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Summarizes this volume's contributions to the development of a new theoretical approach to social movements that emphasizes their embeddedness within state structures, dominant cultures, & civil society. The need to study both the internal dynamics & external contexts of movements, & their interrelationships, in attempting to explain movement structures, strategies of collective action, & meaning is emphasized. Ways that a movement's collective identity & discourse interact with external opportunities & constraints are of key importance. In addition, it is clear that systemic inequalities based on gender, race, class, & sexuality shape both social movements & the organizations & institutions they confront. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart

The question of whether lawyers help or hurt social movements has been hotly debated by legal scholars for nearly half a century. As progressive social movements began to decline in the 1970s, scholars developed a powerful critical account of the role that lawyers had played, stressing how lawyer domination and overinvestment in legal tactics had worked against sustainable grassroots activism. Despite significant changes in politics and the profession since the civil rights period, these foundational critiques of progressive lawyering have persisted, fostering profound skepticism about what lawyers can do "for and to" social movements.This Article argues that the current moment invites reconsideration of these critiques. The rise of new social movements -- from marriage equality to Black Lives Matter to the recent mobilization against President Trump's immigration order -- and the response of a new generation of movement lawyers eager to lend support has refocused attention on the appropriate role that lawyers should play in advancing progressive social change. Rather than fall back on familiar critical themes, the time is ripe for developing a new affirmative vision. This Article seeks to reappraise the foundational critiques of progressive lawyers from the perspective of comparative institutional analysis. This analysis locates lawyers within a broader field of social activism in which nonlegal actors confront their own set of challenges in advancing movement goals: such as struggles over leadership, debates over the desirability of gradual versus radical change, and the constant threat of reversal and backlash. Legal scholars, focusing on what they know best (lawyers and courts), have not investigated the challenges to social movement activism within this broader field, which is the subject of a significant scholarly literature in social science. Drawing on insights from social science research, this Article asks how evaluation of lawyers in social movements might change if the same analytical tools that have been used to spotlight the limits of lawyers and legal advocacy were also applied to nonlegal actors and strategies. What would we learn by comparing the challenges social movements face outside of law to those faced by lawyers mobilizing inside the legal system? This Article's central claim is that expanding the frame of critical analysis to highlight the parallel challenges that nonlawyers face in advancing social change outside of court weakens the power of critical accounts specific to lawyers. In short, reframing the way we think of social movements can rehabilitate the way we think about lawyers' contributions to them.

Intro -- Hegel for Social Movements -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Part 1: Introduction -- 1 Why Hegel -- 1 For Hegel, Ideas were Forms of Activity -- 2 'Thought' Means Norms of Human Activity -- 3 Hegel's Influence on Modern Philosophy is Immense -- 4 Hegel is Very Difficult to Read -- 5 Plan of this Book -- 2 The Young Hegel and What Drove Him -- 1 Germany was Fragmented, and Socially and Economically Backward -- 2 Hegel was a Modernist Opponent of Liberalism -- 3 The Main Difference between Hegel and Marx is the Times They Lived In -- 4 The "Spirit of a People" was Rooted in an Historical Form of Life -- 5 Zeitgeist Remains a Widely Accepted, if Problematic, Concept of Spirit -- 6 In What Sense was Hegel an Idealist? -- 7 Spirit and Material Culture -- 3 Hegel's Idea of Science and Philosophy -- 1 The Subject Matter of Philosophy -- 2 The Diversity of Philosophical Views are Parts of a Single Whole -- 3 From Where to Begin? -- 4 The Phenomenology and the Logic -- 4 The Phenomenology and 'Formations of Consciousness' -- 1 How can We Conceptualise a 'Formation of Consciousness'? -- 2 How do We Conceive of a Formation of Consciousness as a Whole? -- 3 What can be Called a 'Formation of Consciousness'? -- 4 The Dynamics of 'Formations of Consciousness' is in the Logic -- 5 The Importance of the Master-Servant Narrative is Exaggerated -- 6 How the Phenomenology was 'Rediscovered' -- 5 Hegel as Philosopher of Social Movements -- 1 It is Hegel's Logic which Makes Him the Philosopher of Social Movements -- 2 Hegel Knew Emancipatory Social Movements, but No Labour Movement -- 3 A Concept is a Form of Practice -- 4 A Social Movement is Understood as an Entire Process of Social Change -- 5 How to Read Hegel and What to Read -- Part 2: The Logic -- 6 The Subject Matter of the Logic.

