spanning from 1780-1850 is particularly concerned with declining Jews any equal civic status. Against the backdrop of civil societies arising in the early 19th century, a group of German authors, including F.L. Jahn, E.M. Arndt, K. Follen, C.F. Rühs, and J.F. Fries, in spite of their liberalism opposed Jewish emancipation in this specific sense. In contrast, Hegel in his Philosophy of Right clearly argues in favour of Jewish emancipation, following modern normative ideals as established by Human Rights Declarations in the U.S. and in France. Overcoming some of his earlier anti-Jewish views Hegel arrives at this result by way of consistent thinking. He not only stresses the obvious relationship between Human Rights and Jewish emancipation, but also further develops this idea: His concept calls for equal integration that involves economic and cultural participation as well. Hegel opposed liberal anti-semites under specific historical conditions that have to be taken into account alongside his philosophical arguments put forward in the Philosophy of Right. If he finally didn't achieve to develop an overall consistent concept it's not to be attributed to a lack of efforts on his part but rather to the reality his theory reflects. International relations between modern states don't involve universal institutions with actual power. Hegel, reflecting on and giving in to that reality, finally dismisses his earlier attempts to advance universal ethics. His concept of a nation's particular volksgeist and especially the Germanic spirit have to be assessed with this context in mind. Hegel's idea of emancipation which rests on universal claims is at odds with his preference for the particular that's being expressed in his concept of a volksgeist. The source for this problem however has to be sought in the international relations themselves.

"Amid the twentieth century's seemingly overwhelming problems, some thinkers dared to envisage a world order governed by utopian proposals that would eliminate--or at least alleviate--the evils of society and secure positive advantages for all human beings. Others found this utopian optimism a hopeless fantasy and predicted a utopian order only repressiveness, boredom, and the impoverishment of human experience. The unique gathering of articles in Utopia vividly demonstrates the tension existing between utopian ideas and their proponents and the severe criticism of their adversaries.Among utopia's enthusiastic supporters, B. F. Skinner outlines the educational practices needed to sustain his concept of utopia, while Margaret Mead sets forth a bold defense of utopian vision in her article "Towards More Vivid Utopias." In active opposition to modern utopian idealism, Ralf Dahrendorf, the prominent German sociologist and politician, compares utopia with a cemetery and criticizes its fixed and uneventful life, and J. L. Talmon predicts that, since utopianism postulates absolute social cohesion, there is no escape from dictatorship in the utopian design. Still another alternative is offered by Zbigniew Brzezinski, who bases his futurist ideology on the trends of technology in the advanced countries of the world, especially the United States. He sees in the conscious application of technical-scientific rationality by an intellectual elite the method by which the promises of modern knowledge can be made good.Underscoring the fact that the utopian tradition can make us look at the real world with new eyes, George Kateb, the editor of Utopia, clarifies the terms of this long-standing debate and offers a thorough analysis of the "strong utopian impetus to save the world from as much of its confusion and disorder as possible." The work is an argument neither for utopian or anti-utopian visions. Rather it shows the possibilities of political norms in advancing the human condition in open societies."--Provided by publisher.

Stay tuned. and you will be brought into contact with the views of the subtle doctor. This event, chaired by Tim Troutman (Lyceum Institute), is part of the activities of the 2022 International Open Seminar on Semiotics: a Tribute to John Deely on the Fifth Anniversary of His Passing, cooperatively organized by the Institute for Philosophical Studies of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University of Coimbra, the Lyceum Institute, the Deely Project, Saint Vincent College, the Iranian Society for Phenomenology at the Iranian Political Science Association, the International Association for Semiotics of Space and Time, the Institute for Scientific Information on Social Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Semiotic Society of America, the American Maritain Association, the International Association for Semiotic Studies, the International Society for Biosemiotic Studies, the International Center for Semiotics and Intercultural Dialogue, Moscow State Academic University for the Humanities and the Mansarda Acesa with the support of the FCT - Foundation for Science and Technology, I.P., of the Ministry of Science, Technology and Higher Education of the Government of Portugal under the UID/FIL/00010/2020 project. *** Paniel Reyes Cárdenas (Mexico 1981) was awarded his MPhil and PhD in Philosophy by The University of Sheffield, UK. In his PhD Thesis, he researched the place of Scholastic Realism in Peirce's Pragmatist Philosophy under the supervision of Professors Christopher Hookway and Steve Makin. Though Paniel's approach is centered in the pragmatist tradition, he has a wide range of philosophical interests. Indeed, Paniel has published papers on the philosophy of mathematics, metaphysics, medieval philosophy, philosophy of religion and German Idealism. Paniel has participated in academic conferences in many different countries, and he is also a founder of the Peirce Latin-American Society. After a spell as postdoctoral fellow in the University of Nottingham under the guidance of Jonathan Tallant ...

