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Whereas some researchers emphasize how World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement reduces complexity and clarifies legislation, others argue that dispute rulings promote co-operation by providing an enforcement mechanism. This article identifies empirical implications from these distinct arguments and tests them on WTO disputes from 1995 to 2006. The study's analytical approach combines a three-step coding of dispute escalation with a strategic bargaining model and statistical backwards induction to account for governments' forward-looking behavior. It finds strong support for the argument that WTO dispute settlement primarily serves as an enforcement device. It finds much less support for the argument that dispute settlement reduces complexity and clarifies trade law. These results suggest that the role of WTO dispute settlement in generating information on acceptable trade policy standards is less relevant than proponents of the complexity argument tend to assume. Adapted from the source document.

Whereas some researchers emphasize how World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement reduces complexity and clarifies legislation, others argue that dispute rulings promote co-operation by providing an enforcement mechanism. This article identifies empirical implications from these distinct arguments and tests them on WTO disputes from 1995 to 2006. The study's analytical approach combines a three-step coding of dispute escalation with a strategic bargaining model and statistical backwards induction to account for governments' forward-looking behavior. It finds strong support for the argument that WTO dispute settlement primarily serves as an enforcement device. It finds much less support for the argument that dispute settlement reduces complexity and clarifies trade law. These results suggest that the role of WTO dispute settlement in generating information on acceptable trade policy standards is less relevant than proponents of the complexity argument tend to assume.

Irredentism developed into an anomaly in post-World War II Europe and — contradicting the dire predictions of the 1990s — has remained an anomaly even since the end of the Cold War. Focusing on the renunciation of the FRG's and the Republic of Ireland's irredentist claims, I propose a novel route to analyse dispute settlement. I contend that nations justify their stance in a conflict. In the case of irredentism, they do not merely assert that a disputed territory is their land but justify to themselves and others why the disputed territory is rightfully theirs and why pursuing the irredentist stance is worthwhile. The disruption of this justification — what I call dejustification — constitutes a pathway to dispute settlement. Dejustification occurs through a change of the ideational environment that serves as the resource for justifying the claim and an advocacy that constructs a mismatch between environment and claim.

Settlement is widely understood as the final stage of the refugee journey: a durable solution to forced displacement and a stable environment in which former refugees can rebuild their lives. However, settlement is shaped by rapidly changing socio-political forces producing contingent, unpredictable, and even hostile environments. This article draws upon Vigh's concept of social navigation to reconceptualize settlement as a continuation of a fraught journey in which refugee settlers must continually seek new strategies to pursue viable futures. We illustrate with an in-depth case study of the settlement journey of one refugee-background young man over his first eight years in Melbourne, Australia. ; L'établissement est presque toujours comprise comme l'étape finale du voyage d'un réfugié, soit une solution pérenne à un déplacement forcé et un environnement stable dans lequel des ex-réfugiés peuvent reconstruire leur vie. Elle est cependant déterminée par des forces sociopolitiques rapidement évolutives pouvant générer des environnements contingents, imprévisibles, voire hostiles. Cet article s'inspire du concept de navigation sociale de Vigh pour reconceptualiser l'établissement comme la continuation d'un voyage semé d'embûches, au cours duquel le réfugié colon doit continuellement être à la recherche de nouvelles stratégies pour établir un avenir pérenne. Nous illustrons cette perspective par l'étude approfondie des efforts d'établissement d'un homme jeune originairement réfugié, au cours de ses huit premières années à Melbourne, Australie.

Sukapakir is the real but appropriate name of a poor urban kampung in southwestern Bandung. It is one of the most densely populated neighbourhoods of the town now, although some forty years ago it was still a largely rural district. On the fringes of Sukapakir, one finds even today a few sawah fields, planted with kangkung (a sort of spinach) and watered by the little streams that function as drains and into which various industries and thousands of households have deposited their waste. Another little plot of sawah, surrounded on all sides by dense habitation but unused because of a legal conflict, has been turned into a garbage heap, adding at once color and desolation to the neighbourhood. There are no other open spaces left, apart from where houses have recently been torn down to make place for a new road. The houses are very densely packed; hardly any space remains unused. Only two or three houses still have a tree and a few plants in front, otherwise there is no greenery left. What used to be front- or backyards have also been built over; some houses moreover have a makeshift second floor added to them, something uncommon in Bandung. The average house, initially built for one family, now lodges three to four households. Not surprisingly, three out of four adults living here are immigrants to Bandung; most of the remaining fourth, the children of immigrants. Most of them originate from various parts of West Java, much smaller numbers from Central Java and Sumatra. Their arrivals were in many cases directly connected with the political and economic upheavals of the past half century. Sukapakir is like a living museum of West Java's social history of the past half century, as seen from the lower rungs of the social ladder. Its people's life histories exemplify the successes, and especially the failures of Indonesia's development programmes.

The establishment of a Communist regime in several European countries as a result of the Soviet military occupation and political influence shortly before and after the end of World War II (Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and Yugoslavia) caused these countries, as a rule, to follow the Soviet pattern or imitate each other in the field of legislation.

The article deals with the evolution of the Transnistrian conflict resolution through the prism of geopolitical confrontation between Russia and the West (primarily, the European Union), its current state and prospects, taking into account the development of the situation after February 24, 2022. Being situated between the two strategic security actors in Europe, Moldova since the early 2000s has become increasingly dependent on the state of their relations, which had a direct impact on the Transnistrian conflict settlement, complicating the chances for its comprehensive resolution. The growth of confrontation between Russia and the EU led to breaks of the negotiation process and its stagnation. Escalation of the Ukrainian crisis increased pressure on Transnistria and complicated military and political risks in the region. In the current circumstances, there is a real danger of "unfreezing" of the protracted Transnistrian conflict, which seemed almost impossible in the previous geopolitical conditions.

ABSTRACT
This essay reflects on a personal participation in policy-making in relation to Kenya, almost 50 years ago. The policies that the British colonial authorities pursued in respect of the transfer of land to black Kenyans were crucial in the design of the decolonisation framework which managed the transition from colonial to self-rule. The outcome of the land policy was the creation of a black middle class of prosperous farmers, the preservation of the position of white farming, a transition to capitalism and the creation of a black capitalist class eagerly embraced by Kenyatta and his successors, but not solving the problems of land hunger and accompanying rural poverty which continue today.