[ES] Es una gran satisfacción para mí, como Presidente del CSIC, elaborar la introducción de esta memoria de actividades llevadas a cabo a lo largo del año 2007, año en el que ya formaba parte del equipo directivo como Vicepresidente de Organización y Relaciones Institucionales. Como investigador y máximo responsable de esta institución, debo destacar en primer lugar el cambio que se produjo en la figura jurídica del CSIC, por su transformación en Agencia Estatal mediante el Real Decreto 1730/2007 de 21 de diciembre. El año terminó, por tanto, con un hito de máxima relevancia para nuestro organismo, que inicia un proceso de cambio hacia un funcionamiento más autónomo, flexible y regido por el compromiso en el cumplimiento de objetivos. Queda por delante desarrollar la Agencia y sus normas de funcionamiento, tarea que ya estamos abordando con la ilusión de conseguir un organismo atractivo en su funcionamiento y procedimientos, como es el caso de nuestros homólogos europeos. El final del año 2007 coincidió también con la revisión intermedia bienal del Plan de Actuación del CSIC (2006-2009) y, por tanto, del cumplimiento de los objetivos científico-técnicos alcanzados por sus institutos en sus Planes Estratégicos. Esta revisión mostró un balance muy positivo, consiguiendo, e incluso superando en algunos casos, los resultados previstos gracias al esfuerzo de todo el personal de la institución, por adaptarse a los cambios y superar los retos que se planteaban en el Plan de Actuación. A ello contribuyó indudablemente el incremento presupuestario recibido desde el Estado, que ha supuesto un aumento aproximado del 55% desde 2004 y que permitió afrontar las necesidades de personal, equipamiento científico e infraestructuras. La actividad científico-técnica desarrollada en el año 2007 se tradujo en un incremento de los ingresos de financiación externa, tanto a través de proyectos en concurrencia competitiva a los que acuden nuestros investigadores, como en contratos. Esto ha contribuido en el aumento significativo de la producción científica de calidad y en los resultados de orientación tecnológica transferibles al sector industrial, de los que da buena cuenta esta memoria. Pero el año 2007 no ha sido un año exclusivamente dedicado a la generación de resultados científico-tecnológicos, sino que una gran parte de la actividad se ha dedicado a su transferencia. Y esto significa no sólo al sector socio-económico, sino también a la sociedad en general a través de la divulgación promovida por el Área de Cultura Científica. Hay que destacar que el año 2007 fue declarado por el Gobierno "Año de la Ciencia", en conmemoración del centenario de la creación ; de la Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas, JAE, institución de la cual el Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas se considera sucesor, no sólo por el impulso que dio a la investigación y a la sociedad del conocimiento, sino porque muchos de los institutos que integran hoy en día el CSIC fueron creación de la propia JAE. El CSIC lideró las actividades llevadas a cabo en el Año de la Ciencia, que acercaron la investigación a la sociedad a través de los medios de comunicación y poniendo a nuestros científicos en contacto directo con la sociedad. Durante el año 2007 el CSIC puso en marcha grandes proyectos de divulgación científica como el de "Ciencia en la Ciudad" o el de "Ciencia en el Puerto", proyecto, este último, que se llevó a cabo con el buque de investigación oceanográfica Sarmiento de Gamboa. Esta gran instalación científica marina fue utilizada durante los meses de prueba en jornadas de puertas abiertas, mostrando a los ciudadanos de varios puertos españoles y portugueses esta nueva infraestructura y los nuevos proyectos de investigación que a través de ella se irán desarrollando. Asimismo, en 2007 se editó el libro "Tiempos de investigación, JAE-CSIC. Cien años de ciencia en España", que recoge, por primera vez, un recorrido por la historia de ambas entidades y la opinión sobre el CSIC de todos sus Presidentes. La trayectoria consolidada que posee el CSIC de cooperación con otros organismos nos permitió en el año 2007 abordar la creación de seis nuevos centros mixtos con Universidades y Gobiernos Autónomos, así como la creación de otros tres centros propios, lo que supuso la remodelación de cuatro de ellos. Ha sido también un año en el que se incrementó de forma considerable el número de contratos y convenios del CSIC con empresas y otras instituciones, ascendiendo a más de 1.300 con una financiación superior a los 63 millones de euros, que se sumaron a los más de 3.000 convenios que estaban en vigor. Es necesario resaltar que también siguió incrementándose el número de plazas para investigadores, becarios y contratos de doctores. No cabe duda de que nuestro organismo, cuya fortaleza es la multidisciplinariedad, ha seguido mostrándose en 2007 como el auténtico eje vertebrador de la actividad investigadora científico-técnica en España. Todo ello, gracias al espíritu competitivo y de mejora de todos los que lo componen, que han hecho y siguen haciendo posible la investigación científico-técnica de calidad. ; [EN] It gives me great satisfaction, as the President of the CSIC, to write this introduction to the report on the organisation's activities in 2007, a year during which I was already part of the management team as Vice President for Organisation and Institutional Relations. As a researcher, and as the organisation's chief executive, I would first like to highlight the change in the CSIC's legal status that took place with its transformation into a State Agency by Royal Decree 1730/2007 on 21 December 2007. The year therefore ended with a highly significant milestone for our organisation, launching a process of change that will lead to its being managed in a more independent and flexible way, guided by its making a commitment to –and meeting– objectives. Ahead of us lies the task of developing the Agency and defining its rules of operation, something which we are already addressing, with a view to fashioning an organisation whose procedures and form of operation will make it as attractive as its European counterparts. The end of 2007 also coincided with the biannual interim review of the CSIC Action Plan (2006-2009) and therefore, an assessment of the degree of fulfilment of the scientific and technical objectives its institutes set out in their strategic plans. The outcome of this review was highly positive, with the envisaged results being achieved, and in some cases surpassed, thanks to the effort of all the institution's staff to adapt to the changes and overcome the challenges the Action Plan presented. The increase in the budget received from national government, which has risen by 55% since 2004, and which made it possible to meet the organisation's needs in terms of staff, scientific equipment and infrastructure, was undoubtedly also a contributory factor. The scientific and technical activity undertaken in 2007 translated into an increase in income from external funding, in the form of both contracted research and projects funded on a competitive basis. This has contributed to the significant increase in the amount of high quality scientific output and technological results suitable for transfer to the industrial sector, about which there is much more in this report. However, 2007 was not characterised solely by the production of scientific and technological results, as a great deal of effort was also devoted to technology transfer. As well as involving the socio- economic sector, this has also meant reaching out to society in general through the scientific popularisation activities promoted by the Scientific Culture Area. It is also worth noting here that the Spanish government declared 2007 the "Year of Science", to commemorate the centenary of the creation of the Junta para Introducción / Introduction Rafael Rodrigo Presidente del CSIC President of the CSIC ; Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas, or JAE, the institution which the CSIC, as the Spanish National Research Council, considers its predecessor, not only on account of the stimulus it gave to research and the knowledge society, but also because many of the institutes that now form a part of the CSIC were created by the JAE. Spain's Science Year aimed to bring research closer to society, both through the media and by enabling direct contact between scientists and the public, and the CSIC naturally played a leading role in the events and activities. The CSIC ran several large popular science initiatives in 2007, such as "Science in the City", or "Science in Ports", the latter involving the Sarmiento de Gamboa oceanographic research vessel. While this major scientific facility was undergoing trials various open days were held in ports in Spain and Portugal, where the public were able to view this new piece of marine infrastructure and get a glimpse of some of the research projects that it will be used for. 2007 also saw the publication of a book describing the hundred years of history of the JAE-CSIC entitled "Tiempos de investigación, JAE-CSIC. Cien años de ciencia en España". As well as giving an overview of the history of the two organisations the book also summarised the opinions the CSIC's past presidents have had of the institution. The CSIC's solid track record of cooperation with other organisations enabled us to set up six new joint centres, run in collaboration with universities and regional governments, in 2007. The CSIC also set up another three centres of its own and remodelled four of them. It was also a year in which there was a considerable increase in the number of contracts and agreements between the CSIC and firms and other institutions. These reached a total of over 1,300 and brought in funding of 63 million euros, in addition to the more than 3,000 agreements already in force. At the same time, the number of places for researchers, research fellows and post-doctoral contracts also continued to increase. There is no doubt that our organisation, whose strength is its multidisciplinary, continued to demonstrate its having a key role in structuring scientific and technological research in Spain. This is all thanks to the competitive spirit and desire for continual improvement shown by all its members, whose past and present efforts have made the CSIC's high quality scientific and technical research possible. ; Peer reviewed
The thesis provides a complex analysis of the technologies of political marketing in the activities of political parties. Theoretical and methodological basis of research of problem fields are identified and patterns of formation and development of political marketing in political science are defined. The aim of the research was to determine the patterns of political marketing in Ukraine and specifics use of marketing techniques in political parties. The differences of scientific categories «marketing technologies of political party» and «technologies of political marketing» which are using by political parties are highlighted. The marketing technologies of political parties is meant as the totality of methods and means for promoting political products. The technologies of political marketing are defined as a set of practices in creating, maintaining and developing political relations between political actors by using political market products.According to the marketing strategy of positioning the Ukrainian political parties and key party product (ideology / «package of programs» / image ideology) the essence of technologies of political marketing that are used by political parties in their work, namely in design of party image, definition of party people, naming, creating ideological platform, design of party symbols and branding, are singled out in the research. Delimitation between scientific categories «party goods» and «party brand» is proposed. The term «party brand» provides for rooting in the public consciousness, symbolic content, emotional load and is the possibility to combine in itself few political goods. Party brand as result of political marketing is interpreted by the author as a unique offer of specific political party. Acquisition of traits of this unique offer in the marketing party strategy helps to create lasting image and form stable political reputation on the market. The author emphasized that the party proposals are updated by the election campaigns because the main function of political parties is electoral and the essence of parties is defined as organizations designed to gain and exercise of state power. Elections as a concentrated expression of the political market is a mechanism of legitimation of power to political parties. It is proposed the author's synthesis of areas of general marketing principles and Jean Baudrillard's concept of postmodern. It allowed investigating features of political marketing at essentially new level: the change from rational forms of symbolization to branding and sensory-emotional forms of symbolic exchange.It is proved that to the forefront of the political market political product should get, efficiency which is due not so much situational expectations as authentic mental peculiarities of the people combined with the current trends of global political market.The author identified four stages of political marketing in Ukraine that are determined by the characteristics of the party and electoral systems, the level of competition on the political market, the choice of means and methods of party activity:- stage of nucleation of political market (1991–1997);- stage of formation and development of political marketing technologies (1998–2003);- stage of amplification technologizing and virtualization election campaigns (2004–2009);- stage of expansion of technologies and their diversity (from 2010 – till now).It is substantiated that using of technologies of political marketing in the activities of political parties leads to the changes in their form and content, demonstrates successful participation of the same party in three electoral cycles, which is the evidence of party's institutionalization. As a result, specific partypolitical structuring from atomized to systems of almost large parties took place. In this regard, necessity to create brands in the party-political space of modern Ukraine, that driven by the desire of parties to ensure strategic planning for political product in the long term, is argued. The author proved dependence of dynamics of political marketing technologies in the activities of political parties with correlation between the type of party system, electoral law and the polarization of Ukrainian society.In the research, it is stressed that in the election campaigns in the late XX - XXI centuries in Ukraine ideological factor plays less important role than in the elections early 1990s. The current electoral process is not a competition of ideologies but a competition of symbols which main task is to engage to the side of the candidate a significant number of voters. The features of party proposals during parliamentary campaigns 2012, 2014 is analysed. The specific of personal factors and party imaging products in the design of the brand party is revealed. It is emphasized that party products and brands are the carriers of information. For example, names of political parties not only provide for information about specific political party, but about the laws of functioning of the political life in Ukrainian society, political power, the level of political culture.The role of the names and symbols of Ukrainian political parties is found out. It is concluded that by using symbolic form political party decrypts the meaning of the name, identifies itself ideologically, recalls the essence of their programmatic objectives, says the goal of the current campaign and immediate tasks. The content invested in party symbols is revealed. The author analyses its colours, which are powerful way of manipulating the human psyche. It is proved that the party proposals acquire symbolic and cease to carry a meaning and be based on real public demand. Political symbols become tools of manipulation and suggestion of populist ideas. On the one hand, it brings instant benefits to political parties, but on the other - leads to a decline in political culture and civic activity. The research substantiated that for design of effective symbolism must consider the level of political culture of the electorate, traditions, level of political education, voter mentality. It is emphasized that Ukrainian society tend to personalize perception of political power, which reduces the totality of power relations to a figure of specific political leader. The author highlighted that political parties are mass political organizations in which leadership can be distributed among several politicians.It was found that the challenges in 2014 led to new tendencies in the party system in Ukraine, namely the enhancing the process creation of parties, also inclusion in party lists ATO members, civil society activists, journalists, volunteers. It was due to public demand for «new faces», new alliances between political forces. A high level of personalization for Ukrainian politics connected primarily with the fact that most voters are not able to make a political choice, based on their own real interests. Ordinary citizens associate realization their life aspirations and dreams with the active leader of political force who is trying to act as a hero, a saviour. It is accentuated attention that political parties do not compete for the effective implementation of social development programs, but compete for the distribution of power. In their activities, profitable for a narrow circle of persons, but not national interests are dominated. Populism and excessive social orientation of the election programs of political parties are typical characteristics of modern political market in Ukraine.It is concluded that during the current transitional period the domestic party market has not reached a level that would satisfy the needs of society, political goods have not met the expectations and hopes. They are made without targeting consumers and based on stereotypical thinking. The party market does not match a model of «free competition», which makes it difficult to promote party products. Political parties are not associated with specific results of which should be designed to meet the most important values and needs of citizens. The research presents practical recommendations to improve political marketing technologies considering domestic political consumer. ; В исследовании осуществлен комплексный анализ технологий политического маркетинга в деятельности политических партий. Определены теоретико-методологические основы исследования проблемного поля, закономерности становления и развития политического маркетинга в политической науке.Выяснены теоретические основы изучения и использования в политической практике технологий политического маркетинга политическими партиями; обобщены и указано на расхождение содержания научных категорий «технологии политического маркетинга» и «маркетинговые технологии политической партии».Согласно маркетинговой стратегии позиционирования украинских политических партий и ключевого партийного продукта, предложено систематизировать технологии, которые используют политические партии в своей деятельности: конструирование имиджа партии; нейминг (разработка названия политической партии); определение бренд-персон политической партии; создание идеологической платформы и формирования программы партии; разработка дизайна партийной символики и рекламной продукции; партийный брендинг.Предложена целесообразность сочетания основ общего маркетинга и постмодернистской концепции Ж. Бодрийяра, что позволило исследовать особенности технологий политического маркетинга на принципиально новом уровне: замена рациональных форм символизации имиджевыми и чувственно-эмоциональными формами символического обмена.Обосновано, что на первый план партийного рынка должен выйти политический продукт, дееспособность которого обусловливается не столько ситуационными ожиданиями граждан, сколько аутентичными ментальными особенностями народа в сочетании с актуальными тенденциями мирового политического рынка. Указано на различия научных категорий «партийный товар» и «партийный бренд», суть последнего заключается в его укорененности в массовом сознании, символическом наполнении, эмоциональной нагрузке и возможности объединять в себе несколько политических товаров.Выделены четыре этапа динамики украинского политико-партийного рынка в условиях независимости. Обосновано, что использование технологий политического маркетинга в деятельности политических партий приводит к изменению их формы и содержания, демонстрируя успешное выступление одной и той же партийной силы в течение трех электоральных циклов, что свидетельствует о партийной институционализации, и обусловливает определенное партийно-политическое структурирование от авторизированной к системе почти крупных политических партий.Раскрыта специфика персонального фактора и визуализации партийных продуктов в конструировании бренда партии. Проанализированы особенности партийных предложений парламентских кампаний 2012, 2014 гг. Доказано, что в условиях нынешнего переходного периода отечественный партийный рынок не достиг того уровня, который бы удовлетворял потребности общества, политические товары не соответствуют ожиданиям и надеждам, создаются без ориентации на потребителя, базируются на стереотипном мышлении. ; У дослідженні здійснено комплексний аналіз технологій політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій. Визначено теоретико- методологічні засади дослідження проблемного поля, закономірності становлення та розвитку політичного маркетингу в політичній науці. Метою дисертаційного дослідження було з'ясування закономірності розвитку політичного маркетингу в Україні та специфіку використання маркетингових технологій у діяльності політичних партій. Виділено розбіжності змісту наукових категорій: «маркетингові технології політичної партії» і «технології політичного маркетингу», що використовують політичні партії. Під маркетинговими технологіями політичних партій розуміється сукупність прийомів і засобів просування політичних продуктів, а технології політичного маркетингу визначаються як сукупність практик створення, підтримки та розвитку політичних взаємовідносин між акторами політичного ринку за допомогою політичних продуктів.Згідно маркетингової стратегії позиціонування українськими політичними партіями та ключового партійного продукту (ідеологія / «пакет програм» / іміджева ідеологія), у дослідженні виокремлено та розкрито зміст технологій політичного маркетингу, які використовують політичні партії у своїй діяльності, а саме: неймінг, конструювання іміджу партії, визначення партійних персон, створення ідеологічної платформи, розробка дизайну партійної символіки, брендинг. Запропоновано розмежовувати наукові категорії «партійного товару» та «партійного бренду», зміст останнього полягає в його вкоріненості у масовій свідомості, символічному наповненні, емоційному навантаженні та можливості об'єднувати у собі декілька політичних товарів. Партійний бренд, як результат політичного маркетингу, тлумачиться автором як своєрідна унікальна пропозиція конкретної політичної партії. Набуття її ознак в маркетинговій стратегії партії сприяє створенню довготривалого іміджу, формуванню її стабільної репутації на політичному ринку. Автором наголошено, що партійні пропозиції актуалізуються виборчими кампаніями, бо головна функція політичних партій – електоральна – визначається самою сутністю їх як організацій, призначених для завоювання й здійснення державної влади. Саме вибори як концентроване вираження політичного ринку є механізмом легітимації влади для політичної партії.Запропоновано доцільність поєднання основ загального маркетингу та постмодерністської концепції Ж. Бодрійяра, що дозволило дослідити особливості технологій політичного маркетингу на принципово новому рівні: заміна раціональних форм символізації іміджевими та чуттєво- емоційними формами символічного обміну. Доведено, що на перший план партійного ринку повинен вийти політичний продукт, дієздатність якого обумовлюється не стільки ситуаційними очікуваннями громадян, скільки аутентичними ментальними особливостями народу в поєднанні з актуальними тенденціями світового політичного ринку.Виокремлено чотири етапи політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій України, які визначаються особливостями партійної та виборчої систем, рівнем конкуренції на політичному ринку, вибором засобів і методів партійної діяльності:- етап зародження політичного ринку (1991–1997 рр.);- етап формування та розвитку технологій політичного маркетингу (1998–2003 рр.);- етап посилення технологізації та віртуалізації передвиборчих кампаній (2004–2009 рр.);- етап розширення технологій та їх урізноманітнення (з 2010 р. – по теперішній час).Обґрунтовано, що використання технологій політичного маркетингу у діяльності політичних партій призводить до зміни їх форми і змісту, демонструючи успішний виступ однієї і тієї ж партійної сили протягом трьох електоральних циклів, що є свідченням партійної інституціоналізації, та обумовлює певне партійно-політичне структурування: від атомізованої до майже системи крупних партій. Можна говорити про певні перспективи щодо стабілізації української партійної системи: маємо зменшення фрагментації партійної системи у поєднанні зі зростанням ролі партійних організацій. У зв'язку з цим аргументовано необхідність створення брендів у партійно-політичному просторі сучасної Україні, щ обумовлюється прагненням партій до забезпечення стратегічного планування політичного продукту на довгострокову перспективу. Доведена залежність динаміки розвитку технологій політичного маркетингу в діяльності політичних партій від кореляції між типом партійної системи, виборчим законодавством і поляризацією українського суспільства.У роботі підкреслено, що у виборних кампаніях кінця ХХ – початку ХХІ ст. в Україні ідеологічний чинник відіграє менше значення, ніж на виборах початку 1990-х років. Сучасний виборчий процес – це змагання не ідеологій, а символів, основним завданням яких є залучати на сторону кандидата значну кількість виборців. Проаналізовано особливості партійних пропозицій парламентських кампаній 2012, 2014 рр. Розкрито специфіку персонального чиннику та візуалізації партійних продуктів у конструюванні бренду партії. Наголошено, що партійні товари та бренди є носіями інформації. Наприклад, назви політичних партій дають відомості не тільки про конкретну політичну силу, а й про закономірності функціонування політичного життя українського суспільства, політичної влади, рівень політичної культури. З'ясовано роль назви та символіки українських політичних партій. Зроблено висновок, що через символічні форми політична партія розшифровує значення своєї назви, ідеологічно ідентифікує себе, нагадує про суть своїх програмових завдань, заявляє про мету поточної кампанії і найближчі цілі. Розкрито зміст, вкладений в партійну символіку. Аналізується її колірна гама, яка є потужним засобом маніпулювання людської психіки.Доведено, що партійні пропозиції набувають символічності та перестають нести у собі смислове навантаження, спиратися на реальний суспільний попит. Політичні символи стають інструментами маніпулювання та навіювання популістських ідей, що, з одного боку, приносить миттєву вигоду політичним партіям, з іншого – веде до зниження рівня політичної культури та громадської активності. У дослідженні обґрунтовано, що при розробці ефективної символіки необхідно враховувати рівень політичної культури електорату, традиції, рівень політичної освіченості, менталітет виборця.Наголошено, що для українського суспільства притаманне персоніфіковане сприйняття політичної влади, яке редукує всю сукупність владних відносин до фігури конкретного політичного лідера. Підкреслено, що політичні партії – це масові політичні організації, в яких лідерство може бути розподілено серед кількох політиків. З'ясовано, що виклики 2014 р. призвели до нових тенденцій у партійній системі України, а саме активізації процесу партієтворення, включення у партійні списки учасників АТО, громадських активістів, журналістів, волонтерів, що було зумовлено суспільним запитом на «нові обличчя», створення нових союзів між політичними силами. Характерний високий рівень персоніфікації для української політики пов'язується, насамперед, з тим, що більшість не здатна здійснити політичний вибір, що заснований на їх власних реальних інтересах. Пересічні громадяни пов'язують втілення своїх життєвих сподівань та мрій з політичною активністю лідера сили, який намагається виступати в ролі героя, рятівника. Акцентовано увагу, що політичні партії змагаються не за втілення ефективніших програм розвитку суспільства, а за розподіл владних повноважень; у їх діяльності переважають вузькопартійні, а не загальнонаціональні інтереси. Популізм, надмірна соціальна орієнтованість передвиборчих програм політичних партій – типова характеристика сучасного політичного ринку України.Зроблено висновок, що за умов нинішнього перехідного періоду, вітчизняний партійний ринок не досяг того рівня, який би задовольняв потреби суспільства, політичні товари не відповідають очікуванням та надіям, створюються без орієнтації на споживача, базуються на стереотипному мисленні. Партійний ринок не відповідає моделі «вільної конкуренції», що зумовлює труднощі просування на ньому партійних продуктів. Партії не асоціюються з конкретними результатами діяльності, що мають бути спрямовані на задоволення найбільш значимих цінностей, потреб громадян.У роботі запропоновано практичні рекомендації щодо вдосконалення технологій політичного маркетингу з урахуванням споживача вітчизняного політичного товару.
