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In this paper, we discuss terrorism as an adversity to global security, with special emphasis on Kosovo. The presented data shows that today, terrorism poses a risk to more than half of the world's population. Although a small country, Kosovo, has not been left out of this negative societal phenomenon. More specifically, according to international reports, the threat and danger to Kosovo from Islamic extremism has increased; it is supported and partially funded by foreign organisations that propagate extremist ideology and violent extremist groups which use social networks in a very active way to propagate and recruit their followers. The data in this paper confirms that more than 400 Kosovar men, women, and children have travelled to areas of armed confl ict in Syria and Iraq, having been recruited to fight for violent extremist groups. Therefore, the clear policies of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo addressed here suggest the government is aware of the seriousness of this threat which it is determined to prevent and combat this phenomenon by taking concrete steps in areas such as: legislative measures; mechanisms and planning for the prevention of and combat against terrorism as well as being proactive in the fight against terrorism.

In this paper, we discuss terrorism as an adversity to global security, with special emphasis on Kosovo. The presented data shows that today, terrorism poses a risk to more than half of the world's population. Although a small country, Kosovo, has not been left out of this negative societal phenomenon. More specifi cally, according to international reports, the threat and danger to Kosovo from Islamic extremism has increased; it is supported and partially funded by foreign organisations that propagate extremist ideology and violent extremist groups which use social networks in a very active way to propagate and recruit their followers. The data in this paper confirms that more than 400 Kosovar men, women, and children have travelled to areas of armed conflict in Syria and Iraq, having been recruited to fight for violent extremist groups. Therefore, the clear policies of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo addressed here suggest the government is aware of the seriousness of this threat which it is determined to prevent and combat this phenomenon by taking concrete steps in areas such as: legislative measures; mechanisms and planning for the prevention of and combat against terrorism as well as being proactive in the fight against terrorism.

This article evaluates the efforts of the South African criminal justice system in combating human trafficking. The phenomenon of human trafficking has been a resonating issue of concern to the South African State. Several women, children, and to a lesser degree men have been entrapped in the web of exploitation produced via trafficking, in the country. Steps have been taken by the State to combat the scourge by enlisting human trafficking among crimes that require an effective criminal justice response, including the enactment of an anti-trafficking law for it to be combated. But then, instead of diminishing, the menace is still on the rise. From the findings of a broader doctoral study on 'examining human trafficking and the response of the South African criminal justice system', using mixed-method approach, it was discovered (amongst others) that the South African criminal justice system cannot effectively combat human trafficking in the country. Specifically, the study found that the triggering factors that engendered the vulnerability and eventual exploitation of people through trafficking fall outside the scope of the justice system. Findings also indicated a strong linkage between failure of social institutions and a rise in human trafficking in the country. The study further make recommendations for an enduring approach.

Este artículo revela las conquistas y los desafíos para la efectividad de la ley María da Peña en Brasil. Informa que la violencia doméstica y familiar es un problema que aflige chicos, adolescentes, mujeres adultas y ancianas en todo el mundo. Enfatiza que la acción política de los movimientos de mujeres y feministas en los últimos 30 años fue decisiva para la implantación, en Brasil, de una política pública de prevención y combate a la violencia contra las mujeres. Presenta los cambios establecidos por la ley María da Peña, principalmente en lo que se refiere a la defensa de la aplicación de la ley en los juzgados especiales, n. 9.099/95 para los casos de violencia doméstica y enumera las especies de violencia doméstica consagradas por la ley n. 11.340/06- Ley María da Peña. Se exponen los datos estadísticos sobre hechos de violencia doméstica en Brasil y en el mundo. Demuestra que esta ley consagra un nuevo microsistema jurídico de enfrentamiento de la violencia doméstica y familiar en Brasil y aunque se trata de algo reciente, mucho ya fue hecho para que sea efectivo ; This article reveals the achievements and the challenges to the effectiveness of the law Maria da Peña at Brazil. It is reported that domestic and family violence is a problem that afflicts children, adolescents, adult and elderly women around the world. It emphasizes that the political action of the movements of women and feminists in the past 30 years was decisive for the implantation in Brazil of public policy for the prevention and combat violence against women. Presents the changes established by the law Maria da Peña, mainly in what refers to the defence of the application of the law in the special courts, n. 9.099/95 for cases of domestic violence and lists the species of domestic violence enshrined by law n. 11.340/06 - law Maria da Peña. Presents statistical data on domestic violence in Brazil and in the world. It demonstrates that this law establishes a new legal microsystem of confrontation of domestic violence and family in Brazil and although it's something recent, much as it was made to make it effective

