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The Qur'anic concept of penal sanctions, especially criminal sanctions centered on hadd Because the existence of sanctions has been determined by syara '. Because after all the punishment applied to the perpetrator A form of justice for the victim, and impossible that man as a person can be separated with his community And this only occurs in the theoretical realm, but in the sociological reality Even in psychological reality, Human beings can not be separated from society In the concept of punishment formation in Islamic crime, the form of retribution (retaliation) includes two things are the violence of a punishment and the penalty imposed for a criminal offender In relation to the first aspect of the problems that arise later is the emergence of the view that the punishment demanded in Islamic criminal law is very cruel and ignores the human rights norms such as the form of hand-cutting penalty Stoning, crucifixion, cross-cutting of hands and feet and hanging. The forms of punishment are contrary to Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Where in the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) no one should be treated inhumanely Which has been agreed by various countries on the implementation of human rights If viewed from a Western perspective of human rights, hudūd is an example of punishment that violates the rules, prohibitions on treatment or punishment that they tend to deem humiliating and degrading human dignity And however the laws established in Islamic criminal law are backed by the social and political of the Islamic community at the time, which is also a response to its needs and interests.

The expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of our times. The recent worldwide convergence of information and communication technologies (ICT) and dynamic development of the mass media is leading to noticeable changes in the functioning of contemporary states and societies. Currently, modern technologies play more and more important roles and filter down to almost every field of contemporary human life. It results in the growth of online interactions that can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PCs and Internet access. The proof of it is undoubtedly the emergence and use of concepts such as e-society, e-banking, e-services, e-government, e-government, e-participation and e-democracy. The newly coined word e-democracy evidences that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. Without any doubt in most countries all actors of political market (politicians, political parties, servants in political/public sector, media) use modern forms of communication with the society. Most of these modern technologies progress the processes of getting and sending information to the citizens, communication with the electorate, and also – which seems to be the biggest advantage – electoral procedures. Thanks to implementation of ICT the interaction between politicians and electorate are improved. The main goal of this text is to analyze electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the important forms of electronic democracy in terms of security aspects. The author of this paper aimed at answering the questions of security of electronic voting as an additional form of participation in elections and referenda.

The way our electricity is generated is in a period of rapid change; in the United States and many other countries the system is becoming less reliant on coal based power systems, while natural gas and solar and wind power are becoming more and more important. Technological advances have made solar and wind power more efficient and increasingly cost-effective. While these changes to the electrical system come with great benefits, such as less pollution, these technologies are not free of impacts. The electrical system is inseparable from our modern lifestyle, and because the system is so large this transition will affect society in many ways. This dissertation analyzes one aspect of the social side of these changes in the electrical system by asking, what does the public think about renewable energy? In particular we examined how political beliefs, community differences, and residential distance from wind turbines might influence attitudes about renewable energy. We find that political belief is an important factor in predicting levels of support for renewable energy, with conservatives less likely to prefer renewable energy and liberals more supportive of its development. We also find distinct differences in how residents of particular communities tend to react to renewable energy and local wind power development. In addition, we find that living closer to wind turbines is not a good way to predict attitudes about wind energy. These results should help policy makers and developers to make better decisions about how and where we build utility-scale solar and wind electric power facilities by taking into consideration the nuances of personal and political beliefs as well as community differences.

Corporate social responsibility of business is becoming an increasingly relevant subject of research in political science, sociology, economics and law. The social responsibility of business is becoming the object of close attention of both governmental and nongovernmental organizations, and the priority of its development is provided at the national, supranational and international levels. This article considers the political and legal dimensions of the model of corporate social responsibility implemented through the Global Compact as an unprecedented private initiative of the United Nations. A study of the social consequences of the Global Compact offers the opportunity to observe the development of an extremely important initiative: the dissemination of practices and models of corporate social responsibility and the possible implications of this action for society, for business and for the United Nations itself. Corporate social responsibility, having an internal and external dimension, social and political content, goes far beyond the formal legal aspect. At the same time, states, including the BRICS countries, interested in developing corporate social responsibility practices, by legal means, in one way or another contribute to the development of the most promising practices of the social responsibility of business from their point of view. The United Nations pays special attention to the private sector as a promising tool for responding to new problems arising within the international environment. The principles formulated by the United Nations in the Global Compact are reflected and developed in the documents of other international organizations, and then in the programs and regulatory documents of the participating countries, and, of course, in the various codes of large and medium-sized corporations.