Smart, R. L., et al. (Gaia Collaboration) ; [Aims] We produce a clean and well-characterised catalogue of objects within 100 pc of the Sun from the Gaia Early Data Release 3. We characterise the catalogue through comparisons to the full data release, external catalogues, and simulations. We carry out a first analysis of the science that is possible with this sample to demonstrate its potential and best practices for its use. [Methods] Theselection of objects within 100 pc from the full catalogue used selected training sets, machine-learning procedures, astrometric quantities, and solution quality indicators to determine a probability that the astrometric solution is reliable. The training set construction exploited the astrometric data, quality flags, and external photometry. For all candidates we calculated distance posterior probability densities using Bayesian procedures and mock catalogues to define priors. Any object with reliable astrometry and a non-zero probability of being within 100 pc is included in the catalogue. [Results] We have produced a catalogue of 331 312 objects that we estimate contains at least 92% of stars of stellar type M9 within 100 pc of the Sun. We estimate that 9% of the stars in this catalogue probably lie outside 100 pc, but when the distance probability function is used, a correct treatment of this contamination is possible. We produced luminosity functions with a high signal-to-noise ratio for the main-sequence stars, giants, and white dwarfs. We examined in detail the Hyades cluster, the white dwarf population, and wide-binary systems and produced candidate lists for all three samples. We detected local manifestations of several streams, superclusters, and halo objects, in which we identified 12 members of Gaia Enceladus. We present the first direct parallaxes of five objects in multiple systems within 10 pc of the Sun. [Conclusions] We provide the community with a large, well-characterised catalogue of objects in the solar neighbourhood. This is a primary benchmark for measuring and understanding fundamental parameters and descriptive functions in astronomy. ; The Gaia mission and data processing have financially been supported by, in alphabetical order by country: the Algerian Centre de Recherche en Astronomie, Astrophysique et Géophysique of Bouzareah Observatory; the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF) Hertha Firnberg Programme through grants T359, P20046, and P23737; the BELgian federal Science Policy Office (BELSPO) through various PROgramme de Développement d'Expériences scientifiques (PRODEX) grants and the Polish Academy of Sciences – Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek through grant VS.091.16N, and the Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (FNRS); the Brazil-France exchange programmes Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) and Coordenação de Aperfeicoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) – Comité Français d'Evaluation de la Coopération Universitaire et Scientifique avec le Brésil (COFECUB); the National Science Foundation of China (NSFC) through grants 11573054 and 11703065 and the China Scholarship Council through grant 201806040200; the Tenure Track Pilot Programme of the Croatian Science Foundation and the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne and the project TTP-2018-07-1171 "Mining the Variable Sky", with the funds of the Croatian-Swiss Research Programme; the Czech-Republic Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports through grant LG 15010 and INTER-EXCELLENCE grant LTAUSA18093, and the Czech Space Office through ESA PECS contract 98058; the Danish Ministry of Science; the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research through grant IUT40-1; the European Commission's Sixth Framework Programme through the European Leadership in Space Astrometry (ELSA) Marie Curie Research Training Network (MRTN-CT-2006-033481), through Marie Curie project PIOF-GA-2009-255267 (Space AsteroSeismology & RR Lyrae stars, SAS-RRL), and through a Marie Curie Transfer-of-Knowledge (ToK) fellowship (MTKD-CT-2004-014188); the European Commission's Seventh Framework Programme through grant FP7-606740 (FP7-SPACE-2013-1) for the Gaia European Network for Improved data User Services (GENIUS) and through grant 264895 for the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training (GREAT-ITN) network; the European Research Council (ERC) through grants 320360 and 647208 and through the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation and excellent science programmes through Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant 745617 as well as grants 670519 (Mixing and Angular Momentum tranSport of massIvE stars – MAMSIE), 687378 (Small Bodies: Near and Far), 682115 (Using the Magellanic Clouds to Understand the Interaction of Galaxies), and 695099 (A sub-percent distance scale from binaries and Cepheids – CepBin); the European Science Foundation (ESF), in the framework of the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training Research Network Programme (GREAT-ESF); the European Space Agency (ESA) in the framework of the Gaia project, through the Plan for European Cooperating States (PECS) programme through grants for Slovenia, through contracts C98090 and 4000106398/12/NL/KML for Hungary, and through contract 4000115263/15/NL/IB for Germany; the Academy of Finland and the Magnus Ehrnrooth Foundation; the French Centre National d'Etudes Spatiales (CNES), the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) through grant ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 for the "Investissements d'avenir" programme, through grant ANR-15-CE31-0007 for project "Modelling the Milky Way in the Gaia era" (MOD4Gaia), through grant ANR-14-CE33-0014-01 for project "The Milky Way disc formation in the Gaia era" (ARCHEOGAL), and through grant ANR-15-CE31-0012-01 for project "Unlocking the potential of Cepheids as primary distance calibrators" (UnlockCepheids), the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and its SNO Gaia of the Institut des Sciences de l'Univers (INSU), the "Action Fédératrice Gaia" of the Observatoire de Paris, the Région de Franche-Comté, and the Programme National de Gravitation, Références, Astronomie,et Métrologie (GRAM) of CNRS/INSU with the Institut National Polytechnique (INP) and the Institut National de Physique nucléaire et de Physique des Particules (IN2P3) co-funded by CNES; the German Aerospace Agency (Deutsches Zentrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt e.V., DLR) through grants 50QG0501, 50QG0601, 50QG0602, 50QG0701, 50QG0901, 50QG1001, 50QG1101, 50QG1401, 50QG1402, 50QG1403, 50QG1404, and 50QG1904 and the Centre for Information Services and High Performance Computing (ZIH) at the Technische Universität (TU) Dresden for generous allocations of computer time; the Hungarian Academy of Sciences through the Lendület Programme grants LP2014-17 and LP2018-7 and through the Premium Postdoctoral Research Programme (L. Molnár), and the Hungarian National Research, Development, and Innovation Office (NKFIH) through grant KH_18-130405; the Science Foundation Ireland (SFI) through a Royal Society - SFI University Research Fellowship (M. Fraser); the Israel Science Foundation (ISF) through grant 848/16; the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana (ASI) through contracts I/037/08/0, I/058/10/0, 2014-025-R.0, 2014-025-R.1.2015, and 2018-24-HH.0 to the Italian Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF), contract 2014-049-R.0/1/2 to INAF for the Space Science Data Centre (SSDC, formerly known as the ASI Science Data Center, ASDC), contracts I/008/10/0, 2013/030/I.0, 2013-030-I.0.1-2015, and 2016-17-I.0 to the Aerospace Logistics Technology Engineering Company (ALTEC S.p.A.), INAF, and the Italian Ministry of Education, University, and Research (Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Università e della Ricerca) through the Premiale project "MIning The Cosmos Big Data and Innovative Italian Technology for Frontier Astrophysics and Cosmology" (MITiC); the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) through grant NWO-M-614.061.414, through a VICI grant (A. Helmi), and through a Spinoza prize (A. Helmi), and the Netherlands Research School for Astronomy (NOVA); the Polish National Science Centre through HARMONIA grant 2018/06/M/ST9/00311, DAINA grant 2017/27/L/ST9/03221, and PRELUDIUM grant 2017/25/N/ST9/01253, and the Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MNiSW) through grant DIR/WK/2018/12; the Portugese Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) through grants SFRH/BPD/74697/2010 and SFRH/BD/128840/2017 and the Strategic Programme UID/FIS/00099/2019 for CENTRA; the Slovenian Research Agency through grant P1-0188; the Spanish Ministry of Economy (MINECO/FEDER, UE) through grants ESP2016-80079-C2-1-R, ESP2016-80079-C2-2-R, RTI2018-095076-B-C21, RTI2018-095076-B-C22, BES-2016-078499, and BES-2017-083126 and the Juan de la Cierva formación 2015 grant FJCI-2015-2671, the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports through grant FPU16/03827, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (MICINN) through grant AYA2017-89841P for project "Estudio de las propiedades de los fósiles estelares en el entorno del Grupo Local" and through grant TIN2015-65316-P for project "Computación de Altas Prestaciones VII", the Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence Programme of the Spanish Government through grant SEV2015-0493, the Institute of Cosmos Sciences University of Barcelona (ICCUB, Unidad de Excelencia "María de Maeztu") through grants MDM-2014-0369 and CEX2019-000918-M, the University of Barcelona's official doctoral programme for the development of an R+D+i project through an Ajuts de Personal Investigador en Formació (APIF) grant, the Spanish Virtual Observatory through project AyA2017-84089, the Galician Regional Government, Xunta de Galicia, through grants ED431B-2018/42 and ED481A-2019/155, support received from the Centro de Investigación en Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones (CITIC) funded by the Xunta de Galicia, the Xunta de Galicia and the Centros Singulares de Investigación de Galicia for the period 2016-2019 through CITIC, the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) / Fondo Europeo de Desenvolvemento Rexional (FEDER) for the Galicia 2014-2020 Programme through grant ED431G-2019/01, the Red Española de Supercomputación (RES) computer resources at MareNostrum, the Barcelona Supercomputing Centre – Centro Nacional de Supercomputación (BSC-CNS) through activities AECT-2016-1-0006, AECT-2016-2-0013, AECT-2016-3-0011, and AECT-2017-1-0020, the Departament d'Innovació, Universitats i Empresa de la Generalitat de Catalunya through grant 2014-SGR-1051 for project "Models de Programació i Entorns d'Execució Parallels" (MPEXPAR), and Ramon y Cajal Fellowship RYC2018-025968-I; the Swedish National Space Agency (SNSA/Rymdstyrelsen); the Swiss State Secretariat for Education, Research, and Innovation through the Mesures d'Accompagnement, the Swiss Activités Nationales Complémentaires, and the Swiss National Science Foundation; the United Kingdom Particle Physics and Astronomy Research Council (PPARC), the United Kingdom Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC), and the United Kingdom Space Agency (UKSA) through the following grants to the University of Bristol, the University of Cambridge, the University of Edinburgh, the University of Leicester, the Mullard Space Sciences Laboratory of University College London, and the United Kingdom Rutherford Appleton Laboratory (RAL): PP/D006511/1, PP/D006546/1, PP/D006570/1, ST/I000852/1, ST/J005045/1, ST/K00056X/1, ST/K000209/1, ST/K000756/1, ST/L006561/1, ST/N000595/1, ST/N000641/1, ST/N000978/1, ST/N001117/1, ST/S000089/1, ST/S000976/1, ST/S001123/1, ST/S001948/1, ST/S002103/1, and ST/V000969/1.