A long-standing characteristic of the Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change series is publishing new theoretical and empirical work that connects previously disparate sub-fields. This volume continues that tradition by opening with five papers that join social movements research with organizational theory, new institutionalism, strategic action fields, and nonviolent action. One study does this by examining how the Fenian Brotherhood organized a transnational revolutionary movement for Ireland's independence. Another paper analyzes the strategic relations between conservative, moderate and radical organizations in different movements, while a further study zeroes in on nonviolent action campaigns. One chapter examines how the North American SlutWalk campaign responded to the organizational field by strategically adapted their framing to make it more resonant transnationally. Other chapters examine how LGBT organizational presence influences the passage of hate crime legislation, and how the women's movement in Franco's Spain persevered through repression and abeyance partly due to cultural practices."

The rise of social movements in US legal scholarship is a current response to an age-old problem in progressive legal thought: harnessing law for social change while maintaining a distinction between law and politics. This problem erupted in controversy around the civil rights–era concept of legal liberalism defined by activist courts and lawyers pursuing political reform through law. Contemporary legal scholars have responded by building on social science to develop a new concept — movement liberalism — that assigns leadership of transformative change to social movements to preserve conventional roles for courts and lawyers. Movement liberalism aims to achieve the lost promise of progressive reform, while avoiding critiques of legal activism that have divided scholars for a half-century. Yet rather than resolving the law-politics problem, movement liberalism reproduces long-standing debates, carrying forward critical visions of law that it seeks to transcend.

AbstractThe decline of participation in traditional civic political processes, like voting in elections and writing to elected representatives, continues to deepen in contemporary liberal democracies. However, civics comprise only one avenue for political participation. Social movements also play a key role in influencing political affairs by exerting pressure on established institutions from outside rather than within. 'Political activation' is key to understanding and addressing non‐participation in both movement and civic settings alike, yet activation in movement settings, like non‐participation more generally, remains under‐researched. This article seeks to address this imbalance by exploring ways of using political activation theory to synthesise research on the fields of political participation and non‐participation, in both civic and social movement contexts. After reviewing the literature on activation, which favours political participation in civic settings, I then juxtapose this existing scholarship with a case study focused more on non‐participation and social movements as they are understood by movement organisers in Aotearoa New Zealand. In so doing, I demonstrate how civics, social movements, participation and non‐participation can be better understood together to advance scholarship on why people do or do not engage with politics.

The emergence of social movement can be traced early nineteenth century. Besides, the twentieth century also mark a watershed in the development of social movement at the global scale was the fascist and right-wings groups which were regarded as social movements rather than political parties because of their approach and strategies. This study seeks to examine the challenges of social movement in Nigerias democracy and to examine the implications of civil disobedience on Nigerias democracy. Moreover, this study is situated within the new social movement theory. Besides, data for this study were collected from various secondary sources such as textbooks, journals and internet sources and content analysis was used to analysed the data collected. The challenges of social movements revealed in this study include stiffer regulations guiding social mobilization inability to develop a unifying vision, building trust among various communities, prompting extensive involvement, managing comprehensible home-grown and countrywide strategies, training participants dedicated to peaceful action, and resisting suppression. However, the implications of civil disobedience on Nigerias democracy under present democratic dispensation have been treated with mixed-feeling, as it has resulted in the loss of lives and property.Lastly, this study suggested among other things that good and inclusive governance remain key in achieving sustainable peace and political stability in Nigeria.