This textbook is not an open textbook. Affordable Learning Georgia has a special agreement with the University of North Georgia Press to make this text free to download for a limited time. Remixes and mass redistribution are not allowed in this agreement. Author's Description: "The Basics of American Government is a collaborative effort among eight current and one former faculty members in the Departments of Political Science and Criminal Justice at University of North Georgia. The purpose of this book is to offer a no-frills, low-cost, yet comprehensive overview of the American political system for students taking introductory courses in American national government. Furthermore, the work combines the best aspects of both a traditional textbook and a reader in that most chapters offer a piece of original scholarship as a case study to bolster or reinforce the material presented in the chapter. In addition, many chapters present a civic engagement-type exercise and discussion questions intended to challenge, engage, and foster student participation in the political system. The authors undertook this project for several reasons, most notably the high costs of textbooks for students and the lack of college-level scholarship found in most American Government texts. This 470-page, peer-reviewed, edited book that combines traditional material with original scholarship will cost students $27.99, well below market standards. All of the authors are experienced classroom instructors, subject matter experts, and published researchers in the field of American politics." Accessible files with optical character recognition (OCR) and auto-tagging provided by the Center for Inclusive Design and Innovation. ; https://oer.galileo.usg.edu/polisci-textbooks/1001/thumbnail.jpg

Die Herrschaft des Volkes als zentrales Element des Demokratieprinzips ist Kern einer jeden demokratischen Verfassung. Ob die Volkssouveränität hauptsächlich durch Repräsentanten oder verstärkt auch direkt durch das Volk verwirklicht wird, obliegt der jeweiligen Verfassung. Sowohl der österreichischen als auch der schweizerischen Bundesverfassung sind direktdemokratische Elemente bekannt. In Österreich steht der Ausbau von Instrumenten der direkten Demokratie dabei in regelmäßigen Zeitabständen auf der politischen Agenda. In diesem Zusammenhang wird gerne die Schweiz herangezogen, in der die Bundesverfassung weitreichende Mitwirkungsrechte des Volkes vorsieht, welche in der Praxis von großer Bedeutung sind. Die institutionelle Ausgestaltung dieser Elemente ist in beiden Staaten historisch gewachsen und steht in einem engen Verhältnis mit dem jeweiligen politischen System. Die Funktionen und Wirkungen, welche die direkte Demokratie auf das politische System in Österreich und der Schweiz entfaltet, werden dabei einer Analyse unterzogen. Vor diesem Hintergrund vergleicht diese Arbeit Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede der direktdemokratischen Instrumente in den Bundesverfassungen Österreichs und der Schweiz. ; The governance of the people as a central element of the principle of democracy is a main part of every democratic constitution. The respective constitution determines if the popular sovereignty is established primarily just through representatives or as well directly through the people. Both, the Austrian and the Swiss federal constitution, know elements of direct democracy. The expansion of direct-democratic instruments in Austria is repeatedly on the political agenda. In this context Switzerland is frequently used as the prime example. The Swiss constitution implies wide-ranging participation rights which have huge significance in practice. The configuration of the elements of the direct democracy in these two countries originates both from historical aspects as well as the respective political system. The functions and effects, which the direct democracy has on the political system in Austria and Switzerland, will be analysed in this thesis. It compares similarities and differences of direct-democratic instruments in the federal constitutions of Austria and Switzerland. ; vorgelegt von Christof Plaschke ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)2318056

