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This paper employs public opinion data from a nationally representative probability sample to examine how information encounters and exposure to different media sources relate to individuals' beliefs about global warming. The analyses indicate thatmedia source exposure(i.e., exposure to news and information about science presented through different media outlets),intentional information exposure(i.e., deliberate exposure to global warming news coverage), andinadvertent information exposure(i.e., unplanned exposure to news and information about science that is encountered online while searching for other forms of information) relate to beliefs about global warming, in significant and meaningful ways. Namely, the findings show that both intentional information exposure and inadvertent online information exposure associate withdisbeliefin human-made causes, catalysts, and consequences of global warming. Theoretical and social implications of the findings are discussed and contextualized in light of the rapidly evolving media environment.

The media environment has changed dramatically in recent years. First altered by cable news, which upended the dominance of network news, digital media has in recent years created a media landscape littered with media outlets, from new, ambitious websites like Politico to citizen media sourced on Twitter. It is unclear how or if these changes have changed the relationship between the media and the public; indeed, despite considerable attention from scholars, the interdependencies between media elements such as professional news, blogs, social media, and the public that define the modern media have yet to be unraveled. Instead, several conflicting findings have emerged: some confirm the prevailing media to public agenda setting theory, others find a reverse agenda setting dynamic, while some uncover an interactive series of processes in which diverse elements influence the media and public agendas. I argue that modern agenda setting processes reflect a hybridized media ecosystem, with mutual interdependencies and feedback loops driving agenda creation. I further characterize the issues that are likely to emerge in particular elements and consider the role of partisanship. To test my hypotheses, I analyze longitudinal data on issue attention across five elements of the contemporary media system: survey data, Twitter, key blogs, a record of Google searches within the United States; and top professional news sources. I track attention to 25 issues across a time horizon from January 2010 through December 2013. A lagged time series analysis further identifies issue origin points and trends as issues travel across elements. In order to further illuminate this relationship, I examine three of these issues in more detail by shining a light on the media and public discussions of these issues during periods of canonical attention. I also show how the rise of partisan media has changed the media agenda itself, with the result that different outlets attend to issues at different rates. This dissertation is therefore able to characterize the interdependencies inherent within the system that drive the public and media agendas, challenging some of the assumptions of a generation of minimal effects theories.

Telephone survey data collected in 1990 from 341 residents of Jackson County, IL, are used to determine the optimal time-lag for agenda-setting effects to occur for each of 5 media -- national TV news, local TV news, a regional metropolitan newspaper, a local daily newspaper, & a national news magazine. Responses to the question "What is the number one problem facing our country today?" were compared to media coverage from 1-26 weeks earlier. Results show that TV coverage had a shorter optimal time-lag than newspapers. The more immediate effect of TV news, however, quickly deteriorated, & newspapers had a stronger long-term agenda-setting effect. National & regional media also had a more immediate impact than local media. 4 Tables, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

The stereotype of the African American male as a criminal element in society continues to be a major obstacle to greater racial harmony and the elimination of discrimination and racism on all levels in the United States. Often, this criminal stereotype is internalized by African American youth, so they are made to feel as though delinquent behavior is expected from them, and many fall into this trap. Black Demons examines this stereotype and contends that much of the blame for its perpetuation comes from U.S. mass media's negative depictions of African American males. Rome argues that these im

For the first time in India's general elections of 2014, social media was used extensively by certain political parties and candidates. It was no different in Karnataka. Social media provided an alternative forum for parties and candidates to reach out voters. Social media has turned into additional vote base for political parties and candidates points out this study. The two national parties and one regional party made efforts to make use of the Internet based tools, though their efforts, interest and investments in terms of money were not equal. However, the social media tools used by them were more or less the same. The two national parties –the Indian National Congress (INC) commonly referred as the Congress party, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) –were way ahead of other national parties when it comes to using social media. Between the two, the BJP was more aggressive than its nearest rival the Congress on social media plank.

Mass media credibility has been defined & studied largely as an attribute of message sources. Here, it is argued that trust in media can be better understood as a relational variable -- an audience response to media content. In addition, audience assessments of credibility are commonly explained as the result of each individual's skeptical disposition, either toward mass media in particular or as a general trait. From this, it is proposed that distrust is more likely to be a situational response, stemming from involvement with issues & groups. Using interview data from a national probability sample (N = 1,600), the hypothesis was tested by analyzing the effect of numerous independent variables on respondent ratings of newspaper & TV news coverage of social groups. As hypothesized, a respondent's own group identification proved to be the strongest predictor. The evidence was strengthened by replication across social groups, which provided built-in controls & demonstrated that an important part of the variance in trust of mass media news is within persons rather than between persons. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 44 References. AA

This article examines widely circulating discourses on tabloid newspapers, analyzing what they tell us about dominant models of citizenship and their problems. Drawing on data from a Mass Observation Archive survey of ordinary people's views of media and democracy, the article demonstrates
that there are only a limited number of ways to talk about popular journalism. What I here call tabloid talk is informed by a liberal democratic model of citizenship and denounces the sensationalist content of the popular press that is seen to undermine serious and rational public debate.
Tabloid talk is used by respondents as a strategy to distance themselves from the newspapers, showing them off as good citizens. It also empowers them to critique the content of the newspapers. However, tabloid talk fails to explain audiences engagement with the popular press and therefore
does not account for effective responses to media content.