ilustraciones, diagramas ; Desde la creación del primer hospital en Santa María la Antigua del Darién, el Hospital San Pedro en la fundación de Bogotá por Gonzalo Jiménez de Quezada a nuestros días, han transcurrido más de 500 años de esta institución, creadas para salvaguardar la salud, almas y cuerpos; inicialmente como caridad cristiana hasta nuestros días como derecho fundamental de los ciudadanos. Los hospitales de caridad desaparecieron con la independencia, se conformaron los hospitales de guerra, el montepío militar, hospitales de pueblos, que con la Constitución Política de 1991 y la Ley 10 de 1990 se reorganizaron y luego se trasformaron por la Ley 100 de 1993 en Empresas Sociales del Estado (ESE), instituciones prestadoras de servidos de salud (IPS) en un mercado de competencia regulada por el ejecutivo nacional. Con la expedición de la Ley 1438 del 2011 y la reforma de la seguridad social mediante la ley 1122 de 2007, la calidad paso a ser un factor importante, en todas las IPS. Todas, para sobrevivir al mercado, además de indicadores financieros deberían mostrar resultados en salud, por eso nace la idea de crear PG para los directores o gerentes de las ESE, con indicadores uniformes que no solo permite ver la evolución de la gestión sino hacer la evaluación de los gerentes por parte de las juntas directivas. Nace entonces el Decreto 357 y la Resolución 473 de 2008, los cuales fijaron los compromisos que el director o Gerente establece ante la Junta Directiva, parlo lo cual deberían incluir como mínimo las metas y actividades en las áreas de gestión gerencial y estratégica, gestión de la prestación de servicios de salud y gestión administrativa. Los gerentes elegidos por concurso de méritos en la última década y luego por designación directa a partir de 2016, entre sus compromisos, además de la formulación del Plan de Gestión (PG) de la ESE, debían cada año lectivo realizar por lo menos 2 informes, uno por semestre y así mismo las juntas directivas hacer evaluaciones y calificar a los gerentes, sin embargo, este mandato ha tenido bajo cumplimento en especial en las ESE del departamento de Boyacá. El Ministerio de Salud y Protección Social (MSyPS), creo una plataforma que permite hacer seguimiento a algunos indicadores de gestión de los planes de los gerentes de las ESE por niveles de complejidad, Esta plataforma disponible desde el 2029 presenta los datos del último año del periodo de designación de los gerentes de ESE del país, a través de la web se pueden consultar en detalle por cada una de las ESE. El compromiso político de la gestión se materializa en estos planes y hay factores que se deben explorara a partir de la administración pública, por ejemplo, si el género del gerente influye en los resultados, o si el apoyo electoral del mandatario que designa al gerente influye en los indicadores o tal vez en el modelo descentralizado de salud la gestión de las ESE es independiente de la gestión pública local. De esta manera la Tesis aborda el impacto de los planes de gestión y evaluación de gerentes ESE territoriales sobre indicadores de salud e inequidad en las ESE de primer nivel de atención en Boyacá para el año 2019. A partir de fuentes secundarias del MSyPS y del Departamento Nacional de Planeación (DNP) se tomaron indicadores de gestión de la ESE, indicadores de desarrollo municipal y de salud e inequidad para hacer un análisis ecológico mediante métodos cuantitativos Toda la información se digito en una hoja Excel y se analizó en SPSS-V19® Se encontró diferencias entre la gestión de la ESE y la gestión del territorio hay independencia entre la gerencia de los hospitales ESE y la administración territorial de los alcaldes; no se encontró diferencias entre el género de los gerentes y mandatarios, pero si mejores indicadores sociales para el sexo femenino, se destaca que los indicadores positivos de gestión de las EES influyen en indicadores oficiales que incluyen natalidad, mortalidad, NBI, cobertura de régimen subsidiado en los habitantes de la zona de influencia de las ESE de Boyacá. Se hace necesario la evaluación continua de los PG e indicadores tanto de las ESE como de la administración municipal, ya que deben ser sinérgicos para el lograr desarrollo reflejado en indicadores positivos de gestión. La planeación logra ser garante de las políticas de salud en el territorio local, la gestión de la admiración pública y la participación ciudadana como elemento de la cultura política indispensable para lograr mejor desarrollo social, económico y de salud. (Texto tomado de la fuente) ; Since the creation of the first hospital in Santa María la Antigua del Darién, the San Pedro Hospital in the founding of Bogotá by Gonzalo Jiménez de Quezada to our days, more than 500 years have passed since this institution created to safeguard souls and bodies; initially as a Christian charity until today as a fundamental right of citizens. Charity hospitals disappeared with independence, war hospitals, military "montepío", village hospitals were formed, which with the 1991 constitution and Law 10 of 1990 were reorganized and later transformed by Law 100 of 1993 into Companies Social State (ESE), institutions that provide health services (IPS) in a market of competition regulated by the national executive. With the issuance of Law 1438 of 2011 and the reform of social security through Law 1122 of 2007, quality became an important factor in all IPS. All of them, to survive in the market, in addition to financial indicators, should show results in health, that is why the idea of creating management plans for the directors or managers of the ESEs was born, with uniform indicators that not only allow to see the evolution of the management but also make the evaluation of managers by the boards of directors. Decree 357 and Resolution 473 of 2008 were born then, which is constituted in the document that reflects the commitments that the Director or Manager establishes before the Board of Directors of the entity, which must include at least the goals and activities in the areas of managerial and strategic management, management of the provision of health services and administrative management. Managers elected by merit contest in the last decade and then by direct appointment as of 2016 between their commitments in addition to the formulation of the management plan, each school year had to make at least 3 reports and also the boards of directors make evaluations and qualify the managers, however this mandate has been poorly fulfilled, especially in Boyacá. The Ministry of Health as the governing body of the health system in Colombia, created a platform that allows monitoring of some management indicators of the ESE managers' plans by levels of complexity. This platform has been available since 2029 presents the data for the last year of the appointment period of the country's ESE managers, through the website they can be consulted in detail for each of the ESE. The political commitment of the management is materialized in these plans and there are factors that should be explored from the public administration, for example if the gender of the manager influences the results, or if the electoral support of the president who appoints the manager influences the indicators or perhaps in the decentralized health model the management of the ESE is independent of the local public management. In this way, the thesis addresses the impact of the management and evaluation plans of managers of territorial state social companies on health indicators and inequity in the first level of care in Boyacá for the year 2019, From secondary sources from the Ministry of Health and the National Planning Department (DNP), ESE management indicators, municipal development and health indicators and inequity were taken to make an ecological analysis using quantitative methods. All information was entered in an Excel sheet and was analyzed in SPSS-V19® Differences were found between the management of the ESE and the management of the territory. There is independence between the management of the ESE hospitals and the territorial administration of the mayors; No differences were found between the gender of managers and leaders, but there were better social indicators for the female sex, it is highlighted that the positive indicators of management of the HEI influence official indicators that include birth, mortality, NBI, coverage of the subsidized regime in the inhabitants of the zone of influence of the ESE of Boyacá. The continuous evaluation of the management plans and indicators of both the ESEs and the municipal administration is necessary, since they must be synergistic to achieve development reflected in positive management indicators. Planning manages to be the guarantor of health policies in the local territory, the management of public admiration and citizen participation as an essential element of the political culture to achieve better social, economic and health development. (Text taken from source) ; Maestría ; Magíster en Estudios Políticos ; Investigación ex post facto evaluativa, realizada posterior a la revisión documental de artículos, normas y jurisprudencia relacionada con la creación de Empresas Sociales del Estado (ESE), la elección de gerentes, la presentación y evaluación de planes de gestión y su relación con la mortalidad, la gestión, pobreza y seguimiento, para ello, se realizó consulta de las siguientes fuentes de información: 1. Se solicitó a la Secretaria de Salud del departamento de Boyacá, copia de los planes de gestión para la vigencia 2016-2019 y los informes de evaluación de la gestión cuatrimestrales que la junta directiva debió hacer. 2. Se consultó en la web del MSyPS el sistema de alerta y seguimiento a Hospitales públicos Ai-Hospital. Para cada municipio y se elaboró una base de datos en Microsoft Excel. 3. Para los datos poblacionales se consultó en la página oficial del DANE, proyecciones censales del censo 2018. 4. Los indicadores de NBI, Miseria, hacinamiento, dependencia, servicios, escolaridad, gestión del alcalde se consultó la herramienta del Departamento nacional de planeación para elaborar planes de desarrollo territorial en las que presentan indicadores de la vigencia 2016-2019. 5. Para el aseguramiento se consultó la herramienta SISPRO del MSyPS y protección social. 6. Los datos de mandatarios locales, se construyó con el género de los gerentes y partidos políticos en la elección, se recolectó de la página de la Registradora Nacional del Estado Civil y de la Gobernación de Boyacá, oficina de participación y democracia. Todos los datos fueron digitados en una base de datos Excel, con estos, se exploró un indicador sintético de 10 variables que se denominó "índice de gestión hospitalaria 10 tesis" mediante el software Epidat 3.1®, que corresponde a 10 indicadores del Índice del MSyPS para el programa Ai-Hospital que podían ser obtenidos con fidelidad en cada ESE para el cierre de 2019, siguiendo metodologías definidas por el MSyPS de Colombia. Se realizó análisis en el software SPSS versión 19 y en Microsoft Excel 2010, se presentan datos descriptivos y análisis gráficos de dispersión, ANOVA de un factor. La significancia establecida para el análisis bivariado fue de p>0.05. ; Cultura Política y Salud
La evolución de las prácticas y formas de expresión artística a lo largo de la historia, ha estado ligada intrínsecamente a la aparición de nuevas tecnologías, de nuevos descubrimientos científicos y a los contextos socio-culturales en las que se encuentran inscritas. Esta evolución no sólo ha permitido el desarrollo de diversos lenguajes en el campo del arte, sino que ha inspirado la aparición constante de nuevas técnicas y formatos artísticos. Durante las últimas tres décadas, acompañado de los avances y el progreso tecnológico en los campos de la biología, la ecología, la medicina y la computación, se ha producido un incremento exponencial, tanto en la teoría como en la práctica, en el desarrollo de estrategias, intervenciones y proyectos artísticos que emplean seres vivos y sus sistemas como forma de expresión. Los artistas, no sólo desde el arte biológico, han participado activamente en la creación de nuevas conceptualizaciones y escenarios que participan de este tipo de intercambios relacionados con las áreas de la ciencia, la sociedad, la cultura y la tecnología. Este panorama supone la creación de nuevos modos y técnicas de intervención artística donde se produce un desvanecimiento e hibridación de los límites existentes entre las prácticas de tipo científico-tecnológico y las formas de producción y conceptualización artísticas. En la actualidad, dentro de un marco temporal razonablemente consolidado de unos 30 años de desarrollo (1985 - 2015), podemos identificar estrategias específicas de trabajo y conceptualización, metodologías, proyectos y obras en torno al trabajo con los seres vivos. Esta tarea es posible gracias a la aparición de relevantes figuras artísticas y ejemplos paradigmáticos, que han supuesto el asentamiento de este tipo de estrategias artísticas en el campo del arte y han producido un nuevo panorama de actuación, donde la interdisciplinariedad es una característica común y al mismo tiempo catalizadora. Realizar proyectos artísticos con seres vivos supone profundizar en el reconocimiento de las diferentes formas en las que se manifiesta la vida. En esta investigación, de forma interrelacionada y a la vez específica, se abordan las diferentes escalas en las que se produce la investigación, desde la escala nanoscópica hasta la escala macroscópica. Será aquí donde se descubrirán las peculiaridades conceptuales y técnicas de las diferentes estrategias asociadas a este tipo de obras. Dichas obras tienen una conexión, no sólo entre sí y dentro de contextos artísticos, sino a través de su posicionamiento dentro de una compleja red de interrelaciones entre los diferentes agentes sociales y sus prácticas, que se circunscriben en torno a campos tan variados como la ciencia, la medicina, la ingeniería, la arquitectura, el arte e incluso la escritura y el activismo político-social. De este modo, las estrategias son entendidas como procesos de coordinación táctica para el desarrollo de proyectos artísticos a partir de planteamientos conectados con la multiplicidad de la vida (seres vivos), su manifestación, sus implicaciones en contextos socio-culturales y su relación con los avances dentro de entornos técnicos y tecnológicos en torno a las ramas de la biología, la ecología y la medicina. El carácter operativo y flexible de las estrategias es lo que permite su adaptación al devenir de las obras y proyectos, facilita su evolución de forma activa y posibilita separarse de la representación literal o metafórica de tipo prospectivo. De este modo, las estrategias actúan como itinerarios analíticos y de ideas en constante respuesta a las diferentes escalas y problemáticas del proyecto artístico, estableciendo enfoques específicos entre técnicas y configuraciones conceptuales y materiales. Es por tanto, a través de la flexibilidad estructurante de las estrategias, donde el plano conceptual, el plano técnico y el plano contextual confluyen para el planteamiento operativo de proyectos y la creación de obras artísticas con seres vivos. El objetivo fundamental de la investigación es estudiar los métodos, modos y procesos de creación que emplean a los seres vivos de forma estratégica, no como un modo de representación o como un elemento secundario que apoya las obras, sino como un punto de partida fundamental para el desarrollo de las obras y proyectos, y como estos generan un nuevo contexto donde se apuntan cambios significativos en nuestra conceptualización de las ideas de identidad o medio ambiente y que plantean remodelaciones de nuestras definiciones de vida y naturaleza. La organización temática de la investigación se realiza en función de la escala natural de los seres vivos, no con un carácter excluyente, sino con objeto de no perder la capacidad de interrelación que existe entre ellas. No debemos olvidar que al analizar e investigar diferentes escalas, estamos descubriendo diferentes sistemas en los que el espacio, la estructuración y las lógicas de funcionamiento no son simultáneas, y donde aparecen nuevas formas de organización y de negociación en sentido conceptual y socio-cultural donde las fronteras son difusas y afectarán a diversos factores. De este modo, las escalas de estudio no se plantean como medida o dimensión de forma unívoca, sino ambivalente, permitiendo la relación de los diferentes sistemas y estructuras entre sí, sobre todo en lo referente a contextos socio-culturales, técnicas y tecnologías empleadas. Este posicionamiento nos permite afrontar la naturaleza difusa y flexible de las estrategias de forma que permita configurar una metodología de trabajo de investigación. Finalmente, la investigación ofrece una base sobre la que afrontar proyectos artísticos de estas características de forma estratégica y generar planteamientos que permitan su empleo en la ejecución de obras con formas de expresión basadas en seres vivos. De este modo, se analizarán ventajas, limitaciones y desafíos en torno a la realización de prácticas artísticas con seres vivos y su capacidad como soporte para nuevos métodos y formas de conceptualizar prácticas artísticas de tipo emergente. ; The evolution of practices and forms of artistic expression throughout history has been intrinsically linked to the emergence of new technologies, new scientific discoveries and the socio-cultural contexts in which they are found. This evolution has not only allowed the development of different languages in the field of art, but has inspired the constant appearance of new techniques and artistic formats. Over the last three decades, accompanied by advances and technological progress in the fields of biology, ecology, medicine and computing, there has been an exponential increase in both theory and practice in developing strategies, interventions and artistic projects that employ living beings and their systems as a form of expression. Artists, not only from biological art, have actively participated in the creation of new conceptualizations and scenarios that take part in these types of exchanges related to the areas of science, society, culture and technology. This panorama implies the creation of new modes and techniques of artistic intervention where there is a fading and hybridization of the existing limits between types of scientific-technological practices and the forms of artistic production and conceptualization. At present, within a reasonably consolidated time frame of some 30 years of development (1985-2015), we an identify specific strategies of work and conceptualization, methodologies, and projects related to working with living beings. This task is possible thanks to the appearance of relevant artistic figures and paradigmatic examples, which have led to the establishment of these types of artistic strategies in the field of art and have produced a new panorama of performance, where interdisciplinarity is a common feature and at the same time a catalyst. To realize artistic projects with living beings means to deepen the recognition of the different forms in which life manifests itself. In this research, in an interrelated and at the same time specific way, the different scales in which the research is produced are addressed, from the nanoscopic scale to the macroscopic scale. The conceptual and technical peculiarities of the different strategies associated with these types of works are discovered here. These works have a connection, not only with each other and within artistic contexts, but also through their positioning within a complex network of interrelations between different social agents and their practices, which are circumscribed around fields as varied as science , medicine, engineering, architecture, art and even writing and political-social activism. In this way, strategies are understood as processes of tactical coordination for the development of artistic projects based on approaches connected with the multiplicity of life (living beings), their manifestation, their implications in socio-cultural contexts and their relationship with advances in technical and technological environments around the branches of biology, ecology and medicine. The operational and flexible nature of the strategies is what allows them to adapt to the future of works and projects, facilitates their evolution in an active way and makes it possible to separate from the literal or metaphorical representation of a prospective type. In this way, strategies act as analytical itineraries and ideas in constant response to the different scales and problems of the artistic project, establishing specific approaches between conceptual and material techniques and configurations. It is therefore, through the structuring flexibility of the strategies, where the conceptual plane, the technical plane and the contextual plane converge for the operational approach of projects and the creation of artistic works with living beings. The fundamental objective of the research is to study the methods, modes and processes of creation that employ the living beings in a strategic way, not as a mode of representation or as a secondary element that supports the works, but as a fundamental starting point for the development of works and projects, and how they generate a new context where significant changes in our conceptualization of ideas related to identity or environment are suggested and that propose remodeling of our definitions of life and nature. Thematic organization of research is carried out according to the natural scale of living beings, not with an exclusionary character, but in order not to lose the capacity for interrelation between them. We must not forget that in analyzing and investigating different scales, we are discovering different systems in which space, structure and operational logics are not simultaneous, and where new forms of organization and negotiation appear in a conceptual and socio-cultural sense where the boundaries are diffuse and will affect various factors. Thus, the scales of the study are not considered a measure or dimension unambiguous, but ambivalent, allowing the relationship of the different systems and structures associated with them, especially in relation to socio-cultural contexts, techniques and technologies used. This positioning allows us to confront the diffuse and flexible nature of the strategies in a way that allows us to configure a methodology of research work. Finally, the research offers a basis on which to tackle artistic projects of these characteristics in a trategic way and generate approaches that allow their use in the execution of works with forms of expression based on living beings. In this way, we will analyze the advantages, limitations and challenges related to the creation of artistic practices with living beings and their capacity as a support for new methods and ways of conceptualizing emerging artistic practices.