Radicalisation which leads to violent extremism has been a worrisome phenomenon which has assumed global dimension and has engaged the attention and concern of governments, civil society, security agencies and institutions. The violent aspect of radicalisation has greatly decimated populations, maimed innocent citizens and destroyed unqualified number of property. This negatively affects the social-economic and political development of affected nations. Religion which occupies a central position in human life becomes a medium of propagating this socio-political conflict into a moral one. This research surmises that the misuse of Religion is executed by those whose motivations and aims have a predominant religious influence is rooted in the misinterpretation of theological epithets, or it could be the result of extreme forms of delusion that may alter reality, and thus subject an individual or a group of people to distorted versions of religious facts and episodes. The research uses Kant's philosophy of categorical imperative as its theoretical framework. The theory states that we should always treat people as an end rather than means to an end. The research reveals that the focus on training of highly skilled labour at the expense of instilling values in learners makes it possible for radical elements to target them and use them as means for their political end. Religion that is also supposed to play a vital role in society is also being used as a means to an end rather than an end itself. The research recommends pedagogical reorientation so as learners as exposed to all forms of religion, by doing this they will appreciate others who have divergent religious views thus value their dignity. Article visualizations:

Korea and Spain share crucial labour market and welfare state characteristics that converge to produce similar outcomes: strongly dualized labour markets, weak social protection, and features that are archetypical of familialist states. Labour market flexibility in both countries has recently increased through unusually high levels of temporary employment. Yet, when we analyse female labour force participation, we observe a significant divergence: Korean women interrupt their participation in the labour market when they are of childbearing age, while Spanish women do not. Furthermore, the level of education of women in Spain matters for their career prospects, but in Korea, it does not. In this article, we explore the causes of this divergence by analysing (1) structural characteristics of the labour market, (2) policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and family and (3) gender equality politics. We argue that the combination of these three factors have different impacts on the career choices of women in Spain and Korea. Some aspects of working culture – long working hours in particular – the unavailability to women of good quality jobs and a high gender pay gap contribute towards labour market interruption of highly educated women in Korea when they have children. Policy developments have been important in the two countries, but high levels of childcare investment in Korea have not improved female employment prospects. Furthermore, we observe greater political commitment to gender equality in Spain than in Korea. Fundamental changes in the Spanish political culture, which were the result of a combination of domestic and supranational dynamics, played a major role in the political endorsement of gender equality and a rejection of familialistic policies and practices.

The main objective of this study is to explore the impact that the successful completion of a course will have in the early years of adulthood in Portugal, in particular, in the civic and political participation, as well as in the respect for social values and norms, among others issues. A longitudinal methodology was applied in order to follow up students from the first years of primary school until the last years of the twenties, coinciding with the period of the Bologna Process. The sample was composed of 893 subjects, 445 of the 2nd grade and 448 of the 4th grade. Subsequently, the participants were divided into two groups (those who have completed a degree and those who did not) that were compared on several measures relating to the areas in question. Data were collected using a battery of instruments, including structured interviews and several instruments in order to evaluate: civic participation, community involvement, social development and adherence to norms and social values. We found significant differences with advantage to those that have concluded courses in the following aspects: community involvement and the importance given to community involvment. These scores include the level and the importance given to civic participation. The results confirm the existence of an effect, as reported in other countries, from higher education in the civic and political involvement of young adults, which is felt several years after finishing studies. An inference that can be drawn is that we should put more emphasis on education (formal or informal) directed to promote a school environment conducive to the development of skills, values, attitudes and behaviors that contribute to increasing the civic and political participation of students.