PurposeThis study aims to generalize the research findings about the impact of individualism-collectivism, ethical idealism and inter-personal trust on ethically questionable negotiation tactics, such as pretending, deceiving and lying, in a Germanic culture, namely, that of Austria.Design/methodology/approachSurvey questionnaires translated from English to German were collected from 304 respondents. A regression analysis was used to test the contribution of the independent variables to the explanation of negotiators' attitudes towards questionable negotiation tactics.FindingsThe research empirically corroborated a classification of three groups of negotiation tactics, namely, pretending, deceiving and lying, in Austria. Austrian negotiators who scored high on vertical individualism tended to score high on the endorsement of the pretending tactic; those who scored high on horizontal collectivism tended to score low on the endorsement of the deceiving and lying tactics; those who scored high on vertical collectivism tended to score high on the endorsement of the deceiving and lying tactics; and those who scored high on inter-personal trust tended to score low on the endorsement of the pretending negotiation tactic. Idealistic negotiators tended not to endorse the use of pretending, deceiving and lying negotiation tactics.Research limitations/implicationsThe study investigated the respondents' perceptions, rather than their actual negotiation behavior. Findings are limited to Germanic culture.Practical implicationsThe study provides negotiators in Austria with a tool that has the potential to predict the extent to which Austrian negotiators would use various ethically questionable negotiation tactics.Originality/valueThis is the first study to present a model of the antecedents of negotiation tactics in a Germanic cultural context, where negotiation studies are limited. This study validates in Austria three questionable negotiation tactics groups of varying severity, which had previously been studied only in non-Germanic cultures. This research significantly contributes to the generalization of a model of the antecedents of the endorsement of questionable tactics across cultures.

Hegel's political philosophy was, as a whole, the political philosophy of German Idealism and as such, critical if not hostile to the idea of democracy. However, despite its more radical theoretical positions against this idea, his concept of "civil society", as is set forth in The Principles of the Philosophy of Law (1821) can be seen in essence, in his concept, as an attempt to substantiate the conditions under which that society could, in actuality, correspond to the concept of a "modern" society. One of those conditions is found in the recognition experience Hegel understood from the perspective of a full realization of the interests and aims that constitute the particularity of the individual. He/she accesses the sphere of rights and freedoms (freedom in an "external" form) that modern society is required to ensure to all its members. ; La filosofía política de Hegel fue, como un todo, la filosofía política del idealismo alemán y, como tal, crítica ‒cuando no hostil‒ de la idea de la democracia. Sin embargo, pese a sus más radicales posturas teóricas frente a esta idea, su concepción de la "sociedad civil", tal como es expuesta en Los Principios de la Filosofía del Derecho (1821), puede ser vista, en sus aspectos esenciales, como un intento por fundamentar las condiciones bajo las que dicha sociedad podría corresponder, en la realidad efectiva, a lo que era según su concepto, esto es, al concepto de una sociedad "moderna". Una de esas condiciones la encuentra Hegel en la experiencia del reconocimiento, entendida desde la perspectiva de una realización plena de los intereses y fines que constituyen la particularidad del individuo. Éste accede a la esfera de las libertades y derechos (la libertad en la forma de la "exterioridad") que la sociedad moderna está llamada a garantizar a todos sus miembros.