Colorectal cancer (CRC) is a leading cause of cancer-related death worldwide, and has a strong heritable basis. We report a genome-wide association analysis of 34,627 CRC cases and 71,379 controls of European ancestry that identifies SNPs at 31 new CRC risk loci. We also identify eight independent risk SNPs at the new and previously reported European CRC loci, and a further nine CRC SNPs at loci previously only identified in Asian populations. We use in situ promoter capture Hi-C (CHi-C), gene expression, and in silico annotation methods to identify likely target genes of CRC SNPs. Whilst these new SNP associations implicate target genes that are enriched for known CRC pathways such as Wnt and BMP, they also highlight novel pathways with no prior links to colorectal tumourigenesis. These findings provide further insight into CRC susceptibility and enhance the prospects of applying genetic risk scores to personalised screening and prevention. ; At the Institute of Cancer Research, this work was supported by Cancer Research UK (C1298/A25514). Additional support was provided by the National Cancer Research Network. In Edinburgh, the work was supported by Programme Grant funding from Cancer Research UK (C348/A12076) and by funding for the infrastructure and staffing of the Edinburgh CRUK Cancer Research Centre. In Birmingham, funding was provided by Cancer Research UK (C6199/A16459). We are grateful to many colleagues within UK Clinical Genetics Departments (for CORGI) and to many collaborators who participated in the VICTOR, QUASAR2 and SCOT trials. We also thank colleagues from the UK National Cancer Research Network (for NSCCG). Support from the European Union [FP7/207–2013, grant 258236] and FP7 collaborative project SYSCOL and COST Action in the UK is also acknowledged [BM1206]. The COIN and COIN-B trials were funded by Cancer Research UK and the Medical Research Council and were conducted with the support of the National Institute of Health Research Cancer Research Network. COIN and COIN-B translational studies were supported by the Bobby Moore Fund from Cancer Research UK, Tenovus, the Kidani Trust, Cancer Research Wales and the National Institute for Social Care and Health Research Cancer Genetics Biomedical Research Unit (2011–2014). We thank the High-Throughput Genomics Group at the Wellcome Trust Centre for Human Genetics (funded by Wellcome Trust grant reference 090532/Z/09/Z) and the Edinburgh Clinical Research Facility (ECRF) Genetics Core, Western General Hospital, Edinburgh, for the generation of genotyping data. We thank the Lothian Birth Cohorts' members, investigators, research associates, and other team members. We thank the Edinburgh Clinical Research Facility (ECRF) Genetics Core, Western General Hospital, Edinburgh, for genotyping. Lothian Birth Cohorts' data collection is supported by the Disconnected Mind project (funded by Age UK), and the Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC, for genotyping; BB/F019394/1) and undertaken within the University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology (funded by the BBSRC and Medical Research Council RC as part of the LLHW [MR/K026992/1]). ET was supported by Cancer Research UK CDF (C31250/A22804). This research has been conducted using the UK Biobank Resource under Application Number 7441. Generation Scotland received core support from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health Directorates [CZD/16/6] and the Scottish Funding Council [HR03006]. Genotyping of the GS:SFHS samples was carried out by the Genetics Core Laboratory at the Clinical Research Facility, University of Edinburgh and was funded by the Medical Research Council UK and the Wellcome Trust (Wellcome Trust Strategic Award "STratifying Resilience and Depression Longitudinally" (STRADL) [104036/Z/14/Z]). CFR was supported by a Marie Sklodowska-Curie Intra-European Fellowship Action and received considerable help from many staff in the Department of Endoscopy at the John Radcliffe Hospital in Oxford. In Finland, this work was supported by grants from the Academy of Finland [Finnish Center of Excellence Program 2012–2017, 250345 and 2018–2025, 312041], the Jane and Aatos Erkko Foundation, the Finnish Cancer Society [personal grant to K.P.], the European Research Council [ERC; 268648], the Sigrid Juselius Foundation, SYSCOL, the Nordic Information for Action eScience Center (NIASC), the Nordic Center of Excellence financed by NordForsk [project 62721, personal grant to K.P.] and State Research Funding of Kuopio University Hospital [B1401]. We acknowledge the computational resources provided by the ELIXIR node, hosted at the CSC–IT Center for Science, Finland, and funded by the Academy of Finland [grants 271642 and 263164], the Ministry of Education and Culture, Finland. V.S. was supported by the Finnish Academy [grant number 139635] and the Finnish Foundation for Cardiovascular Research. J.-P.M. was funded by The Finnish Cancer Foundation and The Jane and Aatos Erkko Foundation. Sample collection and genotyping in the Finnish Twin Cohort has been supported by the Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute, ENGAGE—European Network for Genetic and Genomic Epidemiology, FP7-HEALTH-F4–2007; [grant agreement number 201413], the National Institute of Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism [grants AA-12502 and AA-00145; to R.J.R. and K02AA018755 to D.M.D.] and the Academy of Finland [grants 100499, 205585, 265240 and 263278 to J.K.]. The work of the Colon Cancer Family Registry (CCFR) was supported by the National Cancer Institute (NCI) of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) under Award number U01 CA167551. The CCFR Illumina GWAS was supported by the NCI/NIH under Award Numbers U01 CA122839 and R01 CA143237 to G.C. The content of this manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the NCI or any of the collaborating centres in the CCFR, nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the US Government or the CCFR. The CORSA study was funded by FFG BRIDGE (grant 829675, to A.G.), the "Herzfelder'sche Familienstiftung" (grant to A.G.) and was supported by COST Action BM1206. We kindly thank all individuals who agreed to participate in the CORSA study. Furthermore, we thank all cooperating physicians and students and the Biobank Graz of the Medical University of Graz. The DACHS study was supported by grants from the German Research Council (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, BR 1704/6–1, BR 1704/6–3, BR 1704/6–4, BR 1704/6–6 and CH 117/1–1), and the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01KH0404, 01ER0814, 01ER0815 and 01ER1505A, 01ER1505B). We thank all participants and cooperating clinicians, and Ute Handte-Daub, Ansgar Brandhorst, Muhabbet Celik and Ursula Eilber for excellent technical assistance. The Croatian study was supported through the 10,001 Dalmatians Project, and institutional support of University Hospital for Tumours, Sestre milosrdnice University Hospital Center. James East and Simon Leedham were funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Oxford Biomedical Research Centre (BRC). The views expressed not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. We acknowledge use of genotype data from the British 1958 Birth Cohort DNA collection, which was funded by the Medical Research Council Grant G0000934 and the Wellcome Trust Grant 068545/Z/02. A full list of the investigators who contributed to the generation of the data is available from http://www.wtccc.org.uk. The BCAC study would not have been possible without the contributions of the following: Manjeet K. Bolla, Qin Wang, Kyriaki Michailidou and Joe Dennis. BCAC is funded by Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A16563). For the BBCS study, we thank Eileen Williams, Elaine Ryder-Mills, Kara Sargus. The BBCS is funded by Cancer Research UK and Breast Cancer Now and acknowledges NHS funding to the National Institute of Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre (BRC) and the National Cancer Research Network (NCRN). We thank the participants and the investigators of EPIC (European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition). The coordination of EPIC is financially supported by the European Commission (DG-SANCO) and the International Agency for Research on Cancer. The national cohorts are supported by: Ligue Contre le Cancer, Institut Gustave Roussy, Mutuelle Générale de l'Education Nationale, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM) (France); German Cancer Aid, German Cancer Research Center (DKFZ), Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) (Germany); the Hellenic Health Foundation, the Stavros Niarchos Foundation (Greece); Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro-AIRC-Italy and National Research Council (Italy); Dutch Ministry of Public Health, Welfare and Sports (VWS), Netherlands Cancer Registry (NKR), LK Research Funds, Dutch Prevention Funds, Dutch ZON (Zorg Onderzoek Nederland), World Cancer Research Fund (WCRF), Statistics Netherlands (The Netherlands); Health Research Fund (FIS), PI13/00061 to Granada, PI13/01162 to EPIC-Murcia, Regional Governments of Andalucía, Asturias, Basque Country, Murcia and Navarra, ISCIII RETIC (RD06/0020) (Spain); Cancer Research UK (14136 to EPIC-Norfolk; C570/A16491 and C8221/A19170 to EPIC-Oxford), Medical Research Council (1000143 to EPIC-Norfolk, MR/M012190/1 to EPIC-Oxford) (United Kingdom). We thank the SEARCH and EPIC teams, which were funded by a programme grant from Cancer Research UK (C490/A10124) and supported by the UK NIHR BRC at the University of Cambridge. We thank Breast Cancer Now and the Institute of Cancer Research (ICR) for support and funding of the UKBGS, and the study participants, study staff, and the doctors, nurses and other health-care providers and health information sources who have contributed to the study. Genotyping of the PRACTICAL consortium OncoArray was funded by the US National Institutes of Health (NIH) [U19 CA 148537 for ELucidating Loci Involved in Prostate cancer SuscEptibility (ELLIPSE) project and X01HG007492 to the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) under contract number HHSN268201200008I]. Additional analytic support was provided by NIH NCI U01 CA188392 (PI: Schumacher). The PRACTICAL consortium was supported by Cancer Research UK Grants C5047/A7357, C1287/A10118, C1287/A16563, C5047/A3354, C5047/A10692, C16913/A6135, European Commission's Seventh Framework Programme grant agreement n° 223175 (HEALTH-F2–2009–223175), and The National Institute of Health (NIH) Cancer Post-Cancer GWAS initiative grant: No. 1 U19 CA 148537–01 (the GAME-ON initiative). We would also like to thank the following for funding support: The Institute of Cancer Research and The Everyman Campaign, The Prostate Cancer Research Foundation, Prostate Research Campaign UK (now Prostate Action), The Orchid Cancer Appeal, The National Cancer Research Network UK, The National Cancer Research Institute (NCRI) UK. We are grateful for support of NIHR funding to the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust, the Spanish Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII) an initiative of the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Innovation (Spain), and the Xunta de Galicia (Spain).
Lean body mass, consisting mostly of skeletal muscle, is important for healthy aging. We performed a genome-wide association study for whole body (20 cohorts of European ancestry with n = 38,292) and appendicular (arms and legs) lean body mass (n = 28,330) measured using dual energy X-ray absorptiometry or bioelectrical impedance analysis, adjusted for sex, age, height, and fat mass. Twenty-one single-nucleotide polymorphisms were significantly associated with lean body mass either genome wide (p < 5 × 10−8) or suggestively genome wide (p < 2.3 × 10−6). Replication in 63,475 (47,227 of European ancestry) individuals from 33 cohorts for whole body lean body mass and in 45,090 (42,360 of European ancestry) subjects from 25 cohorts for appendicular lean body mass was successful for five single-nucleotide polymorphisms in/near HSD17B11, VCAN, ADAMTSL3, IRS1, and FTO for total lean body mass and for three single-nucleotide polymorphisms in/near VCAN, ADAMTSL3, and IRS1 for appendicular lean body mass. Our findings provide new insight into the genetics of lean body mass. ; We acknowledge the essential role of the Cohorts for Heart and Aging Research in Genome Epidemiology (CHARGE) Consortium in development and support of this manuscript. CHARGE members include the Netherland's Rotterdam Study (RS), Framingham Heart Study (FHS), Cardiovascular Health Study (CHS), the NHLBI's Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) Study, and Iceland's Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility (AGES) Reykjavik Study. Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility Reykjavik Study (AGES-Reykjavik): has been funded by NIH contract N01-AG-12100, the NIA Intramural Research Program, Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament). The study is approved by the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee, (VSN: 00-063) and the Data Protection Authority. The researchers are indebted to the participants for their willingness to participate in the study. Old Order Amish (OOA): this work was supported by NIH research grants U01 HL72515, U01 GM074518, R01 HL088119, R01 AR046838, and U01 HL084756. Partial funding was also provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center of Maryland (P30 DK072488).). L.M.Y.-A. was supported by F32AR059469 from NIH/NIAMS. M.F. was supported by American Heart Association grant 10SDG2690004. Cardiovascular Health Study (CHS): This CHS research was supported by NHLBI contracts N01-HC- 85079, N01-HC-85080, N01-HC-85081, N01-HC-85082, N01-HC-85083, N01-HC-85084, N01-HC-85085, N01-HC-85086; N01-HC-35129, N01 HC-15103, N01 HC-55222, N01-HC-75150, N01-HC-45133, N01-HC-85239, and by HHSN268201200036C and NHLBI grants HL080295, HL087652, HL105756, HL103612, HL120393, and HL130114 with additional contribution from NINDS. Additional support was provided through AG-023629, AG-15928, AG-20098, and AG-027058 from the NIA. See also http://www.chs-nhlbi.org/pi.htm. DNA handling and genotyping at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center was supported in part by the National Center for Research Resources, grant UL1RR033176, and is now at the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, CTSI grant UL1TR000124; in addition to the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease grant DK063491 to the Southern California Diabetes Endocrinology Research Center. CoLaus: The CoLaus study received financial contributions from GlaxoSmithKline, the Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne, and the Swiss National Science Foundation (grants 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, and 33CS30-148401). We thank Vincent Mooser and Gérard Waeber, Co-PIs of the CoLaus study. Special thanks to Yolande Barreau, Mathieu Firmann, Vladimir Mayor, Anne-Lise Bastian, Binasa Ramic, Martine Moranville, Martine Baumer, Marcy Sagette, Jeanne Ecoffey, and Sylvie Mermoud for data collection. Data analysis was supervised by Sven Bergmann and Jacques S. Beckmann. The computations for this paper were performed in part at the Vital-IT Center for high-performance computing of the Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics. deCODE Study: The study was funded by deCODE Genetics, ehf. We thank all the participants of this study, the staff of deCODE Genetics core facilities and recruitment center and the densitometry clinic at the University Hospital for their important contributions to this work. The EPIC Study: The EPIC Obesity study is funded by Cancer Research United Kingdom and the Medical Research Council. I.B. acknowledges support from EU FP6 funding (contract no. LSHM-CT-2003-503041) and by the Wellcome Trust (WT098051). Erasmus Rucphen Family (ERF) Study: The study was supported by grants from The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO), Erasmus MC, the Centre for Medical Systems Biology (CMSB), and the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), ENGAGE Consortium, grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413. We are grateful to all general practitioners for their contributions, to Petra Veraart for her help in genealogy, Jeannette Vergeer for the supervision of the laboratory work and Peter Snijders for his help in data collection. Fenland: The Fenland Study is funded by the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council, as well as by the Support for Science Funding programme and CamStrad. We are grateful to all the volunteers for their time and help, and to the General Practitioners and practice staff for help with recruitment. We thank the Fenland Study co-ordination team and the Field Epidemiology team of the MRC Epidemiology Unit for recruitment and clinical testing. Tuomas O. Kilpeläinen was supported by the Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF—1333-00124 and Sapere Aude program grant DFF—1331-00730B). Framingham Osteoporosis Study (FOS)/Framingham Heart Study (FHS): The study was funded by grants from the US National Institute for Arthritis, Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases and National Institute on Aging (R01 AR 41398 and U24AG051129; D.P.K. and R01AR057118; D.K. D.K. was also supported by FP7-PEOPLE-2012-Marie Curie Career Integration Grants (CIG)). The Framingham Heart Study of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute of the National Institutes of Health and Boston University School of Medicine were supported by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (N01-HC-25195) and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc. for genotyping services (N02-HL-6-4278). Analyses reflect intellectual input and resource development from the Framingham Heart Study investigators participating in the SNP Health Association Resource (SHARe) project. A portion of this research was conducted using the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. eQTL HOb Study: The study was supported by Genome Quebec, Genome Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR). Gothenburg Osteoporosis and Obesity Determinants Study (GOOD): The study was funded by the Swedish Research Council, the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research, The ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg, the Lundberg Foundation, the Emil and Vera Cornell Foundation, the Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation, Petrus and Augusta Hedlunds Foundation, the Västra Götaland Foundation, and the Göteborg Medical Society. We would like to thank Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Luc V. de Zeeuw, Anis Abuseiris, and Rob de Graaf as well as their institutions the Erasmus Computing Grid, Rotterdam, The Netherlands, and especially the national German MediGRID and Services@MediGRID part of the German D-Grid, both funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology under grants #01 AK 803 A-H and # 01 IG 07015G for access to their grid resources. We also thank Karol Estrada, Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, the Netherlands for advice regarding the grid resources. Health Aging and Body Composition Study (Health ABC): This study was funded by the National Institutes of Aging. This research was supported by NIA contracts N01AG62101, N01AG62103, and N01AG62106. The genome-wide association study was funded by NIA grant 1R01AG032098-01A1 to Wake Forest University Health Sciences and genotyping services were provided by the Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR). CIDR is fully funded through a federal contract from the National Institutes of Health to The Johns Hopkins University, contract number HHSN268200782096C. Indiana: We thank the individuals who participated in this study, as well as the study coordinators, without whom this work would not have been possible. This work was supported by National Institutes of Health grants R01 AG 041517 and M01 RR-00750. Genotyping services were provided by CIDR. CIDR is fully funded through a federal contract from the National Institutes of Health to The Johns Hopkins University, contract number HHSN268200782096C. This research was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIH, National Library of Medicine. Kora (KORA F3 and KORA F4): The KORA research platform was initiated and financed by the Helmholtz Center Munich, German Research Center for Environmental Health, which is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and by the State of Bavaria. Part of this work was financed by the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFNPlus: 01GS0823). Our research was supported within the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health) as part of LMUinnovativ. The London Life Sciences Population (LOLIPOP): The study was funded by the British Heart Foundation, Wellcome Trust, the Medical Research Council, and Kidney Research UK. The study also receives support from a National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) programme grant. Rotterdam Study (RSI, RSII & RSIII): The generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the Rotterdam Study (RS I, RS II, RS III) was executed by the Human Genotyping Facility of the Genetic Laboratory of the Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, Rotterdam, The Netherlands. The GWAS datasets are supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research NWO Investments (no. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012), the Genetic Laboratory of the Department of Internal Medicine, Erasmus MC, the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging (NCHA), project no. 050-060-810. We thank Pascal Arp, Mila Jhamai, Marijn Verkerk, Lizbeth Herrera, Marjolein Peters, MSc, and Carolina Medina-Gomez, MSc, for their help in creating the GWAS database, and Karol Estrada, PhD, Yurii Aulchenko, PhD, and Carolina Medina-Gomez, PhD, for the creation and analysis of imputed data. The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII), and the Municipality of Rotterdam. We are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the Rotterdam Study and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. We thank Dr Karol Estrada, Dr Fernando Rivadeneira, Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Anis Abuseiris, and Rob de Graaf (Erasmus MC Rotterdam, The Netherlands) for their help in creating GRIMP, and we thank BigGRID, MediGRID, and Services@MediGRID/D-Grid (funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology; grants 01 AK 803 A-H, 01 IG 07015G) for access to their grid computing resources. Rush Memory and Aging Project (MAP): The Memory and Aging Project was supported by National Institute on Aging grants R01AG17917, R01AG15819, and R01AG24480, the Illinois Department of Public Health, the Rush Clinical Translational Science Consortium, and a gift from Ms Marsha Dowd. TwinsUK (TUK): The study was funded by the Wellcome Trust, Arthritis Research UK, and the Chronic Disease Research Foundation. The study also received support from a National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre award to Guy's & St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust in partnership with King's College London. We thank the staff and volunteers of the TwinsUK study. The study was also supported by Israel Science Foundation, grant number 994/10. Age, Gene/Environment Susceptibility Reykjavik Study (AGES-Reykjavik) has been funded by NIH contract N01-AG-12100, the NIA Intramural Research Program, Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament). The study is approved by the Icelandic National Bioethics Committee (VSN: 00-063) and the Data Protection Authority. The researchers are indebted to the participants for their willingness to participate in the study. Berlin Aging Study II (BASE-II) was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF (grants #16SV5536K, #16SV5537, #16SV5538, and #16SV5837; previously #01UW0808)). Additional contributions (e.g., financial, equipment, logistics, personnel) are made from each of the other participating sites, i.e., the Max Planck Institute for Human Development (MPIB), Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics (MPIMG), Charite University Medicine, German Institute for Economic Research (DIW), all located in Berlin, Germany, and University of Lübeck in Lübeck, Germany. B-vitamins in the prevention of osteoporotic fractures (B-PROOF): B-PROOF is supported and funded by The Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw, grant 6130.0031), the Hague; unrestricted grant from NZO (Dutch Dairy Association), Zoetermeer; Orthica, Almere; NCHA (Netherlands Consortium Healthy Ageing) Leiden/Rotterdam; Ministry of Economic Affairs, Agriculture and Innovation (project KB-15-004-003), the Hague; Wageningen University, Wageningen; VU University Medical Center, Amsterdam; Erasmus Medical Center, Rotterdam. All organizations are based in the Netherlands. We thank Dr Tobias A. Knoch, Anis Abuseiris, Karol Estrada, and Rob de Graaf as well as their institutions the Erasmus Grid Office, Erasmus MC Rotterdam, The Netherlands, and especially the national German MediGRID and Services@MediGRID part of the German D-Grid, both funded by the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology (grants #01 AK 803 A-H and #01 IG 07015G) for access to their gird resources. Further, we gratefully thank all participants. Calcium Intake Fracture Outcome Study (CAIFOS): This study was funded by Healthway Health Promotion Foundation of Western Australia, Australasian Menopause Society and the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council Project Grants (254627, 303169, and 572604). We are grateful to the participants of the CAIFOS Study. The salary of Dr Lewis is supported by a National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia Career Development Fellowship. Danish Osteoporosis Study (DOPS): The study was supported by Karen Elise Jensen foundation. Family Heart Study (FamHS): The study was supported by NIH grants R01-HL-117078, R01-HL-087700, and R01-HL-088215 from NHLBI; and R01-DK-089256 and R01-DK-075681 from NIDDK. GenMets (Health 2000): S.R. was supported by the Academy of Finland Center of Excellence in Complex Disease Genetics (213506 and 129680), Academy of Finland (251217), the Finnish foundation for Cardiovascular Research and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. S.M. was supported by grants #136895 and #141005, V.S. by grants #139635 and 129494, and M.P. by grant #269517 from the Academy of Finland and a grant from the Finnish Foundation for Cardiovascular Research. M.P. was supported by the Yrjö Jahnsson Foundation. Helsinki Birth Cohort Study (HBCS): We thank all study participants as well as everybody involved in the HBCS. HBCS has been supported by grants from the Academy of Finland, the Finnish Diabetes Research Society, Samfundet Folkhälsann, Novo Nordisk Foundation, Liv och Hälsa, Finska Läkaresällskapet, Signe and Ane Gyllenberg Foundation, University of Helsinki, European Science Foundation (EUROSTRESS), Ministry of Education, Ahokas Foundation, Emil Aaltonen Foundation, Juho Vainio Foundation, and Wellcome Trust (grant number WT089062). Johnston County Study: The Johnston County Osteoarthritis Project is supported in part by cooperative agreements S043, S1734, and S3486 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention/Association of Schools of Public Health; the NIAMS Multipurpose Arthritis and Musculoskeletal Disease Center grant 5-P60-AR30701; and the NIAMS Multidisciplinary Clinical Research Center grant 5 P60 AR49465-03. Genotyping services were provided by Algynomics company. Korean Genome Epidemiology Study (KoGES): Korean Genome Epidemiology Study (KoGES): This work was supported by the Research Program funded by the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (found 2001-347-6111-221, 2002-347-6111-221, 2009-E71007-00, 2010-E71004-00). Kora F3 and Kora F4: The KORA research platform was initiated and financed by the Helmholtz Center Munich, German Research Center for Environmental Health, which is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and by the State of Bavaria. Part of this work was financed by the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFNPlus: 01GS0823). Our research was supported within the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health) as part of LMUinnovativ. LOLIP-REP-IA610: The study was supported by the Wellcome Trust. We thank the participants and research teams involved in LOLIPOP. LOLIP-REP-IA_I: The study was supported by the British Heart Foundation Grant SP/04/002. LOLIP-REP-IA_P: The study was supported by the British Heart Foundation Grant SP/04/002. METSIM: The study was supported by the Academy of Finland, the Finnish Diabetes Research Foundation, the Finnish Cardiovascular Research Foundation, the Strategic Research Funding from the University of Eastern Finland, Kuopio, and the EVO grant 5263 from the Kuopio University Hospital. MrOS Sweden: Financial support was received from the Swedish Research Council (2006-3832), the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research, the ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg, the Lundberg Foundation, the Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation, Petrus and Augusta Hedlunds Foundation, the Västra Götaland Foundation, the Göteborg Medical Society, and the Novo Nordisk foundation. Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. MrOS US: The Osteoporotic Fractures in Men (MrOS) Study is supported by National Institutes of Health funding. The following institutes provide support: the National Institute on Aging (NIA), the National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS), the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), and NIH Roadmap for Medical Research under the following grant numbers: U01 AG027810, U01 AG042124, U01 AG042139, U01 AG042140, U01 AG042143, U01 AG042145, U01 AG042168, U01 AR066160, and UL1 TR000128. The National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS) provided funding for the MrOS ancillary study "GWAS in MrOS and SOF" under the grant number RC2ARO58973. Osteoporosis Prospective Risk Assessment study (OPRA): This work was supported by grants from the Swedish Research Council (K2009-53X-14691-07-3, K2010-77PK-21362-01-2), FAS (grant 2007-2125), Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. We are thankful to all the women who kindly participated in the study and to the staff at the Clinical and Molecular Osteoporosis Research Unit for helping in recruitment of study individuals. Orkney Complex Disease Study (ORCADES): ORCADES was supported by the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government (CZB/4/276, CZB/4/710), the Royal Society, the MRC Human Genetics Unit, Arthritis Research UK (17539) and the European Union framework program 6 EUROSPAN project (contract no. LSHG-CT-2006-018947). DNA extractions were performed at the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility in Edinburgh. We acknowledge the invaluable contributions of Lorraine Anderson and the research nurses in Orkney, the administrative team in Edinburgh and the people of Orkney. PEAK 25: This work was supported by grants from the Swedish Research Council (K2009-53X-14691-07-3, K2010-77PK-21362-01-2), FAS (grant 2007-2125), Greta and Johan Kock Foundation, A. Påhlsson Foundation, A. Osterlund Foundation, Malmö University Hospital Research Foundation, Research and Development Council of Region Skåne, Sweden, the Swedish Medical Society. We are thankful to all the women who kindly participated in the study and to the staff at the Clinical and Molecular Osteoporosis Research Unit for helping in recruitment of study individuals. Prospective Investigation of the Vasculature in Uppsala Seniors (PIVUS): The study was supported by grants from the Swedish research council (projects 2008-2202 and 2005-8214) and ALF/LUA research grants from Uppsala university hospital, Uppsala, Sweden. Relationship between Insulin Sensitivity and Cardiovascular Disease (RISC): The RISC study is supported by European Union Grant QLG1-CT-2001-01252 and AstraZeneca. We thank Merck Research Labs for conducting DNA genotyping on RISC samples.Rotterdam III: Rotterdam Study (RS): See discovery. SHIP and SHIP TREND: This work was supported by SHIP, which is part of the Community Medicine Research Network of the University of Greifswald, Germany, by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs as well as the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania and the network "Greifswald Approach to Individualized Medicine (GANI_MED)" funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (03IS2061A). Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The University of Greifswald is a member of the "Center of Knowledge Interchange" program of the Siemens. A.G. and the Cache´ Campus program of the InterSystems GmbH. The SHIP authors are grateful to the contribution of Florian Ernst, Anja Wiechert, and Astrid Petersmann in generating the SNP data and to Mario Stanke for the opportunity to use his Server Cluster for SNP Imputation. Data analyses were further supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG Vo 955/10-1) and the Federal Ministry of Nutrition, Agriculture and Consumer's Safety. SOF: The Study of Osteoporotic Fractures (SOF) is supported by National Institutes of Health funding. The National Institute on Aging (NIA) provides support under the following grant numbers: R01 AG005407, R01 AR35582, R01 AR35583, R01 AR35584, R01 AG005394, R01 AG027574, and R01 AG027576. The National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (NIAMS) provided funding for the SOF ancillary study "GWAS in MrOS and SOF" under the grant number RC2ARO58973. Uppsala Longitudinal Study of Adult Men (ULSAM): The study was funded by grants from the Swedish research council (projects 2008-2202 and 2005-8214), the Wallenberg foundation, and ALF/LUA research grants from Uppsala university hospital, Uppsala, Sweden. Andrew P. Morris is a Wellcome Trust Senior Fellow in Basic Biomedical Science, grant number WT098017. CROATIA-VIS (VIS): The CROATIA-Vis study was funded by grants from the Medical Research Council (UK) and Republic of Croatia Ministry of Science, Education and Sports research grants to I.R. (108-1080315-0302). We acknowledge the staff of several institutions in Croatia that supported the field work, including but not limited to The University of Split and Zagreb Medical Schools, the Institute for Anthropological Research in Zagreb and Croatian Institute for Public Health. The SNP genotyping for the CROATIA-Vis cohort was performed in the core genotyping laboratory of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility at the Western General Hospital, Edinburgh, Scotland. Women's Health Initiative (WHI): The WHI program is funded by the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, US Department of Health and Human Services through contracts N01WH22110, 24152, 32100–2, 32105–6, 32108–9, 32111–13, 32115, 32118–32119, 32122, 42107–26, 42129–32, and 44221. We thank the WHI investigators and staff for their dedication, and the study participants for making the program possible. A listing of WHI investigators can be found at https://www.whi.org/researchers/Documents%20%20Write%20a%20Paper/WHI%20Investigator%20Short%20List.pdf. FUSION: This research was supported in part by US National Institutes of Health grants 1-ZIA-HG000024 (to F.S.C.), U01DK062370 (to M.B.), R00DK099240 (to S.C.J.P.), the American Diabetes Association Pathway to Stop Diabetes Grant 1-14-INI-07 (to S.C.J.P.), and Academy of Finland Grants 271961 and 272741 (to M.L.) and 258753 (to H.A.K.). We thank all the subjects for participation and the study personnel for excellent technical assistance. The Pima Indian Study: This study was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, NIH, USA. Studies of a Targeted Risk Reduction Intervention with Defined Exercise (STRRIDE): This study was supported by the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute of the National Institutes of Health, HL57453 (WEK). Gene expression in old and young muscle biopsies: S.M. and T.G. were supported in part by NIH U24AG051129. ; Peer Reviewed
Luri, Xavier, et al. (Gaia Collaboration) ; [Context] This work is part of the Gaia Data Processing and Analysis Consortium papers published with the Gaia Early Data Release 3 (EDR3). It is one of the demonstration papers aiming to highlight the improvements and quality of the newly published data by applying them to a scientific case. [Aims] We use the Gaia EDR3 data to study the structure and kinematics of the Magellanic Clouds. The large distance to the Clouds is a challenge for the Gaia astrometry. The Clouds lie at the very limits of the usability of the Gaia data, which makes the Clouds an excellent case study for evaluating the quality and properties of the Gaia data. [Methods] The basis of our work are two samples selected to provide a representation as clean as possible of the stars of the Large Magellanic Cloud (LMC) and the Small Magellanic Cloud (SMC). The selection used criteria based on position, parallax, and proper motions to remove foreground contamination from the Milky Way, and allowed the separation of the stars of both Clouds. From these two samples we defined a series of subsamples based on cuts in the colour-magnitude diagram; these subsamples were used to select stars in a common evolutionary phase and can also be used as approximate proxies of a selection by age. [Results] We compared the Gaia Data Release 2 and Gaia EDR3 performances in the study of the Magellanic Clouds and show the clear improvements in precision and accuracy in the new release. We also show that the systematics still present in the data make the determination of the 3D geometry of the LMC a difficult endeavour; this is at the very limit of the usefulness of the Gaia EDR3 astrometry, but it may become feasible with the use of additional external data. We derive radial and tangential velocity maps and global profiles for the LMC for the several subsamples we defined. To our knowledge, this is the first time that the two planar components of the ordered and random motions are derived for multiple stellar evolutionary phases in a galactic disc outside the Milky Way, showing the differences between younger and older phases. We also analyse the spatial structure and motions in the central region, the bar, and the disc, providing new insightsinto features and kinematics. Finally, we show that the Gaia EDR3 data allows clearly resolving the Magellanic Bridge, and we trace the density and velocity flow of the stars from the SMC towards the LMC not only globally, but also separately for young and evolved populations. This allows us to confirm an evolved population in the Bridge that is slightly shift from the younger population. Additionally, we were able to study the outskirts of both Magellanic Clouds, in which we detected some well-known features and indications of new ones. ; The Gaia mission and data processing have financially been supported by, in alphabetical order by country: the Algerian Centre de Recherche en Astronomie, Astrophysique et Géophysique of Bouzareah Observatory; the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF) Hertha Firnberg Programme through grants T359, P20046, and P23737; the BELgian federal Science Policy Office (BELSPO) through various PROgramme de Développement d'Expériences scientifiques (PRODEX) grants and the Polish Academy of Sciences - Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek through grant VS.091.16N, and the Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (FNRS); the Brazil-France exchange programmes Fundaçãode Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) and Coordenação de Aperfeicoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) - Comité Français d'Evaluation de la Coopération Universitaire et Scientifique avec le Brésil (COFECUB); the National Science Foundation of China (NSFC) through grants 11573054 and 11703065 and the China Scholarship Council through grant 201806040200; the Tenure Track Pilot Programme of the Croatian Science Foundation and the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne and the project TTP-2018-07-1171 "Mining the Variable Sky", with the funds of the Croatian-Swiss Research Programme; the Czech-Republic Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports through grant LG 15010 and INTER-EXCELLENCE grant LTAUSA18093, and the Czech Space Office through ESA PECS contract 98058; the Danish Ministry of Science; the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research through grant IUT40-1; the European Commission's Sixth Framework Programme through the European Leadership in Space Astrometry (ELSA) Marie Curie Research Training Network (MRTN-CT-2006-033481), through Marie Curie project PIOF-GA-2009-255267 (Space AsteroSeismology & RR Lyrae stars, SAS-RRL), and through a Marie Curie Transfer-of-Knowledge (ToK) fellowship (MTKD-CT-2004-014188); the European Commission's Seventh Framework Programme through grant FP7-606740 (FP7-SPACE-2013-1) for the Gaia European Network for Improved data User Services (GENIUS) and through grant 264895 for the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training (GREAT-ITN) network; the European Research Council (ERC) through grants 320360 and 647208 and through the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation and excellent science programmes through Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant 745617 as well as grants 670519 (Mixing and Angular Momentum tranSport of massIvE stars – MAMSIE), 687378 (Small Bodies: Near and Far), 682115 (Using the Magellanic Clouds to Understand the Interaction of Galaxies), and 695099 (A sub-percent distance scale from binaries and Cepheids – CepBin); the European Science Foundation (ESF), in the framework of the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training Research Network Programme (GREAT-ESF); the European Space Agency (ESA) in the framework of the Gaia project, through the Plan for European Cooperating States (PECS) programme through grants for Slovenia, through contracts C98090 and 4000106398/12/NL/KML for Hungary, and through contract 4000115263/15/NL/IB for Germany; the Academy of Finland and the Magnus Ehrnrooth Foundation; the French Centre National d'Etudes Spatiales (CNES), the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) through grant ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 for the "Investissements d'avenir" programme, through grant ANR-15-CE31-0007 for project "Modelling the Milky Way in the Gaia era" (MOD4Gaia), through grant ANR-14-CE33-0014-01 for project "The Milky Way disc formation in the Gaia era" (ARCHEOGAL), and through grant ANR-15-CE31-0012-01 for project "Unlocking the potential of Cepheids as primary distance calibrators" (UnlockCepheids), the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and its SNO Gaia of the Institut des Sciences de l'Univers (INSU), the "Action Fédératrice Gaia"' of the Observatoire de Paris, the Région de Franche-Comté, and the Programme National de Gravitation, Références, Astronomie, et Métrologie (GRAM) of CNRS/INSU with the Institut National Polytechnique (INP) and the Institut National de Physique nucléaire et de Physique des Particules (IN2P3) co-funded by CNES; the German Aerospace Agency (Deutsches Zentrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt e.V., DLR) through grants 50QG0501, 50QG0601, 50QG0602, 50QG0701, 50QG0901, 50QG1001, 50QG1101, 50QG1401, 50QG1402, 50QG1403, 50QG1404, and 50QG1904 and the Centre for Information Services and High Performance Computing (ZIH) at the Technische Universität (TU) Dresden for generous allocations of computer time; the Hungarian Academy of Sciences through the Lendület Programme grants LP2014-17 and LP2018-7 and through the Premium Postdoctoral Research Programme (L. Molnár), and the Hungarian National Research, Development, and Innovation Office (NKFIH) through grant KH_18-130405; the Science Foundation Ireland (SFI) through a Royal Society - SFI University Research Fellowship (M. Fraser); the Israel Science Foundation (ISF) through grant 848/16; the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana (ASI) through contracts I/037/08/0, I/058/10/0, 2014-025-R.0, 2014-025-R.1.2015, and 2018-24-HH.0 to the Italian Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF), contract 2014-049-R.0/1/2 to INAF for the Space Science Data Centre (SSDC, formerly known as the ASI Science Data Center, ASDC), contracts I/008/10/0, 2013/030/I.0, 2013-030-I.0.1-2015, and 2016-17-I.0 to the Aerospace Logistics Technology Engineering Company (ALTEC S.p.A.), INAF, and the Italian Ministry of Education, University, and Research (Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Università e della Ricerca) through the Premiale project "MIning The Cosmos Big Data and Innovative Italian Technology for Frontier Astrophysics and Cosmology" (MITiC); the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) through grant NWO-M-614.061.414, through a VICI grant (A. Helmi), and through a Spinoza prize (A. Helmi), and the Netherlands Research School for Astronomy (NOVA); the Polish National Science Centre through HARMONIA grant 2018/06/M/ST9/00311, DAINA grant 2017/27/L/ST9/03221, and PRELUDIUM grant 2017/25/N/ST9/01253, and the Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MNiSW) through grant DIR/WK/2018/12; the Portugese Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) through grants SFRH/BPD/74697/2010 and SFRH/BD/128840/2017 and the Strategic Programme UID/FIS/00099/2019 for CENTRA; the Slovenian Research Agency through grant P1-0188; the Spanish Ministry of Economy (MINECO/FEDER, UE) through grants ESP2016-80079-C2-1-R, ESP2016-80079-C2-2-R, RTI2018-095076-B-C21, RTI2018-095076-B-C22, BES-2016-078499, and BES-2017-083126 and the Juan de la Cierva formación 2015 grant FJCI-2015-2671, the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports through grant FPU16/03827, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (MICINN) through grant AYA2017-89841P for project "Estudio de las propiedades de los fósiles estelares en el entorno del Grupo Local" and through grant TIN2015-65316-P for project "Computación de Altas Prestaciones VII", the Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence Programme of the Spanish Government through grant SEV2015-0493, the Institute of Cosmos Sciences University of Barcelona (ICCUB, Unidad de Excelencia "María de Maeztu") through grants MDM-2014-0369 and CEX2019-000918-M, the University of Barcelona's official doctoral programme for the development of an R+D+i project through an Ajuts de Personal Investigador en Formació (APIF) grant, the Spanish Virtual Observatory through project AyA2017-84089, the Galician Regional Government, Xunta de Galicia, through grants ED431B-2018/42 and ED481A-2019/155, support received from the Centro de Investigación en Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones (CITIC) funded by the Xunta de Galicia, the Xunta de Galicia and the Centros Singulares de Investigación de Galicia for the period 2016-2019 through CITIC, the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) / Fondo Europeo de Desenvolvemento Rexional (FEDER) for the Galicia 2014-2020 Programme through grant ED431G-2019/01, the Red Española de Supercomputación (RES) computer resources at MareNostrum, the Barcelona Supercomputing Centre - Centro Nacional de Supercomputación (BSC-CNS) through activities AECT-2016-1-0006, AECT-2016-2-0013, AECT-2016-3-0011, and AECT-2017-1-0020, the Departament d'Innovació, Universitats i Empresa de la Generalitat de Catalunya through grant 2014-SGR-1051 for project 'Models de Programació i Entorns d'Execució Parallels' (MPEXPAR), and Ramon y Cajal Fellowship RYC2018-025968-I; the Swedish National Space Agency (SNSA/Rymdstyrelsen); the Swiss State Secretariat for Education, Research, and Innovation through the ESA PRODEX programme, the Mesures d'Accompagnement, the Swiss Activités Nationales Complémentaires, and the Swiss National Science Foundation; the United Kingdom Particle Physics and Astronomy Research Council (PPARC), the United Kingdom Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC), and the United Kingdom Space Agency (UKSA) through the following grants to the University of Bristol, the University of Cambridge, the University of Edinburgh, the University of Leicester, the Mullard Space Sciences Laboratory of University College London, and the United Kingdom Rutherford Appleton Laboratory (RAL): PP/D006511/1, PP/D006546/1, PP/D006570/1, ST/I000852/1, ST/J005045/1, ST/K00056X/1, ST/K000209/1, ST/K000756/1, ST/L006561/1, ST/N000595/1, ST/N000641/1, ST/N000978/1, ST/N001117/1, ST/S000089/1, ST/S000976/1, ST/S001123/1, ST/S001948/1, ST/S002103/1, and ST/V000969/1.