Celem artykułu jest szczegółowe przyjrzenie się postawom Polaków wobec demokracji kształtującym się od początku transformacji demokratycznej przez pryzmat dwóch modeli kultury politycznej: kultury lojalnej oraz kultury asertywnej. Wśród kwestii szczegółowych poddane zostaną analizie: 1. tendencje w poziomach poparcia demokracji jako formy rządów oraz deklarowanego zadowolenia z funkcjonowania rodzimego systemu demokratycznego; 2. korelaty postaw krytycznych wobec demokracji oraz 3. syndrom orientacji określanych mianem "niezadowolonych demokratów" i skala jego występowania w społeczeństwie polskim. Wskazane aspekty poparcia politycznego w społeczeństwie polskim zostaną osadzone w szerszym kontekście postaw wobec demokracji, charakterystycznych dla innych społeczeństw europejskich. Podstawę źródłową proponowanych dociekań będą stanowić rezultaty krajowych i międzynarodowych badań sondażowych, w tym głównie Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej (CBOS) oraz World Values Survey (WVS) i European Values Survey (EVS). ; The aim of the article is thorough examination of Poles' attitudes towards democracy that have been developing since the beginning of democratic transformation from the perspective of two models of political culture: allegiant and assertive political cultures. Among the specific issues the analysis will cover 1. tendencies in the level of support for democracy as a form of government and satisfaction with the way democracy works, 2. correlates of critical attitudes towards democracy, and 3. the scope of occurrence in the Polish society of the syndrome of "dissatisfied democrats". The selected aspects of political support in the Polish society will be discussed in a wider context of the Europeans' attitudes towards democracy. The analysis will be conducted on the basis of the results of Polish and international survey, including the Polish Opinion Research Center (CBOS), the World Values Survey (WVS) and the European Values Survey (EVS)

Hacia 1929 un sector del socialismo argentino impulsó un proceso de radicalización político-ideológica que culminó con una escisión partidaria en 1937 y la creación del Partido Socialista Obrero. Este artículo propone desarrollar el tratamiento de algunos aspectos de la coyuntura internacional presentes en los emprendimientos editoriales de este ?grupo de izquierda? a fin de contribuir a la comprensión de un escenario más amplio, el de las culturas políticas en la Argentina de esos años, entendiendo la prensa partidaria como un engranaje clave de aquel fenómeno. Se analizan, específicamente, aquellos escritos vinculados al avance del fascismo y al derrotero del socialismo español, entendiendo que los posicionamientos sobre la llamada cuestión internacional permiten profundizar el análisis sobre los móviles, trayectorias y la construcción de identidades políticas -entre otras cuestiones- del ala disidente. ; In 1929 a group of the Argentine socialist party launched a process of political and ideological radicalization which ended in a party division towards 1937 and in the establishment of the Socialist Workers Party. This article aims to approach some aspects involving the international context present in this leftist group's editorial enterprises, in order to contribute to the comprehension of a wider scenario: the political cultures in Argentina during those years, in the understanding that the partisan press was a key gear in such phenomenon. Those papers related to the advance of fascism, as well as the course of the Spanish socialism, are specifically analyzed, in the understanding that the positioning on the so called international question allows us to further analyze the motives, trajectories and political identity building -among other questions- of the dissident wing.

Hacia 1929 un sector del socialismo argentino impulsó un proceso de radicalización político-ideológica que culminó con una escisión partidaria en 1937 y la creación del Partido Socialista Obrero. Este artículo propone desarrollar el tratamiento de algunos aspectos de la coyuntura internacional presentes en los emprendimientos editoriales de este ?grupo de izquierda? a fin de contribuir a la comprensión de un escenario más amplio, el de las culturas políticas en la Argentina de esos años, entendiendo la prensa partidaria como un engranaje clave de aquel fenómeno. Se analizan, específicamente, aquellos escritos vinculados al avance del fascismo y al derrotero del socialismo español, entendiendo que los posicionamientos sobre la llamada cuestión internacional permiten profundizar el análisis sobre los móviles, trayectorias y la construcción de identidades políticas -entre otras cuestiones- del ala disidente. ; In 1929 a group of the Argentine socialist party launched a process of political and ideological radicalization which ended in a party division towards 1937 and in the establishment of the Socialist Workers Party. This article aims to approach some aspects involving the international context present in this leftist group's editorial enterprises, in order to contribute to the comprehension of a wider scenario: the political cultures in Argentina during those years, in the understanding that the partisan press was a key gear in such phenomenon. Those papers related to the advance of fascism, as well as the course of the Spanish socialism, are specifically analyzed, in the understanding that the positioning on the so called international question allows us to further analyze the motives, trajectories and political identity building -among other questions- of the dissident wing.