Having examined the trend for a greater integration of women in the international military, it is intended in this chapter to examine the integration and recruitment of women in the PDF. This represents the beginning of the main focus of the study. The documentary, statistical and interview data presented in the next four chapters form the bulk of the analysis of the status and roles assigned female personnel in the PDF. The analysis of status and role of women within the organisation is organised in the subsequent chapters as follows: 1. Role of female personnel It is intended to establish whether or not a gender division of labour exists within the ranks of the defence forces. As stated in the chapter on methodology, I intend to focus on the deployment of female personnel over the core, (combat, combat support) and peripheral (administrative) tasks of the organisation to establish if a segregation of the workforce on the basis of sex exists. The pattern of employment of female Officers, Non Commissioned Officers, (NCOs) and other ranks, (Privates) will be considered against the background of current international trends in the deployment of female military personnel provided in chapter 4. 2. Status of Female personnel I intend to examine the status of female personnel in terms of rank, and appointment within the force. It is also intended to examine the collective status, or 'critical mass' of female personnel within the organisation in terms of recruitment, numbers, and visibility. I hope to analyse their impact in terms of rates or advancement, profile, and power within the organisation to influence policy (Adler 1994, Reskin and Padavic, 1994). I intend to examine PDF policy on female personnel and any proactive or progressive policy that may or may not exist. It is my intention to examine the manner in which policy (in relation to recruitment, training, dress, deployment, overseas service and promotion) impacts on the working lives of female soldiers. This will in effect amount to an 'equality audit' of the PDF as defined by the EEA (1995); Neal (1998); Rees (1998); and Shaw (1995).

Studies on posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in returning Iraq and Afghanistan veterans have involved limited focus on the specific risk and protective factors for female veterans and how these may differ from factors identified for male veterans. Additionally, models incorporating risk and protective factors for PTSD in female veterans have yet to include military sexual trauma (MST) as a risk factor. Given the prevalence of MST among female service members, this study examined whether MST predicts PTSD diagnosis in addition to other frequently examined variables (premilitary trauma exposure, combat exposure, postmilitary trauma, and perceived social support). In addition, the degree to which social support mediated any identified relationship between MST and PTSD diagnosis was explored, as well as whether MST moderated the relationship between combat exposure and PTSD diagnosis. An etiological model for PTSD was proposed and was explored for model fit with female veterans to determine pathways among risk and protective factors for women. Data were examined from 202 female veterans and active duty service members who took part in a multi-site research study conducted through the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) VISN 6 Mid-Atlantic Mental Illness Research, Education, and Clinical Center (MIRECC). Results indicate that MST is a key risk factor to include in models of PTSD in female veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan. It was found that social support mediated the relationship between MST and PTSD symptoms, and partially mediated the relationship between aftermath of battle and PTSD symptoms, but did not mediate the relationship between combat trauma and PTSD symptoms; rather, combat experiences had a direct effect on PTSD symptoms. Additionally, results suggest that experiences of premilitary trauma may increase female service members' vulnerability to MST and that social support mediated the relationship between premilitary trauma and PTSD symptoms, but only through an increased vulnerability to MST. Postmilitary trauma was also found to mediate the relationship between premilitary trauma and PTSD symptoms. Results may provide key information for developing training programs and therapeutic interventions to reduce both MST and PTSD in female veterans.

The purpose of this policy review was to critically examine the Aboriginal Justice Strategy (AJS), which is a federal governmental program founded in 1991 to combat the problem of high rates of criminality in the Aboriginal population in Canada. Considering the high recidivism rates of AJS program participants, we suggest the AJS is not as effective in achieving its objectives. Looking at this strategy through a lens of structural social work, we found that it is inattentive to the impact of structural factors on criminality in some Aboriginal communities, groups, and individuals. Also, the strategy does not take into consideration gender-based factors that influence the interaction of Aboriginal men and women with the criminal justice system, which is profoundly different. Moreover, the strategy is inattentive to the five pathways that often bring Aboriginal women into contact with the criminal justice system - poverty, violence, sex trade, mental illness, and addiction. These pathways are inherently linked to the primary structures of colonialism, racism, and sexism, which continue to oppress Aboriginal women in Canada. For these reasons, we proposed that gender-based analysis would be useful for an improved understanding of these pathways. We also provided several recommendations for lowering the rates of crime committed by Aboriginal women, which include, state supported economic investments for community development, job creation, education attainment, and employability skills as well as policies against homelessness and supports for trauma, addictions, and mental health issues.