Antoja, T., et al. (Gaia Collaboration) ; [Aims] We aim to demonstrate the scientific potential of the Gaia Early Data Release 3 (EDR3) for the study of different aspects of the Milky Way structure and evolution and we provide, at the same time, a description of several practical aspects of the data and examples of their usage. [Methods] We used astrometric positions, proper motions, parallaxes, and photometry from EDR3 to select different populations and components and to calculate the distances and velocities in the direction of the anticentre. In this direction, the Gaia astrometric data alone enable the calculation of the vertical and azimuthal velocities; also, the extinction is relatively low compared to other directions in the Galactic plane. We then explore the disturbances of the current disc, the spatial and kinematical distributions of early accreted versus in situ stars, the structures in the outer parts of the disc, and the orbits of open clusters Berkeley 29 and Saurer 1. [Results] With the improved astrometry and photometry of EDR3, we find that: (i) the dynamics of the Galactic disc are very complex with oscillations in the median rotation and vertical velocities as a function of radius, vertical asymmetries, and new correlations, including a bimodality with disc stars with large angular momentum moving vertically upwards from below the plane, and disc stars with slightly lower angular momentum moving preferentially downwards; (ii) we resolve the kinematic substructure (diagonal ridges) in the outer parts of the disc for the first time; (iii) the red sequence that has been associated with the proto-Galactic disc that was present at the time of the merger with Gaia-Enceladus-Sausage is currently radially concentrated up to around 14 kpc, while the blue sequence that has been associated with debris of the satellite extends beyond that; (iv) there are density structures in the outer disc, both above and below the plane, most probably related to Monoceros, the Anticentre Stream, and TriAnd, for which the Gaia data allow an exhaustive selection of candidate member stars and dynamical study; and (v) the open clusters Berkeley 29 and Saurer 1, despite being located at large distances from the Galactic centre, are on nearly circular disc-like orbits. [Conclusions] Even with our simple preliminary exploration of the Gaia EDR3, we demonstrate how, once again, these data from the European Space Agency are crucial for our understanding of the different pieces of our Galaxy and their connection to its global structure and history. ; The Gaia mission and data processing have financially been supported by, in alphabetical order by country: the Algerian Centre de Recherche en Astronomie,Astrophysique et Géophysique of Bouzareah Observatory; the Austrian Fonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF) Hertha Firnberg Programme through grants T359, P20046, and P23737; the BELgian federal Science Policy Office (BELSPO) through various PROgramme de Développement d'Expériences scientifiques (PRODEX) grants and the Polish Academy of Sciences - Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek through grant VS.091.16N, and the Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (FNRS); the Brazil-France exchange programmes Fundaçãode Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) and Coordenação de Aperfeicoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) - Comité Français d'Evaluation de la Coopération Universitaire et Scientifique avec le Brésil (COFECUB); the National Science Foundation of China (NSFC) through grants 11573054 and 11703065 and the China Scholarship Council through grant 201806040200; the Tenure Track Pilot Programme of the Croatian Science Foundation and the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne and the project TTP-2018-07-1171 'Mining the Variable Sky', with the funds of the Croatian-Swiss Research Programme; the Czech-Republic Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports through grant LG 15010 and INTER-EXCELLENCE grant LTAUSA18093, and the Czech Space Office through ESA PECS contract 98058; the Danish Ministry of Science; the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research through grant IUT40-1; the European Commission's Sixth Framework Programme through the European Leadership in Space Astrometry (ELSA) Marie Curie Research Training Network (MRTN-CT-2006-033481), through Marie Curie project PIOF-GA-2009-255267 (Space AsteroSeismology and RR Lyrae stars, SAS-RRL), and through a Marie Curie Transfer-of-Knowledge (ToK) fellowship (MTKD-CT-2004-014188); the European Commission's Seventh Framework Programme through grant FP7-606740 (FP7-SPACE-2013-1) for the Gaia European Network for Improved data User Services (GENIUS) and through grant 264895 for the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training (GREAT-ITN) network; the European Research Council (ERC) through grants 320360 and 647208 and through the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation and excellent science programmes through Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant 745617 as well as grants 670519 (Mixing and Angular Momentum tranSport of massIvE stars – MAMSIE), 687378 (Small Bodies: Near and Far), 682115 (Using the Magellanic Clouds to Understand the Interaction of Galaxies), and 695099 (A sub-percent distance scale from binaries and Cepheids – CepBin); the European Science Foundation (ESF), in the framework of the Gaia Research for European Astronomy Training Research Network Programme (GREAT-ESF); the European Space Agency (ESA) in the framework of the Gaia project, through the Plan for European Cooperating States (PECS) programme through grants for Slovenia, through contracts C98090 and 4000106398/12/NL/KML for Hungary, and through contract 4000115263/15/NL/IB for Germany; the Academy of Finland and the Magnus Ehrnrooth Foundation; the French Centre National d'Etudes Spatiales (CNES), the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) through grant ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 for the 'Investissements d'avenir' programme, through grant ANR-15-CE31-0007 for project 'Modelling the Milky Way in the Gaia era' (MOD4Gaia), through grant ANR-14-CE33-0014-01 for project 'The Milky Way disc formation in the Gaia era' (ARCHEOGAL), and through grant ANR-15-CE31-0012-01 for project 'Unlocking the potential of Cepheids as primary distance calibrators' (UnlockCepheids), the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and its SNO Gaia of the Institut des Sciences de l'Univers (INSU), the 'Action Fédératrice Gaia' of the Observatoire de Paris, the Région de Franche-Comté, and the Programme National de Gravitation, Références, Astronomie, et Métrologie (GRAM) of CNRS/INSU with the Institut National Polytechnique (INP) and the Institut National de Physique nucléaire et de Physique des Particules (IN2P3) co-funded by CNES; the German Aerospace Agency (Deutsches Zentrum für Luft- und Raumfahrt e.V., DLR) through grants 50QG0501, 50QG0601, 50QG0602, 50QG0701, 50QG0901, 50QG1001, 50QG1101, 50QG1401, 50QG1402, 50QG1403, 50QG1404, and 50QG1904 and the Centre for Information Services and High Performance Computing (ZIH) at the Technische Universität (TU) Dresden for generous allocations of computer time; the Hungarian Academy of Sciences through the Lendület Programme grants LP2014-17 and LP2018-7 and through the Premium Postdoctoral Research Programme (L. Molnár), and the Hungarian National Research, Development, and Innovation Office (NKFIH) through grant KH_18-130405; the Science Foundation Ireland (SFI) through a Royal Society – SFI University Research Fellowship (M. Fraser); the Israel Science Foundation (ISF) through grant 848/16; the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana (ASI) through contracts I/037/08/0, I/058/10/0, 2014-025-R.0, 2014-025-R.1.2015, and 2018-24-HH.0 to the Italian Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF), contract 2014-049-R.0/1/2 to INAF for the Space Science Data Centre (SSDC, formerly known as the ASI Science Data Center, ASDC), contracts I/008/10/0, 2013/030/I.0, 2013-030-I.0.1-2015, and 2016-17-I.0 to the Aerospace Logistics Technology Engineering Company (ALTEC S.p.A.), INAF, and the Italian Ministry of Education, University, and Research (Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Università e della Ricerca) through the Premiale project 'MIning The Cosmos Big Data and Innovative Italian Technology for Frontier Astrophysics and Cosmology' (MITiC); the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) through grant NWO-M-614.061.414, through a VICI grant (A. Helmi), and through a Spinoza prize (A. Helmi), and the Netherlands Research School for Astronomy (NOVA); the Polish National Science Centre through HARMONIA grant 2018/30/M/ST9/00311, DAINA grant 2017/27/L/ST9/03221, and PRELUDIUM grant 2017/25/N/ST9/01253, and the Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MNiSW) through grant DIR/WK/2018/12; the Portugese Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) through grants SFRH/BPD/74697/2010 and SFRH/BD/128840/2017 and the Strategic Programme UID/FIS/00099/2019 for CENTRA; the Slovenian Research Agency through grant P1-0188; the Spanish Ministry of Economy (MINECO/FEDER, UE) through grants ESP2016-80079-C2-1-R, ESP2016-80079-C2-2-R, RTI2018-095076-B-C21, RTI2018-095076-B-C22, BES-2016-078499, and BES-2017-083126 and the Juan de la Cierva formación 2015 grant FJCI-2015-2671, the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports through grant FPU16/03827, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (MICINN) through grant AYA2017-89841P for project 'Estudio de las propiedades de los fósiles estelares en el entorno del Grupo Local' and through grant TIN2015-65316-P for project 'Computación de Altas Prestaciones VII', the Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence Programme of the Spanish Government through grant SEV2015-0493, the Institute of Cosmos Sciences University of Barcelona (ICCUB, Unidad de Excelencia 'María de Maeztu') through grants MDM-2014-0369 and CEX2019-000918-M, the University of Barcelona's official doctoral programme for the development of an R+D+i project through an Ajuts de Personal Investigador en Formació (APIF) grant, the Spanish Virtual Observatory through project AyA2017-84089, the Galician Regional Government, Xunta de Galicia, through grants ED431B-2018/42 and ED481A-2019/155, support received from the Centro de Investigación en Tecnologías de la Información y las Comunicaciones (CITIC) funded by the Xunta de Galicia, the Xunta de Galicia and the Centros Singulares de Investigación de Galicia for the period 2016-2019 through CITIC, the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) / Fondo Europeo de Desenvolvemento Rexional (FEDER) for the Galicia 2014-2020 Programme through grant ED431G-2019/01, the Red Española de Supercomputación (RES) computer resources at MareNostrum, the Barcelona Supercomputing Centre - Centro Nacional de Supercomputación (BSC-CNS) through activities AECT-2016-1-0006, AECT-2016-2-0013, AECT-2016-3-0011, and AECT-2017-1-0020, the Departament d'Innovació, Universitats i Empresa de la Generalitat de Catalunya through grant 2014-SGR-1051 for project 'Models de Programació i Entorns d'Execució Parallels' (MPEXPAR), and Ramon y Cajal Fellowship RYC2018-025968-I; the Swedish National Space Agency (SNSA/Rymdstyrelsen); the Swiss State Secretariat for Education, Research, and Innovation through the ESA PRODEX programme, the Mesures d'Accompagnement, the Swiss Activités Nationales Complémentaires, and the Swiss National Science Foundation; the United Kingdom Particle Physics and Astronomy Research Council (PPARC), the United Kingdom Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC), and the United Kingdom Space Agency (UKSA) through the following grants to the University of Bristol, the University of Cambridge, the University of Edinburgh, the University of Leicester, the Mullard Space Sciences Laboratory of University College London, and the United Kingdom Rutherford Appleton Laboratory (RAL): PP/D006511/1, PP/D006546/1, PP/D006570/1, ST/I000852/1, ST/J005045/1, ST/K00056X/1, ST/K000209/1, ST/K000756/1, ST/L006561/1, ST/N000595/1, ST/N000641/1, ST/N000978/1, ST/N001117/1, ST/S000089/1, ST/S000976/1, ST/S001123/1, ST/S001948/1, ST/S002103/1, and ST/V000969/1.
Ante la alarmante situación de niveles de epidemia generalizada de VIH en Guinea Ecuatorial, y ante la urgente necesidad de llevar a cabo políticas eficaces, eficientes y efectivas en la prevención y en el tratamiento de la epidemia en el país, en el marco del convenio de cooperación al desarrollo entre España y Guinea Ecuatorial, se plantea la pertinencia de realizar el estudio de caso ESEVIGUE2. De modo que, en el año 2010 se inicia la investigación que, a continuación se expone, con la finalidad de proporcionar y generar evidencia científica para apoyar el diseño de planes estratégicos nacionales, así como orientar la toma de decisiones respecto a cómo implementar determinadas recomendaciones internacionales, y en concreto la extensión del diagnóstico precoz de VIH a toda la población guineana (OMS, 2002). El punto de partida de la investigación ha sido indagar, desde una perspectiva macrosociológica, la relación que se establece entre la globalización, con sus diferentes dimensiones, y la epidemia del VIH, para posteriormente descender a un nivel microsocial, a través de un trabajo de campo etnográfico realizado en Bata, y comprender desde una «perspectiva fenomenológica» (Schütz, 1962), cómo percibe y cómo vive la población el fenómeno de la epidemia. Las estrategias de investigación empleadas en el desarrollo de l «estudio de caso» (Stake, 2005) han sido fundamentalmente cualitativas. A través del desarrollo de diversas técnicas, como la observación no participante, la entrevista individual y el grupo de discusión, se recaba información para su posterior análisis, aplicando la teoría fundamentada como método. No obstante, en la descripción y comprensión del contexto social del objeto de estudio también se han empleado fuentes secundarias cuantitativas. En cuanto a los resultados más relevantes obtenidos en la investigación, en primer lugar se señala la pertinencia del modelo conceptual de «determinantes sociales de la salud» (OMS, 2008) para explicar la prevalencia del VIH en Guinea Ecuatorial. En este sentido, factores estructurales como las políticas públicas, el contexto político y económico, así como la cultura y los valores tienen una clara incidencia en los niveles de prevalencia en el país. Asimismo, el género, la etnia y el nivel educativo como ejes de desigualdad, también son factores que determinan una mayor vulnerabilidad por grupos sociales. La epidemia constituye, por tanto, un claro exponente de «desigualdad global en salud» (Ritzer, 2007). Ahora bien, estos factores determinantes y ejes de desigualdad, ayudan también a comprender y explicar por qué en el espacio de la cotidianidad, determinados grupos sociales no adoptan algunas prácticas preventivas para protegerse de la amenaza del VIH. Tal es el caso del empleo del preservativo masculino en la población femenina. Y, por último, con base al modelo conceptual de determinantes sociales de la salud, los resultados también nos advierten de la existencia de determinantes intermedios, como la cobertura y la accesibilidad de los servicios sanitarios guineanos de la medicina moderna, como condicionantes para el cuidado de la salud y protección ante el virus. En este sentido, algunas de las barreras de accesibilidad que se producen en la utilización de los servicios de diagnóstico y tratamiento del VIH en los servicios sanitarios modernos constituyen causas de abandono y no adherencia. Ahora bien, en relación a los motivos de abandono de los servicios sanitarios y la no adherencia al tratamiento, los resultados ponen de manifiesto que la medicina tradicional, a diferencia de otros países africanos donde sí tiene una mayor influencia (Asgary, Antony, Grigoryan, Aronson & 2014; Merten et al., 2010), no constituye la principal barrera para el diagnóstico precoz del VIH, ni tampoco la principal causa de abandono de los servicios de diagnóstico y tratamiento. Otros muchos aspectos, que desde una perspectiva fenomenológica configuran el «mundo intersubjetivo» (Schütz, 1962), tienen una mayor influencia para comprender el sentido y el significado de los comportamientos y acciones frente al VIH. A este respecto, se evidencia la coexistencia de diferentes significados sobre el virus, donde el contexto cultural local juega un papel clave en la configuración de dichas estructuras significativas. Tal es el caso de la percepción unánime que existe del virus como "enfermedad de hospital", en oposición a las enfermedades tradicionales. No obstante, un elemento transversal y común a todos los significados o percepciones que el virus adquiere, se halla en la identificación que se produce entre el VIH y la enfermedad del sida. De modo que, el VIH es finalmente percibido como la "enfermedad del sida", atribuyéndosele en última instancia significado de mortalidad, y configurándose en el imaginario colectivo como una "enfermedad mortal". Algunas de estas estructuras significativas, tales como "enfermedad de abuso sexual" y "enfermedad mortal", terminan reificándose en el «lebenswelt» (Berger & Luckmann, 1967). Y con base a estas estructuras se deriva la construcción de una «representación social» (Moscovici, 1979) del VIH poco positiva y desfavorable. Cabe resaltar la gran contribución de este resultado, por su fuerte valor explicativo en la comprensión de las formas de pensar, actuar y sentir de la población ante el virus. Ahora bien, debido a la representación social del VIH poco favorable, tener el virus adquiere la categoría social de «desviación secundaria» (Lemert, 1951), modificándose por tanto el «rol social» (Parsons, 1951); la «identidad social» (Tajfel & Turner, 1979); y, en última instancia, redefiniendo y reorganizando el «autoconcepto» (Mead, 1934) de la persona que lo padece. De modo que, y en consecuencia a esta consideración de desviación secundaria, se desencadenan determinados mecanismos de control social, tales como el congosá, el rumor, las risas, el estigma, el prejuicio que cristalizan finalmente en formas de rechazo social y discriminación en torno a las personas seropositivas. Por tanto, una primera conclusión que se deriva de los resultados obtenidos en la investigación, es la influencia que tienen los determinantes sociales de la salud para explicar la prevalencia de la epidemia en Guinea Ecuatorial así como su distribución por grupos sociales. Una segunda conclusión, es el fuerte valor explicativo que tienen los distintos constructos sociales creados en torno al VIH para comprender las formas de pensar, actuar y vivir el fenómeno y, por tanto, en la adquisición o no de prácticas preventivas. ; Given the alarming situation of the generalised HIV epidemic levels in Equatorial Guinea, and given the urgent need to implement effective and efficient policies for the prevention and treatment of the epidemic in the country, the relevance of conducting the ESEVIGUE case study arises, within the framework of the development cooperation agreement between Spain and Equatorial Guinea. So, in 2010 the research began with the purpose of providing and generating scientific evidence to support the development of national strategic plans and guiding decision-making about how to implement certain international recommendations, and in particular the expansion of early diagnosis of HIV across the Equatorial Guinean population (WHO, 2002). The starting point of the research has been to investigate what relationship exists between globalisation and the HIV epidemic from a macro-sociological perspective, then to subsequently descend to a micro-social level, through ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Bata, with the objective of understanding how the Equatorial Guinean population perceives and lives with the phenomenon of the epidemic from a «phenomenological perspective» (Schütz, 1962). The research strategies employed in the development of the «case study» (Stake, 2005) have been fundamentally qualitative. However, in the description and understanding of the social context of the object of study, quantitative secondary sources have also been used. Specifically, the data collection techniques applied have been non-participant observation, individual interviews and discussion group. As for the most relevant results obtained in the investigation, firstly it is noted that the HIV epidemic in Equatorial Guinean society responds to the «social determinants of health» (WHO, 2005) conceptual model. It therefore constitutes a clear exponent of «global health inequality» (Ritzer, 2007). In this sense, structural factors such as public policy, political and economic context and culture and values have an impact on prevalence levels in the country. Also, gender, ethnicity and education level as axes of inequality, are also factors that determine greater vulnerability for social groups to the virus. These determinants and inequality axes also help to understand and explain why in the space of everyday life; certain social groups do not adopt some preventive measures to protect themselves from the threat of HIV. Such is the case of male condom use amongst women. And finally, as for the conceptual model of social determinants of health, it is noted that the intermediate determinants, such as the coverage and accessibility of modern Equatorial Guinean health services, also represent a determining factor for health care and protection from HIV. In this sense, the existing accessibility barriers are causes of abandonment and non-adherence to HIV diagnostic services and treatment. In relation to the grounds of abandonment of the services and non-adherence to the treatment, the results show that traditional medicine, unlike other African countries where it has a greater influence (Asgary et al., 2014; Merten et al., 2010), it is not the main barrier to early diagnosis of HIV nor the main cause of abandoning health and diagnostic services. Many other aspects, which from a phenomenological perspective constitute significant structures, i.e. the «intersubjective world" in the terms of Schütz (1962), have a greater influence on the understanding of the meaning and the significance of the behaviours and actions against HIV. So the coexistence of different meanings regarding HIV is evident, where the local cultural context is key in shaping said significant structures. For example, such is the case of the existing unanimous perception of a «hospital disease» , as opposed to traditional diseases. However, a transversal and common element to all the meanings or perceptions that the virus acquires is in the identification that occurs between HIV and the AIDS disease, ultimately being perceived as the "AIDS disease" and therefore the meaning of "deadly disease» ultimately being connotated. Some of these significant structures, such as "a disease of sexual abuse" and "a deadly disease", making it real in the «lebenswelt» (Berger & Luckmann, 1967), ultimately result in the construction of a «social representation» (Moscovici, 1979) of HIV as negative and unfavourable. The major contribution of this result is emphasised given that it has a strong explanatory value in the ways in which people think, act and feel regarding HIV. However, because HIV has acquired an unfavourable social representation, having the virus acquires the social category «secondary deviation» (Lemert, 1951), thus modifying the «social role» (Parsons, 1951); «social identity» (Tajfel & Turner, 1979); and, ultimately, redefining and reorganising the «self-concept» (Mead, 1934) of the person who has it. Therefore the consideration of secondary deviation, triggers certain mechanisms of social control, such as local gossip, rumours, laughter, stigma and prejudice that ultimately crystallise into forms of social rejection and discrimination around HIV-positive people. This consideration of HIV as secondary deviation also affects the social perception of risk, as long as it is mediated, in part, by «exogroup discrimination» (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Therefore, in view of the results obtained, one of the main conclusions obtained from the research is the influence of social determinants of health on an increased vulnerability before the HIV epidemic. As well as the explanatory value that different social constructs have, created around the virus in the acquisition of preventive practices and in the ways of thinking about, acting on and living with the phenomenon of the epidemic in the country.