Hacia 1929 un sector del socialismo argentino impulsó un proceso de radicalización político-ideológica que culminó con una escisión partidaria en 1937 y la creación del Partido Socialista Obrero. Este artículo propone desarrollar el tratamiento de algunos aspectos de la coyuntura internacional presentes en los emprendimientos editoriales de este ?grupo de izquierda? a fin de contribuir a la comprensión de un escenario más amplio, el de las culturas políticas en la Argentina de esos años, entendiendo la prensa partidaria como un engranaje clave de aquel fenómeno. Se analizan, específicamente, aquellos escritos vinculados al avance del fascismo y al derrotero del socialismo español, entendiendo que los posicionamientos sobre la llamada cuestión internacional permiten profundizar el análisis sobre los móviles, trayectorias y la construcción de identidades políticas -entre otras cuestiones- del ala disidente. ; In 1929 a group of the Argentine socialist party launched a process of political and ideological radicalization which ended in a party division towards 1937 and in the establishment of the Socialist Workers Party. This article aims to approach some aspects involving the international context present in this leftist group's editorial enterprises, in order to contribute to the comprehension of a wider scenario: the political cultures in Argentina during those years, in the understanding that the partisan press was a key gear in such phenomenon. Those papers related to the advance of fascism, as well as the course of the Spanish socialism, are specifically analyzed, in the understanding that the positioning on the so called international question allows us to further analyze the motives, trajectories and political identity building -among other questions- of the dissident wing.

Mary Astell (1666-1731) is best known today as one of the earliest English feminists. She is also known as a Tory political pamphleteer, an Anglican apologist, an eloquent rhetorician, and an educational theorist. In this book, Jacqueline Broad interprets Astell first and foremost as a moral philosopher, or as someone committed to providing guidance on how best to live and how to attain happiness. The central claim of this work is that all the different strands of Astell's thought - her theory of knowledge, her metaphysics, her philosophy of the passions, her feminist vision, and her conservative political views - are best understood in light of her ethical objectives. To demonstrate this, Broad examines Astell's major writings and traces her programme to bring about a moral transformation of character in her fellow women. This programme draws on several key aspects of seventeenth-century philosophy, including Cartesian and Neoplatonist epistemologies, proofs for the existence of God, arguments for the immaterial soul, and theories about how to regulate the passions in accordance with reason. At the heart of Astell's philosophy, it is argued, lies a theory of virtue and guidelines on how to cultivate generosity of character, a benevolent disposition toward other people, and the virtue of moderation. This book will help readers to see Astell's feminist, political, and religious views in the context of her wider philosophical vision. It provides a rich and illuminating account of a unique female-centred contribution to the philosophy of the early modern period. It will appeal to students and scholars in philosophy, history of ideas, and gender studies.

Статья посвящена проблемам противодействия терроризму на Евразийском пространстве. Исследования сосредоточены в рамках следующих аспектов: анализ участия политических и неполитических институтов стран партнеров в осуществлении антитеррористической деятельности; анализ политико-правовой базы в области борьбы с терроризмом в России и на Евразийском пространстве; проблемы осуществления антитеррористической деятельности, возможные пути их решения; состояние, направления и перспективы антитеррористического противодействия на Евразийском пространстве. Ведущими задачами антитеррористической борьбы на данном этапе можно назвать: лишение терроризма социальной опоры, направленная и равномерная борьба с ним, обеспечение устойчивого развития всех регионов, углубление социальной направленности процессов интеграции. Предлагаемый анализ содержит не только фиксацию ключевых направлений взаимодействия, но и перспективы его развития, имеющие значение для обеспечения национальной безопасности России. ; The article is devoted to the problems of counter-terrorism on the Eurasian space. The study is focused on such aspects as the analysis of the participation of political and non-political institutions of the partner countries in the implementation of anti-terrorist activities; the analysis of politico-legal base in the field of struggle against terrorism in Russia and in Eurasia; problems of implementation of anti-terrorist activities and possible ways of their solution; state trends and prospects of anti-terrorist counteraction in Eurasia. The article underlines the necessity of the adoption of the consolidated concept of counter-terrorism on the interstate level, in the framework of the Eurasian Union, which will contribute to establishing a stable world order capable of ensuring global and regional stability and the overall political and economic progress. The analysis is not only fixing the key areas of interaction, but also allows ensuring regional security in the Eurasian space.