The period 1914–1918 was tumultuous in Ireland when conflict wrought by international tensions was exacerbated by a fractious domestic political scene that ultimately resulted in partition of the island into two jurisdictions: Northern Ireland, comprised of six of the nine Ulster counties, and the Free State, encompassing the remaining twenty-six counties. Both were dominions within the British Commonwealth with domestic parliaments controlling internal affairs. Neither were the desired political outcome of the various factions who had protested, taken up arms, and eventually negotiated. Women were pivotal on both sides of the political divide. For those who wished to stay in the union with Great Britain, the First World War was a chance to demonstrate loyalty and to showcase the particular contributions of women, from hosting Belgian refugees to the encouragement of enlistment of husbands, sons and friends. For those who wished to see the enactment of independence for Ireland, as promised in the 1912 Home Rule Bill and the suspended Act of 1914, the First World War provided an opportunity to enact long-held ambitions for a violent revolution, with women participating in active combat and non-combatant roles. Thus while the First World War was a pivotal moment for women globally, in Ireland it had an additional layer of complexity given the national political context. This article seeks to explore these intersections and tensions, providing an introduction to this special issue in which many facets of the war period in Ireland are explored.

Cover Page -- Half Title Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Global Trends in Human Trafficking -- 1. Europe Is Plagued by Human Trafficking -- 2. The Philippines Is a Center for Human Trafficking -- 3. Iceland Addresses Its Human Trafficking Situation -- 4. Zimbabwe Is a Major Route for Human Trafficking -- 5. Bosnia Has a Growing Human Trafficking Crisis -- 6. South Africa Is a Hotbed for Human Trafficking -- 7. Israel Is a Favorite Destination for Human Traffickers -- 8. Israeli Authorities Are Not Doing Enough to Reduce Human Trafficking -- Periodical and Internet Sources Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Factors Contributing to Human Trafficking -- 1. Global Human Trafficking Is a By-Product of Capitalism -- 2. Nepal's Human Trafficking Problem Is a Result of Poverty -- 3. China's Widespread Child Trafficking Is Aided by Corruption -- 4. Spain's Casual Acceptance of Prostitution Leads to Human Trafficking -- 5. Disaster Leaves Haitian Women in Danger of Being Human Trafficking Victims -- Periodical and Internet Sources Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Strategies to Reduce Human Trafficking -- 1. UN Launches a Global Plan of Action to Combat Human Trafficking -- 2. Canadian Leaders Urge Cooperation on a Global Plan to Fight Human Trafficking -- 3. Great Britain Looks to Prosecute Human Traffickers More Effectively -- 4. The Western Hemisphere Needs NGO Involvement to Confront Human Trafficking -- 5. Sweden's Success in Fighting Human Trafficking Could Be a Model for Other Countries -- 6. Kenya Passes New Laws to Combat Human Trafficking More Effectively -- 7. Australian Officials Need to Apply a Broader Vision to Address the Issue of Human Trafficking -- 8. Cambodia Protects Women from Traffickers by Banning Marriage to South Korean Men -- 9. Japanese Anti-Trafficking Activists Make a Difference

AbstractThe co-existence of under- and overweight at population level around the globe is well documented. However, this has yet to be explored using suitable statistical techniques in the context of Bangladesh. This study aimed to examine the prevalence and risk factors for being underweight and overweight or obese compared with normal weight in ever-married non-pregnant women aged 15–49 years in Bangladesh using data from the most recent Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey conducted in 2014. Multilevel multinomial logistic regression (MLMLR) and quantile regression models were fitted to examine the associations of socioeconomic and individual-, household- and community-level factors on the nutritional status of women as measured by BMI. Overall, the prevalences of underweight, normal weight, overweight and obese women were 19%, 58%, 19% and 4%, respectively, in 2014. The MLMLR analysis revealed that women of young age, widowed/divorced/separated, having a larger family size and children aged ≤5 years in the household, currently amenorrhoeic and members of non-government organizations were at significantly increased risk of being underweight; those of older age, having higher parity, more educated, frequently watched TV and non-poor were more likely to be overweight or obese relative to normal BMI. Women from more affluent communities and urban areas were more likely to be overweight or obese relative to normal BMI than their counterparts from less-affluent and rural communities. Women's nutritional status was found to be heterogeneous across the regions of the country. The findings indicate that, along with individual-level factors, community-level characteristics are also important in explaining women's BMI in Bangladesh. The issue of under- and overweight or obesity among women in Bangladesh requires the immediate adoption of a public health policy for its mitigation. When developing intervention programmes, important determinants and uniform development of regions should be taken into consideration to combat the dual burden of under- and overweight among women in Bangladesh.