From the introduction: 'The more you know about the Olympics, the less it is about sport'. (Bob Perry, Design director of Olympic Projects at Scott Carver Pty. Ltd, http://www.infolink.com.au). The Olympic Games as a mega sports event attracts millions of people from all over the world. New records, fascinating performances, scandals or gigantic celebrations are just some of the attractions provided by this event. One attraction for urban planners is the fact that the Games imply opportunities to promote urban development. From an urban planning perspective, the Olympic Summer Games in Barcelona 1992 set a new standard in defining success of an event of this scale. The city used the Games to promote urban development and planning strategies, profiting from the event in a long-term perspective. Furthermore, the city took another opportunity to find again a place on the 'global map" through the Olympic Games. The case of Barcelona is one of the mostly cited successful urban development initiatives connected with a mega sports event. Olympic Cities have taken the opportunity to promote urban development with the event very differently in the history of the Olympics. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) as the event-owner sets some requirements giving only a few cities the right to stage the event. These requirements are checked in the bidding process ending with the decision which city succeeds in getting the right of staging the event. Integrating the success of an Olympic City in terms of urban development and in terms of the bidding process, the main question from an urban planning perspective is: What is the relevance of Urban Development in the Bidding Process for Olympic Games? To answer the definition of the city's success in terms of urban development and the Olympic Games bidding process, it is helpful to investigate the role of Olympic Infrastructure with a view towards urban sustainability. As such, it is believed that respecting specific planning principles in the bidding process can help to (1) ensure sustainable urban development and (2) enhance the quality of the bid. - The first aspect is relevant for the success of the city in terms of urban development to benefit from the Games in a long time perspective. - The second aspect is relevant for the city's success in the bidding process to acquire the right for staging the Games. The aim of this thesis is to examine how the quality of the bid may respond to principles of sustainable urban development. Two main objectives are identified to reach the aim: 1. Identifying opportunities and threats connected to Olympic Infrastructure in the history of the Olympics in order to formulate six main principles of sustainable urban development for the Olympic Games. 2. Analyzing official bidding documents of the IOC connected with these principles in order to understand how sustainable urban development can be considered in the bidding process. The thesis will conclude with recommendations which can be realized in the bidding process striving to ensure the defined success for the city. Abstract: This thesis is structured in four major parts. Part I consists of chapter 2 and 3 and includes the theoretical framework and methodology of the thesis. Chapter 2 describes the character of mega-events and mega sports events in specific. Based on a concept of sustainable urban development, it will place mega sports events in the context of such a development, forming a theoretical approach for the thesis. Chapter 3 presents the methodology used. Part II consists of chapter 4 and 5 and provides an overall understanding of the Olympic Games in the context of urban development. Chapter 4 gives an overview of the characteristics of the Olympic Games in order to understand the event and its background. Chapter 5 examines the relationship between urban development and the Olympic Games. A model will be presented in order to define 'Olympic Urban Development" for the following sections of the chapter. The chapter will then continue with an historical overview of Olympic Urban Development and present the decisions determining the scale of development. Finally, chapter 5 concludes with the summary of opportunities and threats identified in a literature review of the Olympic Games. The research questions of Part II can be defined as follows: - What are the significant characteristics of the Olympics in terms of mega-event factors? - How can Olympic Urban Development be defined and modelled? - Which are the opportunities and threats for the built, natural, economic and social environment related to Olympic Urban Infrastructure? An intermediate result re-structures the identified opportunities and threats putting them in connection with the concepts presented in the theoretical part. Chapter 6 will conclude with a definition of six principles of sustainable urban development for planning the Olympic Games. The research question leading to the intermediate result can be defined as follows: - Which kind of principles may respond to a sustainable Olympic Urban Development? The second part ends with Chapter 7 in which relevant IOC documents about sustainable urban development will be presented. Part III sets the bidding process in connection with sustainable urban development. Chapter 8 provides relevant information to understand the bidding process, its different phases and the selection procedure. Chapter 9 finally analyses the official bidding documents of the IOC for the defined principles of sustainable urban development. Summaries and recommendations will introduce the main findings for each principle and respond to three main research questions: - Which parts in the bidding documents deal with the principle? - How relevant is the principle in the evaluation of the bid? - Which strategies support the quality of the bid and contribute to meet the objectives of the principle? Part IV includes the conclusion of the thesis and summarizes the main findings of the analysis.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: Preface0 Index1 List of Figures and Tables4 1.INTRODUCTION5 1.1Aim and purpose of the thesis5 1.2Structure of the thesis6 PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY 2.THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK9 2.1Mega Events9 2.2Factors of mega-events11 2.3Mega Sports Events12 2.3.1Phases of Mega Sports Events13 2.3.2Bidding14 2.3.3Impacts of Mega Sports Events14 2.4Physical Impact: Mega sports event Infrastructure18 2.5Sustainable Urban Development20 2.6Sustainable Urban Development in the context of a mega sports event22 2.7Definitions and Limitations23 3.METHODOLOGY25 PART II: UNDERSTANDING THE OLYMPIC GAMES IN THE CONTEXT OF URBAN DEVELOPMENT 4.Olympic Games Characteristics29 4.1History of the Olympic Games29 4.2The Olympic Movement30 4.3Olympic Games Factors31 4.4Olympic Games Phases35 5.Olympic Urban Development37 5.1Definition37 5.1.1Olympic Infrastructure38 5.1.2Urban Infrastructure38 5.1.3Modelling an Olympic City40 5.2History of Olympic Urban Development42 5.3Decisions determining Olympic Urban Development47 5.3.1Local distribution of Olympic Infrastructure48 5.3.2Funding Model50 5.3.3Expenditure on Olympic Infrastructure51 5.3.4Use of existing Olympic Infrastructure53 5.4Opportunities and Threats54 5.4.1Built environment54 5.4.2Natural Environment57 5.4.3Economic Environment60 5.4.4Social Environment61 5.4.5Summary64 6.Intermediate Result: Defining Principles of Sustainable Urban Development for Planning Olympic Infrastructure66 6.1Principles66 6.2Objectives68 7.Relevant IOC Documents on Sustainable Urban Development70 7.1Olympic Charter70 7.2Olympic Agenda 2170 7.3IOC Manual on Sports and the Environment72 7.4Olympic Games Study Commission73 PART III: THE BIDDING PROCESS IN THE CONTEXT OF SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT 8.Olympic Games Bidding Process74 8.1History of the Olympic Games Bidding Process74 8.2The process78 8.2.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure (CAP)78 8.2.2Evaluation of the Working Group Report79 8.2.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure83 8.3Selection of the Host City85 8.3.1Election Procedure85 8.3.2Decision Making in the Electing Procedure for a host city86 8.4Summary88 9.Analysing Principles of Sustainable Urban Development in the Bidding Process90 9.1Principle 1: Integrate Olympic Infrastructure in urban development plans92 9.1.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure92 9.1.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report92 9.1.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure94 9.1.4Summary95 9.1.5Recommendations96 9.2Principle 2: Ensure Post-Event Use for Olympic Infrastructure97 9.2.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure97 9.2.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report98 9.2.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure99 9.2.4Summary100 9.2.5Recommendations101 9.3Principle 3: Maximise the use of existing infrastructure by respecting the city's budget104 9.3.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure104 9.3.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report105 9.3.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure107 9.3.4Summary107 9.3.5Recommendations108 9.4Principle 4: Ensure environmental standards for Olympic Infrastructure and accessibility to environmental goods109 9.4.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure109 9.4.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report109 9.4.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure111 9.4.4Summary112 9.4.5Recommendations113 9.5Principle 5: Integration of citizens in the planning process of Olympic Infrastructure114 9.5.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure114 9.5.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report114 9.5.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure115 9.5.4Summary116 9.5.5Recommendations117 9.6Principle 6: Stimulate improvement of Urban Infrastructure through Olympic Infrastructure118 9.6.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure118 9.6.2Evaluation in the Working Group Report119 9.6.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure120 9.6.4Summary121 9.6.5Recommendations122 PART IV: CONCLUSION126 10.Conclusion126 10.1Conclusion of the analysis126 10.1.1Relevance of Sustainable Urban Development in the Bidding Process126 10.1.2How to respond to principles of sustainable urban development in the bid127 10.2General Conclusions130 10.2.1The interest of the IOC in Sustainable Urban Development130 10.2.2The real winner of a bidding process130 10.2.3Outlook on the future of the Games131 11.Appendix133 11.1References133 11.2Abbreviations137 11.3Extracts from Bidding Documents138 11.3.1Phase 1: Candidature Acceptance Procedure (CAP)138 11.3.2Evaluation: Working Group Report140 11.3.3Phase 2: Candidature Procedure142Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 5.4, Opportunities and Threats: This section study provides a discussion on opportunities and threats related to Olympic Infrastructure. Potential effects are presented and ordered according to the different environments of a city (section 2.4). The IOC officially uses the term 'Legacy' for potential post-event effects preferably underlining positive ones. The sources used in this literature review (Cashman, 2002; Essex Chalkley, 2003; Furrer, 2002; Matos, 2006; Liao Pitts, 2006; Preuss, 2006; Centre On Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), 2007; Ward, 2007; WWF, 2004) reflect the potential effects of the Olympics critically from different perspectives (researchers, NGOs, IOC related person). If applicable, the opportunities and threats are illustrated with examples. A summary is given in the end of this section as a basis for developing principles of sustainable urban development. As the potential effects have a multidimensional character, two selection criteria limit their number: - Time: The potential effect might occur at any period of the event but must have a relevance for the city in a long-time perspective. - Space: The potential effect might occur at a micro (e.g. dislocation) or macro (e.g. polycentric development) level but is relevant mainly for a city (not a region or nation). 5.4.1, Built environment: - Boost for urban development projects and urban renewal. Locational decision on Olympic Infrastructure opens the opportunity for a city to boost its urban development projects in favour of the city. There is a chance to connect a city's urban development strategy with Olympic Infrastructure projects. History of the Olympics shows that cities have dealt very differently with this opportunity (see section 4.1). Some have used the Olympics to reinvent the city while others have concentrated solely on the successful organization of the event itself. In many cases, Olympic Infrastructure is also used to trigger massive urban regeneration projects and the idea to create new centralities within the city. Development corridors can be focused through Olympic Infrastructure and stimulate urban development nearby. Strategic positioning of Olympic Infrastructure in specific urban areas may contribute to a polycentric development. This is especially true for the positioning of key Olympic Infrastructure represented by the Olympic Main Stadium, the main indoor halls and the aquatic centre. Barcelona 1992 is probably the most successful Olympics regarded to large-scale urban development. Urban planners of the city saw the Olympic Games as an useful instrument to achieve the objectives of development plans which had been the improvement of transport system, creation of new facilities, definition of central space and balancing the city. The initial authorized to make the first draft of the Olympic from an urban perspective was part of the Olympic Bidding Team and later entered into the Organizing Committee. The changes of the entire urban fabric connected to Olympic Infrastructure based on what was already existing in Barcelona became a best practice in terms of mega-event related urban development. - Changes of Urban Development plans in favour of the event/bid. Potential changes of existing urban development plans can occur in the preparation phase of the event due to tight time constraints. To speed up land acquisition for Olympic Infrastructure some cities approve special legislative acts and give power to Organizing Committees. Special building permits are created in the area where Olympic Infrastructure has to be built and can contribute to long-lasting procedural changes in the city. A special law for the Athens 2004 Games recognized the strategic significance of the Olympic Games to the evolution of the metropolitan area. The location of Olympic Infrastructure was determined as to be in accordance with the regional, environmental and urban development guidelines of the master plan of Athens. Through this legislation and the installation of special agencies it was possible to accelerate permits of Olympic Works. - Modernization and Upgrading of existing facilities. In terms of existing infrastructure, the Olympics bring the opportunity to upgrade and modernize sports facilities. This may also decrease financial risk. The main Olympic Stadium as the centrepiece of Olympic Infrastructure relies traditionally on public funding. Some Olympic Cities have strived to use existing facilities or refurbished ones for this major infrastructure project. Naturally, development of sports facilities had to be faced by almost all Olympic cities. Moscow 1980 and Barcelona 1992 used mainly existing sports facilities and refurbished existing Stadiums to Main Olympic Stadiums. Los Angeles 1984 used existing facilities to a large extent. - Unused large-scale facilities. The history of the Olympic Games shows that many Olympic sports facilities received poor post-Games usage. International Olympic Sports Federations have often pushed host cities to provide over-ambitious state-of-the-art facilities which are not in line with the local popularity of the sport. Furthermore, local agendas have often pushed for grandiose landmark legacies to be built in order to showcase the local economy and engineering ability. These objects might be designed over-sized and turn in a post-event period to 'White elephants'. They may neither integrate a long-term urban planning policy nor relate to the population's need for leisure and culture facilities. It is sometimes difficult to convince leading teams in specific sports to move their home ground to new Olympic Infrastructures. Another problem in this respect is the difficulty to attract large crowds to newly developed parts of the city away from trying to opportunity the citizens habits. The Olympic stadium of Sydney 2000 generated continuing losses at A$38 million/year six years after the event. The competition for sports events with other stadia in Sydney caused limited booking and shows the lack of post-use planning. 'Sydney Jurassic Park' is a symbolic expression used by criticizers of the post-use of Sydney Olympic Park. - Increase of Housing stock through Olympic Village. The Olympic Village is often located close to the sports facilities and represents the accommodation for the Olympic Family. It is an essential part of Olympic Infrastructure and has to be addressed by every hosting city. In many cases, Olympic Villages become residential areas for local people or halls of residences for a local university or college after the Games. Thus, an Olympic Village is a chance to increase the city's housing stock and provide facilities for alternative uses in a post-event period. 'In Barcelona and Sydney the former Olympic Villages now provide a mixture of housing that contributes to the cities' housing stock and adds a valuable source of revenue to cover Games-related expenditure'. - Improvement of transport infrastructure. As we have seen in the previous chapter, Olympic Infrastructure induces also the upgrade of the city's transport infrastructure. For an effective transport of athletes, spectators and officials during the event many host cities tend to expand their transport system Investment of previous Olympic Cities is often focused especially on underground or light rail system. Recent Olympic Cities (Athens and Beijing) invest in tram and overhead urban rail system due to high costs and implementation difficulties of underground transport. This may contribute to a better infrastructure for citizens and decreases traffic pressure in inner city and congestion. Asian Olympic Cities have strongly linked the Games to transport infrastructure. Between 1957 and 1964 Tokyo established 73 km underground, 13.2 km monorail and 500 km Shinkansen connecting Tokyo, Kyoto and Osaka. Seoul added 157.1 km to the length of its underground network from 1978 to 1993 for the preparation of the Games. Finally, Beijing extended its light rail length by 87.1 km before 2008. A strong reliance to public transport can be observed in Seoul and Tokyo through this investment related to Olympic Infrastructure. - Development of other Infrastructure. Furthermore, development of Olympic Infrastructure can be a driver for additional infrastructural improvements in the city, affecting the entire urban fabric. A basic infrastructure is needed serving Olympic facilities. Many cities have used the event as a catalyst to induce such investment and bring other infrastructure to a higher level appropriate for international visitors. Such investments can enhance the Quality of life for citizens, tourists and attract inward investment. Tokyo included the improvement of water supply system, higher public health standards for refuse collection, street cleaning, public toilets and three sewage disposal plants. Barcelona, Atlanta and Sydney invested in telecommunication systems through the staging of the event. Cultural and research facilities (Olympic Studies Centre, Olympic Museum) close to Olympic Infrastructure supporting the Olympic Cultural Programme were realized in many Olympic Cities. - Destruction of cultural heritage. There is a potential risk that Olympic Infrastructure may affect the cultural heritage of a city negatively. The potential risk seems to be higher for Olympic Cities approaching development in the inner city. Consequently, disregarding the laws may lead to the destruction of culturally built environment and displacement of residents. Infrastructure development for the Games of Beijing 2008 negatively affected the cultural heritage of the city. Demolition in Beijing was an ongoing process in the whole city, especially threatening the old 'hutong' and 'siheyuan' areas. According to reports of COHRE the violation of Cultural Heritage Protection laws and regulations effected both irreparably damaged cultural heritage and also violated residents' rights to adequate housing.