Developments in Anglo-American philosophy during the first half of the 20th Century closely tracked developments that were occurring in continental philosophy during this period. This should not surprise us. Aside from the fertile communication between these ostensibly separate traditions, both were responding to problems associated with the rise of mass society. Rabid nationalism, corporate statism, and totalitarianism (Left and Right) posed a profound challenge to the idealistic rationalism of neo-Kantian and neo-Hegelian philosophies. The decline of the individual – classically conceived by the 18th-century Enlightenment as a self-determining agent – provoked strong reactions. While some philosophical tendencies sought to re-conceive the relationship between individual, society, and nature in more organic ways that radically departed from the subjectivism associated with classical Cartesianism, other tendencies sought to do just the opposite. This is one way of putting the difference between the two major movements within Anglo-American philosophy that I will be discussing in this essay. American pragmatism, which achieved the pinnacle of its popularity prior to 1940, traces its lineage back to empiricism as well as German Idealism. With the exception of William James, who is best known for his defense of radical empiricism, the other two important 20th century pragmatists, John Dewey (1859–1952) and George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), embraced a post-metaphysical version of Hegelian dialectics that was starkly antithetical to both Cartesian rationalism and atomistic empiricism. By contrast, logical positivism, which maintained a lively hold on Anglo-American thought as late as the sixties, reacted against Hegelian philosophy in all its forms, and accordingly resurrected both the Cartesian method of conceptual (logical) analysis as well as its atomistic ontology. In this respect, positivism is closer in spirit to Husserlian phenomenology and French structuralism, while pragmatism is closer in spirit to ...

Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919), German zoologist, was the first major popularizer of Darwinism in Germany or more precisely of a monistic-materialistic evolutionism founded on some of the latest progress made in the natural sciences and which he exposed for the first time in his book : Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866). Neither materialistic nor idealistic, believing matter and spirit are inseparable, Haeckel s philosophy, which he called monism was based on the fundamental unity of organic and inorganic nature. It aimed at reforming morphology and above all at substituting itself for the Christian world's vision while rejecting the old metaphysical dogmas "theism, free will and immortality" and giving rational support to "the true, the good and the beautiful". His hard determinism, his mechanism, his complete rejection of the supernatural all inclined his contemporaries to classify him as a materialist. From 1868 to the end of his life, he never tired of popularizing his philosophical system in a way that became extremely polemical. His dislike of the power of the church in social and political matters and his liberal opposition to political figures resulted in many controversies. On the other hand, during his entire life, he rejected the accusation of materialism as well as of idealism. Why did he object ? Monism is known to be a very ancient philosophy. Why did Haeckel choose to update it precisely at this point in his life ? Did he have political ambitions ? A positivistic approach taking into account his biography and the political and social context is meant to understand and give answers to these questions. ; Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919), zoologiste allemand et systématicien de grand talent, fut aussi le principal vulgarisateur de la théorie darwinienne ou plus exactement d'un évolutionnisme moniste-matérialiste qui s'appuyait sur les acquis des nouvelles "sciences de la nature" et qu'il exposa, dès 1866, dans sa Generelle Morphologie der Organismen. Ni matérialiste ni spiritualiste (la matière et ...

Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919), German zoologist, was the first major popularizer of Darwinism in Germany or more precisely of a monistic-materialistic evolutionism founded on some of the latest progress made in the natural sciences and which he exposed for the first time in his book : Generelle Morphologie der Organismen (1866). Neither materialistic nor idealistic, believing matter and spirit are inseparable, Haeckel s philosophy, which he called monism was based on the fundamental unity of organic and inorganic nature. It aimed at reforming morphology and above all at substituting itself for the Christian world's vision while rejecting the old metaphysical dogmas "theism, free will and immortality" and giving rational support to "the true, the good and the beautiful". His hard determinism, his mechanism, his complete rejection of the supernatural all inclined his contemporaries to classify him as a materialist. From 1868 to the end of his life, he never tired of popularizing his philosophical system in a way that became extremely polemical. His dislike of the power of the church in social and political matters and his liberal opposition to political figures resulted in many controversies. On the other hand, during his entire life, he rejected the accusation of materialism as well as of idealism. Why did he object ? Monism is known to be a very ancient philosophy. Why did Haeckel choose to update it precisely at this point in his life ? Did he have political ambitions ? A positivistic approach taking into account his biography and the political and social context is meant to understand and give answers to these questions. ; Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919), zoologiste allemand et systématicien de grand talent, fut aussi le principal vulgarisateur de la théorie darwinienne ou plus exactement d'un évolutionnisme moniste-matérialiste qui s'appuyait sur les acquis des nouvelles "sciences de la nature" et qu'il exposa, dès 1866, dans sa Generelle Morphologie der Organismen. Ni matérialiste ni spiritualiste (la matière et ...

