Suchergebnisse

Purpose: The reason of this study is to recognize the impact of key determinants of overseas direct asset in case of Pakistan, based on annual information covering the period of 1981-2018. Design/Methodology/Approach: After checking for still of the sequence, the technique of ARDL is used for estimation of long run parameters estimates and error alteration instrument for short run dynamics. Findings: The results of the study indicate that politically stable environment and long term policies are necessary to attract foreign investors. furthermore, investment profile of any government also matter for direct asset in the country as the study conclusions reveal that marketplace size as well as domestic investment are positively related to foreign direct investment while taxes have negative association with overseas straight investment in the case of Pakistan. Implications/Originality/Value: The most important factor for FDI inflow to Pakistan is interest rate or ease of doing business which has negative sign means inverse relation exists between the two variables.

Abstract
Does nationalism increase beliefs in conspiracy theories that frame minorities as subversives? From China to Russia to India, analysts and public commentators increasingly assume that nationalism fuels belief in false or unverified information. Yet existing scholarly work has neither theoretically nor empirically examined this link. Using a survey experiment conducted among 2,373 individuals and 6 focus groups with 6–8 participants each, for a total of 50 individuals, we study the impact of nationalist sentiment on belief in conspiracy theories related to ethnic minority groups in Pakistan. We find that nationalist primes – even those intended to emphasize the integration of diverse groups into one superordinate national identity – increase belief in statements about domestic minorities collaborating with hostile foreign powers. Subgroup analysis and focus groups suggest that nationalism potentially increases the likelihood that one views rights-seeking minorities as undermining the pursuit of national status.

Last two decades of twentieth century saw a development in media due to growing influence of privately-owned television channels. This TV era was so influential that society and politics in Western democracies became dependent on the media and its logic. This process was theorized as mediatization of politics and/or society. Though initially a western phenomenon, soon it started to diffuse in the developing world. Using mediatization as a key concept, this article presents a theoretical framework to analyze the media development in Pakistan. The unprecedented influence media exerted in political discourse of recent years reveals that Pakistani politics is going to be mediatized. As majority of studies on Pakistani media are of descriptive nature and only narrate the history of Pakistani media, this study tries to establish a structural framework in which media, its development, and transformation from an observer to an active player in political stage can be studied further.

"This work seeks to examine the event and concurrent transition that the inauguration of India and Pakistan as 'postcolonial' states in August 1947 constituted and effectuated. Analysing India and Pakistan together in a parallel and mutually dependant reading, and utilizing primary data and archival materials, Svensson offers new insights into the current literature, seeking to conceptualise independence through partition and decolonisation in terms of novelty and as a 'restarting of time'. Through his analysis, Svensson demonstrates the constitutive and inexorable entwinement of contingency and restoration, of openness and closure, in the establishment of the postcolonial state. It is maintained that those involved in instituting the new state in a moment devoid of fixity and foundation 'anchor' it in preceding beginnings. The work concludes with the proposition that the novelty should not only be regarded as contained in the moment of transition. It should also be seen as contained in the pledge, in the promise and the gesturing towards a future community. Distinct from most other studies on the partition and independence the book assumes the constitutive moment as the focal point, offering a new approach to the study of partition in British India, decolonisation and the institutional of the postcolonial state. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, South Asian studies and political and postcolonial theory."--Publisher's website.

The Pashtun people that straddle Afghanistan and Pakistan are divided along family, clan and tribal lines, but constitute an ethnic-based nation in the classic sense of the term. Since the end of 2001, many of them find themselves subjected to intense efforts by the Afghan and Pakistani governments, backed by the US and many of its allies, to expunge the Pashtun-dominated radical Taliban Islamic movement from their midst. However, many Pashtuns now see themselves as squeezed in by adversarial forces, encroaching upon their religion, land, resources, honour, and cultural-social norms and values. In the absence of a return to peace and stability in their lives and locations, they are becoming increasingly prone to accommodating the Taliban not only as a religious, but also as a nationalist movement, and could eventually brush aside their historical divisions, and rally behind the Taliban leadership in pursuit of their historical goal of an independent "Pashtunistan". This paper identifies several ways of acting to avert such a development-a consideration that seems to be missing in the strategic calculations of the Afghan and Pakistani governments, as well as their international backers.

The Pashtun people that straddle Afghanistan and Pakistan are divided along family, clan and tribal lines, but constitute an ethnic-based nation in the classic sense of the term. Since the end of 2001, many of them find themselves subjected to intense efforts by the Afghan and Pakistani governments, backed by the US and many of its allies, to expunge the Pashtun-dominated radical Taliban Islamic movement from their midst. However, many Pashtuns now see themselves as squeezed in by adversarial forces, encroaching upon their religion, land, resources, honour, and cultural-social norms and values. In the absence of a return to peace and stability in their lives and locations, they are becoming increasingly prone to accommodating the Taliban not only as a religious, but also as a nationalist movement, and could eventually brush aside their historical divisions, and rally behind the Taliban leadership in pursuit of their historical goal of an independent "Pashtunistan". This paper identifies several ways of acting to avert such a development-a consideration that seems to be missing in the strategic calculations of the Afghan and Pakistani governments, as well as their international backers.

El escenario abierto en Pakistán tras las elecciones del pasado 18 de febrero ha confirmado que ha avanzado mucho la transición democrática y que se formará un gobierno de coalición obligado a hacer frente a enormes retos, con solución extremadamente difícil. Este ARI examina los resultados de las elecciones en Pakistán celebradas el pasado 18 de febrero, que han otorgado la mayoría en la Asamblea Nacional al Partido Popular de Pakistán (PPP). Sin embargo, para formar gobierno será necesaria la coalición de varias fuerzas políticas. El país retorna al sendero democrático, pues las elecciones de 2002 fueron una farsa del anterior régimen, aunque al próximo gobierno se le presenta una tarea sumamente compleja, dada la situación de violencia, de crisis institucional y económica y de fragmentación política y social.