The objective of this article is to examine the impact of the OPORTUNIDADES-PROSPERA conditional cash transfer program on women heads of household in Mexico. The target of the empowerment of women household heads in the program is predominantly focused on developing human capital, shown by the increase of children in the school by the women household heads. The database was based on the data gathered through the Survey unique questionnaire of socio-economic information (CUIS) realized by the Social Development Secretariat (SEDESOL), through the PROSPERA National Coordination, which operate the OPORTUNIDADES-PROSPERA Program. The database that was analyzed consisted of 3,762 families that profited between 2004 and 2017 and settled in the 32 states of the Mexican Republic. We drew on Amartya Sen's capabilities theory and Martha Nussbaum's later contribution to this theory, to analyse the data which focused on the capacities necessary for women to achieve the desired well-being and overcome the condition of inherited poverty. A methodology with a quantitative-descriptive approach is used through two comparisons. The first focus is on the beneficiary households of the OPORTUNIDADES-PROSPERA program, and the second focus is on the total income of the beneficiary families of the program. This method allows the researcher to have a subjective view of the studied phenomenon and to understand the social world associated with that program. After conducting this study, we concluded that most of the households that entered the program have changed the composition of the head of household. This is because the new access to income transfer has provided some benefits to these women in terms of empowerment. The results show us that the conditional cash transfer programs in households headed by women are not always enough to overcome initial poverty. Also, governments have not been able to combat poverty that affects households headed by women.

Many barriers exist for women to participating in local or national politics and decisionmaking. This study, which was conducted in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality of South Africa's Eastern Cape Province, examines and highlights the extent to which South Africa has provided opportunities for women to participate in local politics and decisionmaking in local government. According to research, women face gender discrimination in local politics, particularly in provinces such as the Eastern Cape, where patriarchy still exists. Despite the fact that much work has been done in South Africa to combat gender discrimination, including in politics, women continue to be under-represented in local politics and decision-making. The study was founded on Feminist theory to draw attention to the issue of women's under-representation in politics. Feminists believe that the benefits and burdens of social, economic, and political life are gendered. According to feminist theory, the gender-power-order is always present in our society. The notion that women and their situations are central to political analysis is a central feature of feminist political theory, with its interest in questioning the fact that men appear to have more power and privilege than women and how this can be changed. The mixed-methods research approach was used in the study, and 200 members of the community were given questionnaires. Ten in-depth interviews with female Proportional Representation and Ward Councillors from the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in South Africa's Eastern Cape Province were conducted. The study's data were analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) for quantitative data and NVivo 12 Pro for qualitative data. Based on the study's theoretical frameworks, the findings revealed that, despite national and international policy and legislative provisions on women's empowerment and gender equality, women continue to face institutional gendered challenges. The researcher observed that, while there are ...

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Research suggests that about 80% of women veterans receiving care at the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) have experienced at least one trauma in their lifetimes, including military sexual trauma or combat‐related trauma. Trauma‐sensitive communication reflects an understanding of the impact of trauma and the needs of trauma survivors during health care encounters. We explored whether provider gender sensitivity is associated with positive ratings of trauma‐sensitive communication among women veteran patients. STUDY DESIGN: We conducted cross‐sectional surveys of providers to measure provider gender sensitivity using 10 survey items adapted from the Gender Awareness Inventory‐VA. Example items included "Sometimes I wish VA primary care clinics had only male patients." We averaged responses in 5‐point Likert scales to create a composite score, with a higher score indicating higher sensitivity. We used cross‐sectional surveys of patients to measure women veterans' perspectives of trauma‐sensitive communication: providers (1) asked about any serious problems or stresses in life (yes vs no), (2) made sure they were comfortable before any treatments or examinations (always vs otherwise), and (3) made them feel comfortable talking about emotional issues (very comfortable vs otherwise). We linked survey responses of providers to women veterans via VA primary care visit information in 2014. We used logistic regression to predict each measure of trauma‐sensitive communication, controlling for women veterans' age, race, and ethnicity, a service‐connected disability, military sexual trauma, physical and mental comorbidities, and primary care and mental health visits in 2014. All analyses were weighted for survey nonresponses. POPULATION STUDIED: A total of 94 primary care providers (PCPs) (33% response rate) and 1395 women veterans (45% response rate) from 12 VA medical centers (VAMCs) completed the surveys between 2014 and 2015. After linking women veterans to PCPs, they had visited for primary care ...