Дан сравнительный анализ работ Т. Гоббса и И. Канта как пионеров двух традиций изучения международных отношений -политического реализма и идеализма. Сделан вывод о наличии у авторов общих тезисов, сформировавших категориальный аппарат современной науки международных отношений. Общность подходов классиков политической теории к пониманию нормативной и институциональной природы миропорядка стала впоследствии основой неоконсервативно-неолиберального консенсуса в конструировании системы всеобщей безопасности. ; The article analyzes the historical and intellectual context of the revival of interest in the modern science to the works of T. Hobbes and I. Kant as the founders of two classical traditions in the International Relations (IR) theory political realism and idealism. The heuristic value of the International Relations theory they produced is explained by the fact that in their works they embodied the ideal understanding of the world order based on the interaction of sovereign states in the interests of keeping global peace and security. The political theories of Hobbes and Kant reflected the foreign policy realities of the Enlightenment. The experience of the Thirty Years' War in Europe and the English Civil War in the 17th century made Hobbes consider three universal and permanent sources of military conflicts: the competition for resources, need for glory (domination), and fear and distrust to the enemy generating the desire to protect themselves. Kant's Perpetual Peace (1795), written under the French Revolution impression, proposed a republican project of a free federation of peace-loving peoples as a regulatory and institutional foundation of the international order as "a global civil status of public state security". The comparative analysis of the works of the English and German philosophers confirms the common grounds which determined the subsequent development of the theory of IR. The natural law doctrine was the result of the conceptual unity of classical political realism and political idealism. Its ideological value formed a categorical apparatus of the modern IR study: the principle of the sovereign equality of states as the main actors of international communication; the idea of inevitability of anarchy in international relations; the "balance of power" theory; the idea of the universal and conventional nature of international law; the concepts of "security dilemma" and "rational choice", the "zero-sum game" and many others. Research practice of Hobbes and Kant largely determined the nature of the modern world political discourse with its emphasis on the interdependence of states' domestic and foreign policy, the ratio of the moral, legal and regulatory power in international relations, the socio-cultural and psychological motivation of the world process participants, regardless of their status and political nature. The conflict of interpretations of classical International Relations theories in the modern political science resulted in a new understanding of the nature of international security and the means of its provision: cooperation based on trust and mutual willingness to compromise; rational and responsible choice of means and methods of ensuring national and global security; joint construction of legal foundations of the world order to address global issues and counter global threats this is not a complete list of the characteristics of an ideal regulatory system of international relations, whose origins can be found in the works of Hobbes and Kant, the classics of the International Relations theory.

Preliminary Material -- Introduction to the First Edition (1998) -- 1 Weber's 1904 Journey to America -- 2 The Ambivalent Fascination of Capitalism -- 3 Taylorism and Fordism in the Stockyards -- 4 The Alliance of Religion and Business -- 5 The 'Displacement' of Religion from the State into Civil Society (Marx) -- 6 The Sect as Germ Cell of a Superior Model of Societalisation -- 7 The Programme of the 1895 Freiburg Inaugural Address -- 8 The Katheder Socialist Milieu -- 9 The Imperialist Critique of the Agrarian Class -- 10 A Homogenous Stock Market Elite with a Coherent Concept of Honour -- 11 The Critique of the 'Passive Revolution' in Germany -- 12 Proposals for the Development of a 'Caesarism without a Caesar' -- 13 The Integration of the Modern Industrial Proletariat into Bourgeois Society -- 14 The Return of the Charismatic 'Caesar' to Modern Politics -- 15 Formulating the Question in Terms of a Critical Theory of Ideology -- 16 Theory of Reflection and Transcendental Idealism—An Epistemological Rendezvous manqué -- 17 The Dualism of Law-Determined 'Nature' and Value-Determined 'Culture' -- 18 The 'Value Relation' as Bearer of 'Freedom from Value Judgements' -- 19 Farewell to the Abstract Heaven of Ideas—Outlines of a Philosophical Paradigm Shift -- 20 From the System of Values to the 'Clash of Values'—Weber's Reorganisation of the Neo-Kantian Philosophy of Values -- 21 Weber's Concept of Spheres of Value as a Modernisation of Ideological Societalisation -- 22 Ideal-Typical Conceptualisation's Blind Spot -- 23 The Ethico-Political Stakes of a 'Purely Historical Account' -- 24 The Basic Operation: Isolation of the 'Mental and Spiritual Particularities' -- 25 From German 'Cultural Protestantism' to Anglo-American 'Civil Religion' -- 26 Weber and Simmel: The Psychological 'Deepening' of Marxian Value Form Analysis -- 27 Werner Sombart's 'Overcoming' of Marxism -- 28 Weber's Dislodgement of the 'Spirit of Capitalism' from Capitalism -- 29 Weber's Perspective: Capitalist Spirit as a Popular Mass Movement -- 30 Outlook: The Social Components of Weber's Orientalist Sociology of Religion -- Bibliography -- Name Index -- Subject Index.

I: The threefold basic towards understanding conditioned being's quest for the unconditioned -- 1. Identification and evaluation of the theme -- 2. The problematic of Tillich's "quest" -- 3. The axial concepts in this problematic of the "quest" -- II: Three fundamental approaches to resolve the problematic of Tillich's "quest" -- 1. The first approach: Tillich's so-called "answering theology" -- 2. The second approach: Tillich's two formal criteria and his material norm for all systematic theology -- 3. The third approach: Tillich's existentialism -- III: Idealistic components in Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship -- 1. German idealism in general -- 2. Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship and Kant's analysis of finitude -- 3. Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship and Fichte's dynamic view of the subject-object structure -- 4. Tillich's prius of ultimate concern and Schleiermacher's prius of "Das schlecht- hinnige Abhängigkeitsgefühl -- 5. Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship and Schelling's explanation of the transition from essence to existence -- 6. Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship and Hegel's explanation of dialectic -- IV: Tillich's interpretation of old being -- 1. Old being as reason and the quest for revelation -- 2. Old being as finite essence and the question of God -- 3. Old being as existence and the quest for the Christ -- 4. Old being as ambiguous life and the quest for unambiguous life -- 5. Old being as history and the quest for the kingdom of God -- 6. Conclusion concerning old being and the God-man relationship -- V: New Being in Jesus as the Christ -- 1. What does Tillich find in adequate or false in the chalcedonian formula? -- 2. What does Tillich mean by the incarnation? -- 3. What does Tillich mean by redemption? -- 4. What does Tillich mean by redemption applied to men? -- VI: General conclusions and evaluations regarding Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship -- 1. General criticisms -- 2. Positive and valid aspects of Tillich's interpretation of the God-man relationship -- Excursus: Tillich's explanation of the two streams of philosophical thought since the renaissance.

In the history of Ukrainian literature of the twentieth century, there is a marked difference in the news of «a supratemporal phenomenon» (O. Bagan). At the heart of this vivid socio-ideological and cultural-aesthetic phenomenon lies the work of the outstanding political philosopher, public figure, publicist, essayist, editor, publisher, literary critic, ideologue of strong-willed nationalism Dmitry Dontsov (1883–1973). The role played by this thinker as a protagonist in the history of national culture is not by chance commensurate with the role and importance of the Italians Giuseppe Mazzini and Pasquale Mancini, the Spaniards Miguel de Unamuno and José Ortega y Gasset, the Englishmen Gilbert Keeston and Thomas Stearns Eliot, the Germans Johann Fichte and Oswald Spengler, the French Maurice Barre and Charles Morra, and others.In the philosophy of D. Dontsov, we observe a rather elaborate nationalistic aesthetics, the «Shevchenko's aesthetics» as a national theory of beauty in nature and art. The key features of this Shevchenko theory are heroism, nazi creation (the formation of the «spirit» of the nation and its elite), idealism (fundamental anti-materialism), mysticism (divinity, sacralism), vitality (existentiality, vitalism), spiritual creativity (human ennobling), uncompromising, adversarial (literature as a weapon), etc. It was this aesthetics that formed the basis of the hermeneutic method of the Ukrainian thinker.Thus, we have considered heroism as one of the main interpretive ideas in the national-existential hermeneutics of D. Dontsov. It is closely linked to the system of neo-romantic, heroic aesthetics of the «tragic optimism» of the thinker and his idealistic-volaturistic philosophy in general.Key words: Dmitry Dontsov, hermeneutics, heroism, journalism, essay. ; Предметом нашого дослідження є тлумачення героїзму як естетико-герменевтичного концепту в українській публіцистиці 20-30 років Х1Х століття на матеріалі есеїстки Дмитра Донцова. Виявлено, що героїзм розкриває свою сутність у контексті суголосних ідей: елітаризм (лицарськість), історизм, окциденталізм, активізм (чинність), пов'язаних з поняттями жертовного патріотизму, романтизму, готики, національної свідомості тощо.Ключові слова: Дмитро Донцов, герменевтика, героїзм, публіцистика, есе.