The laws of history are as absolute as the laws of physics, and if the probabilities of error are greater, it is only because history does not deal with as many humans as physics does atoms, so that individual variations count for more. — Isaac Asimov, Foundation and Empire From a certain point onward there is no longer any turning back. That is the point that must be reached. — Franz Kafka, The Trial INTRODUCTION How ought we characterise the exercise of power in our societies? Are they societies that confine and discipline our bodies, or ones that control us in potentially subtler ways? This article adopts the framework for analysis used by twentieth century French philosopher Gilles Deleuze in his short but defining essay on the subject, 'Postscript on Societies of Control'.[1] It firstly considers the background to the concept of control, then provides a definition of the concept, and, finally, asks whether our society is one of control. It argues that Deleuze is correct to say control has replaced discipline as the primary mechanism of power in our era. ORTHODOXY In order to address the question of whether societies of control are increasingly replacing disciplinary societies, it is imperative first to understand what disciplinary societies are. Discipline is a concept developed most powerfully by Deleuze's contemporary, Michel Foucault.[2] Foucault's philosophy primarily concerns the technologies of power operating within society and their effect on human autonomy. He pursues this study via a genealogical approach; that is, he employs a historical critique to interrogate the workings of powers at play in modern society. In this way—despite his vocal opposition to Hegel—Foucault is very much Hegelian in his belief that close examination of historical parallels and events can clarify and deepen our understanding of present-day technologies of power and how they shape or restrict our autonomy.[3] Through his historical work, which spans various societal and public institutions, Foucault identifies a fundamental change in the mechanisms of power exercised by the state in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He articulates this shift as a transition away from sovereign power to technologies of discipline. This notion of discipline and disciplinary society is perhaps best exemplified by Foucault's enquiry into the French penal system in his Discipline and Punish.[4] The book opens with vivid depictions of public torture and execution in pre-eighteenth century France. Foucault explains that the physicality and the public nature of punishment in the French criminal system up until then was an essential aspect of the exercise of sovereign power. Yet, while brutal public spectacle instilled fear and awe, it also provided public fora for communities to revolt against the perceived injustices of the sovereign. By moderating power through the benevolent reform of the criminal, by the discipline of the docile body, and by the fragmentation of public space into discrete, segregated institutions, state power could be obscured and, thus, maintained. These forces are the hallmarks of a disciplinary society. REVISION In his 'Postscript', Deleuze—building on the work of Foucault—argues that the twentieth century has marked a shift from disciplinary societies to societies of control. A precise definition of control and societies of control has proven to be elusive;[5] it is therefore helpful to consider both the antecedents and critiques of Deleuze's analysis in addition to his work itself.[6] Antecedents Deleuze has attributed the concept of control to William Burroughs.[7] Burroughs, in turn, provides not a definition of control, but brief observations as to its exercise; in truth, his analogies are of only limited assistance when read in the context of mechanisms of power within society at large.[8] Nevertheless, there are two salient points to note. Firstly, Burroughs establishes that when one maintains total or absolute power over the actions of another, they can more accurately be said to be using them rather than controlling them. Secondly, Burroughs shows that control requires concessions and illusions: controllers must make concessions to the controlled in order to maintain the illusion of choice and free agreement, obscuring their true motives in order to avoid revolt. In contrast to Burroughs, Félix Guattari provides an analogy of control that usefully supports the conception Deleuze comes to advance: the gated home and community accessed and exited via electronic cards.[9] This has elements of discipline, as movement being granted or denied constitutes a form of confinement. But, as Deleuze argues, it also represents a departure from the disciplinary society, as 'what counts is not the barrier but the computer that tracks each person's position […] and effects a universal modulation'.[10] Among his identified influences, Deleuze contends that Foucault sees as 'our immediate future' societies of control.[11] Deleuze particularly emphasises that Foucault's work on discipline is historical (focused on the exercise of power in the nineteenth century); we should, therefore, not be so naive as to assume Foucault would not have recognised the possibility of further historical change. Indeed, Deleuze says that Foucault concludes his Discipline and Punish with the explicit recognition that a prison as a physical space is becoming less important in the exercise of power. This, Deleuze suggests, presages a fuller analysis of a new sort of power.[12] Deleuze makes these forceful arguments as to Foucault's understanding of power in response to a critique by Paul Virilio that Foucault did not understand the nature of modern power. Ironically, that critique is also an important precursor to Deleuze's analysis. Virilio argues that the patrolling of the highway—and not the prison—exemplifies the exercise of police power. Deleuze concurs, adding that modern authorities possess predictive technologies that anticipate the movement of subjects and consequently have less need for confining subjects. Deleuzian societies of control That predictive power is a hallmark of control. In his 'Postscript', Deleuze fleshes out this position polemically. It must be noted that Deleuze never attributes any concrete definition to the notion of control itself; he is primarily concerned with how a society of control operates. This section will similarly consider the features and modes of operation that constitute a Deleuzian society of control. Much like with the disciplinary society, the technologies of power that govern a society of control cannot be boiled down to one single technology or mechanism. Instead, there are targeted and multi-faceted ways in which societies of control manage the lives of their subjects. Most fundamentally, there are no enclosures or strictly delineated confined spaces (like, for instance, the disciplinary society's schools, barracks, and factories, which are all subject to clear separation from one another). Instead, there is a single modulation, which allows for the coexistence and connection of various states (the corporation, the education system, and the army are all connected, one flowing into the other). This brings us to the next point: exploring how these spaces or states are connected. The disciplinary society operates on the basis that its subjects start over when they move from one space to another. Though it does recognise analogies between the spaces (the discipline of the school may be similar to the discipline of the army), the spaces and norms are ultimately distinct from each other, with one having little bearing on the other. Societies of control, on the other hand, are predicated on connection between spaces, such that 'one is never finished with anything.'[13] These connections encourage a culture of constant progression or improvement. The question this cultural attitude begs (to what ends is progression and improvement directed?) admits no answer. There are also differences in the conceptualisation and treatment of the person. The disciplinary society takes the individual and subjugates her through discipline so that she will conform to the mass. No such subjugation is necessary in societies of control. The individual is not viewed as a member of a mass, but as a data point, a market audience, a sample. This allows for targeted control to take shape, where compliance is not forced upon the individual (as with discipline) but facilitated. There are no overarching aims or requirements outlined by societies of control (no 'watchwords'). The society is governed merely by way of codes that function as 'passwords'; these can allow or deny the individual access to certain information or amenities. The control of access is presumably based on the conduct of the individual and is a means of exercising control over individuals' choices: the individual self-disciplines because of incentives and disincentives encoded within herself as a data-point. This, in turn, suggests (perhaps even necessitates) a degree of technological surveillance that goes beyond that of the comparatively simple model of the Benthamic Panopticon Foucault famously employs. Additionally, there are no clear hierarchies, if there are any at all. Unlike in disciplinary societies, power is not centralised or in the hands of a single 'owner' or state. Rather, control is exercised by a corporation—invested with its own personhood—comprising stockholders. The make-up of this corporation is transitory and fundamentally transformable. All of these technologies—singular modulation across singular space, an ethos of the relentless pursuit of progress, the 'dividualisation' or 'data-fication' of the individual, the facilitation of compliance, the use of codes as passwords, technological surveillance, and the absence of clear hierarchies of power—together create a society of control. Critiques Here we will explore three critiques of Deleuze's thesis: the privatisation of public space, the role of surveillance in control, and the telos of control. Privatisation Michael Hardt deals at length with the Deleuzian conception of societies of control, both in his joint work with Antonio Negri on Empire, as well as more specifically, in a piece titled 'The Global Society of Control.' Here, Hardt contends that there is an incompleteness to Deleuze's work on control, and proceeds to elaborate on the operation of societies of control to fill in these purported gaps. He does so by situating these societies within his and Negri's broader framework of Empire. The study is multifaceted, but here only one aspect of the critique will be considered: the erasure of the dialectic between public and private. 'There is no more outside,' insists Hardt.[14] This is to say, there are no longer any meaningful or permanent divisions between private and public spaces. Nikolas Rose, similarly, argues that inherently public spaces (like public parks, libraries, and playgrounds) are being abandoned in favour of privatised and privately secured places (like shopping malls and arts centres) for acceptable members of the public.[15] Those who have no legitimate, consumerised reason to occupy these new privatised 'public' spaces are denied access to them. Populations and classes of people deemed 'dangerous' or 'undesirable' are excluded from the private-public spaces and, so, from society itself. Deleuze touches on this idea of exclusion as well, in saying that 'three quarters of humanity', who are too poor for debt (as in, those who cannot be managed through the mechanisms of 'control', because these mechanisms rely on monetary and consumerist incentives or 'passwords') and too numerous of confinement (which makes it logistically difficult to subject them to technologies of 'discipline' that rely on confinement) will have to face exclusion to shanty towns and ghettos.[16] From this, we can take two points. Firstly, that neither the societies of control, nor disciplinary societies are or have ever been able to exercise control or discipline over every individual; when they are unable to, they simply exclude these potentially unpredictable and uncontrollable threats to order. Secondly, there is the implicit acknowledgment that technologies of control and discipline can coexist; to conceive of discipline and control as dichotomous notions would be inaccurate.[17] In fact, the question posed by this essay itself may fall victim to a false dichotomy between Foucauldian discipline and Deleuzian control. These mechanisms of power are not necessarily mutually exclusive. We should, therefore, be wary to adopt a view that control represents a natural or irreversible progression (from discipline) in the exercise of power (as Hardt and Negri may be suggesting in saying that control is an intensification of discipline),[18] because they are contingent historical realities. That is what Foucault's work—and Deleuze's analysis of it—suggested of discipline, and it is no less true in the case of control. Thus, we can qualify our thesis by saying that while societies of control are increasingly replacing those of discipline, technologies of discipline (and even of sovereignty) are still employed in certain contexts. Surveillance Surveillance is implicit within Deleuze's conception of control (in the understanding of the individual as a mere data point, not the member of a mass), but Oscar Gandy articulates this technology more explicitly.[19] Such an emphasis on surveillance is problematised, however, by Rose, who posits that societies of control are not predicated on surveillance but on the instilling of self-discipline and self-regulation in their subjects. That rather misses the mark, because, as we have seen, societies of control employ a range of technologies to exercise power. Nothing suggests an emphasis on self-discipline ought to exclude the technology of surveillance, which is implicit in the incentivisation of labour and use of passwords. Telos But Rose's critique of surveillance does helpfully inform another point of discussion: the odd ideas prioritised within societies of control. Deleuze makes brilliant and incisive concluding remarks about this telos of self-improvement and self-actualisation. But what are the motivations behind this ethos of motivation? That is the question Deleuze poses in his conclusion, and it is a question that largely remains unanswered. In some ways, one can only hazard a guess at the mechanisms at work here. That is rather the point. Societies of control have evolved such that their technologies of power and their telos can be more obscure than that of disciplinary societies. VALIDATION With definitions—or, rather, understandings—of both disciplinary societies and societies of control to hand, this essay considers whether it can be said that the latter are replacing the former. The institutions of the disciplinary society Foucault identifies in his body of work—the home, the school, the prison, the barracks, the factory—are all still extant. However, as we have noted above, there need be no 'either/or' as between societies of discipline and of control; the question is more accurately one of degree and we must identify whether a general movement may be occurring. Again, that movement need not be total or irreversible. Such a movement seems to be taking place all around us. For example, remote working and learning, which Deleuze identified as increasing in the 1980's and which has skyrocketed in light of the coronavirus pandemic, has weakened substantially the disciplinary segregation of physical space.[20] At the same time, it has strengthened the all-encroaching productivity ethos of societies of control by placing work or study (itself little more than a preparatory step towards work) within the walls of the private family home. Whilst coronavirus may have accelerated a shift towards societies of control, this trend runs much deeper still. Below, we shall seek to validate the shift Deleuze identifies by employing and analysing four impressionistic vignettes. Vignette A In April 2021, Chinese state television broadcast an exposé of intolerable working conditions faced by food delivery drivers—long hours, meagre pay, algorithms that encourage dangerous driving and heavily fine lateness, and harassment from customers who have full and 'live' access to drivers' locations and contact details. China's couriers are estimated to contribute to close to 1% of the country's economic activity, but the undercover government official earned just £4.52 over a 12-hour shift.[21] The courier works in no strictly delineated or confined space, but everywhere, openly. He is the subject of constant surveillance. Customers have his precise location, his 'ETA', the corporation's promised delivery slot, and his personal mobile phone number at their fingertips. The threat of an angry call or harsh review might appear in those circumstances to operate rather like a panopticon unconfined by space, enforcing conformity. But that is only a minor part of this story; it is secondary to the algorithmic surveillance and control in which both the courier and the customer are merely variables. Drivers will be set timescales in which to complete a delivery determined by the average speed at which drivers have previously made that journey or a similar journey. If they beat that timeframe, they may be rewarded with bonus pay. If they fail, their pay will be docked. Both processes—the incentivisation of speed and disincentivisation of slowness—are automated. The algorithm does not care how the driver gets from A to B, only that he does so quickly and does not damage the customer's goods in the process. So, drivers will travel recklessly in order to beat the clock to boost their meagre pay, but this only shortens the average time of journey completion, making pay boosts harder to achieve and pay docks more likely and contributing to an insane culture of paranoia and uncertainty. Compliance with the requirements of speed in this system is facilitated, not forced. In paying the less perfect worker less and the more perfect worker more, the corporation is nudging the courier to an (ultimately ephemeral) standard of compliance. But it need take no further punishing or corrective action: it knows that the courier, impacted by these forces, will correct himself. The password operating here is that of a courier 'score' that determines the level of pay afforded for work done. This is ripe terrain to consider Deleuze's challenge as to whether the unions will be able to resist forces of control upon the breakdown of the workplace. China, where organised labour is met with fear and hostility, shows that the communist party will intervene by challenging monopolies and exposing low pay. They may moderate the technology of power, but they will not extinguish it; the work is too economically important for that. In the UK, there have been increased efforts by unions to protect insecure, 'gig-economy' labourers and they have had some success.[22] But here too the overall system of algorithmic control is not removed, but mollified. Vignette B A London-based junior employee at Goldman Sachs, one of the largest investment banks in the world, has complained that staff face 18-hour shifts that mean they are earning less than the UK living wage and regularly take sick leave due to burnout. In 2015, US employee Sarvshreshth Gupta, who had been working 100-hour weeks, took his own life.[23] The company has a £50,000 entry-level base salary.[24] The company's average employee takes home about £260,000 per year.[25] It is at first blush surprising that employees at Goldman Sachs could be said to be subjects of control by twenty-first century technologies of power, and even more surprising to suggest that their situation is comparable to that of couriers in China. But this is precisely the sort of topsy-turviness that is to be expected from (and ultimately serves to legitimate) societies of control, where we all 'work hard'. The impetus to 'get ahead' is central to the ethos of self-improvement and motivation instilled by societies of control. That is perhaps nowhere more evident than amongst the new, highly-remunerated, highly-overworked, 'meritocratic', professional or upper class of managers, bankers, and lawyers.[26] Previously, elite status was maintained through generations by inheritance. That method of status-maintenance has now mostly been displaced by investments in 'human capital'. This can be achieved directly—through funding private schooling, tuition, and even work placements paid for by the volunteer—or indirectly, through covering children's rent and paying for their goods. The crucial factor in bringing about this shift has been the rise of 'meritocracy', which purports that success (i.e. the rate of remuneration for one's work) is a result and marker of an individual's inherent drive and talent but which in reality allows 'a relatively tiny segment of the population […] to transmit advantage from generation to generation' because elite parents stack the odds in favour of their children's advancement from birth.[27] This is the society of control in action: demanding, inequitable and possessing an obscured, democratically-papered-over telos, drive and skill directed at productive activities. But the elite class are not spared from the brutalities of this system, as the above vignette suggests. Since societies are increasingly meritocratic (in the sense that the most skilled and driven will generally be remunerated the most, not in the sense that the system promotes a level playing field) young elite professionals still have to work incredibly hard to 'climb the ladder'. Even if they reach seemingly secure positions of employment, they will still want to continue to reap the rewards of their labour, still need to work intensively to secure funds to invest in their children's human capital, and still be motivated by the overwhelming and corrupting cultural ideal of self-improvement and motivation. The name of Goldman Sachs' personnel team, 'Human Capital Management', is telling. It has been noted, '[l]ives are things that people have; capital has rates of return.'[28] Vignette C About one in every hundred adults in Britain has been trained as a 'mental health first aider' by the MHFA.[29] They advertise their 'proactive' services thus: 'for every £1 spent by employers on mental health interventions, they get back £5 in reduced absence [.] and staff turnover.'[30] The second of five listed responsibilities for first-aiders is to communicate concerns about 'anyone in your workplace, for example to an appropriate manager.'[31] Separately, the UK government is providing '£1 million for innovative student mental health projects' that offer targeted support to those identified statistically as being at highest risk of mental ill-health.[32] Deleuze argued the hospital was being replaced by 'neighbourhood clinics, hospices, and day care'.[33] Similarly, the above vignette suggests that the power that would in a disciplinary society be exercised by the asylum has, in our societies of control, been exercised dispersedly by employers, with the aim being to improve profit-margins and productivity rates. The actual mental wellbeing of employees—or, rather, of human capital—is a means to that end that may give rise to some incidental good. But even these incidental goods are monetised, such as when companies compete on their 'work-life balance' or their inclusion of private therapy in 'healthcare plans' so as to attract the most human capital. Under these conditions, the public healthcare officials sectioning or supporting a member of the public who risks harm to herself or others are reduced in their significance. In their place, the anxious employer preempts possible harm to the corporation by proactively addressing and preventing harm to the employee. Similarly, 'mental health teams' in schools and universities are encouraged by the government to anticipate, based on a series of data-sets, those students who are 'more at risk' and provide targeted interventions to safeguard their health (and, by extension, their productivity). Deleuze says that 'the socio-technological study of the mechanisms of control […] would have to be categorical'. By this it is meant that we must look to each institution of power—the healthcare system, the corporate system, the educational system—and describe the power being exercised there. The above vignette shows that that has become an artificial mode of analysis in this era of control. The healthcare system has been radically dispersed, with detection, prevention, and mitigation (recovery being ancillary) of illness now increasingly undertaken by the corporation and its agents, including crucially the employee herself qua employee or human capital. She will contact her mental health first aider colleague or her employer (though any difference between the two seems doubtful). She will purchase products—self-help books, meditation apps, tickets to motivational talks—with a view to her greater productivity and, hence, 'employability'. In fact, the monetary value she attributes (through her valuable spare time as much as through her pay-power) to her own productivity and employability may reduce the corporate system's nascent role in facilitating compliance; her self-improvement becomes her guiding, internalised ethos as a consumer-employee and she will discipline herself, knowing this self-improvement will be coded and rewarded. Thus, technologies of power in the modern, mental health context cannot be identified within a healthcare system, a corporate system or an education system, nor even within what might be dubbed a 'consumer system'; there is no single system of operation of which we can speak. This conceptual challenge itself demonstrates the ultimate annihilation of the institutions Deleuze anticipates in societies of control. Vignette D In May 2021, the UK government proposed halving state funding for university courses they do not regard as 'strategic priorities', such as music, drama, visual arts, and archaeology. It is estimated that such courses would run at a deficit of £2,700 per enrolled student, and many courses may therefore have to close if the plans go ahead. The government says the decision is 'designed to target taxpayers' money towards the subjects which support the skills this country needs to build back better'.[34] They also say universities should "focus [.] upon subjects which deliver strong graduate employment outcomes in areas of economic and societal importance".[35] Deleuze foretold the 'effect on the school of perpetual training, and the corresponding abandonment of all university research'.[36] Alarming an idea as this may be, the above vignette should at least discourage us from dismissing it altogether. The government's proposal betrays a deeply production-oriented approach to higher education that sees knowledge and learning as purely instrumental to the development of concrete 'skills' to be directed at the most economically valuable production of goods and services and, correspondingly, the strongest employment outcomes. The UK education system no longer possesses its own watchwords (save, perhaps, 'instilling British Values'). Instead, all activity is directed at the future employment prospects of the student. The privatisation of schools (through academisation in England) has allowed for corporate sponsorship that makes this close instrumentalism perfectly plain: the corporation's senior managers become senior managers of underperforming schools and they are expected to foster students' 'aspirations'. Here, the corporate and educational systems are blended together, the former funding the latter, the latter supplying labour to the former. The physical spaces in which learning occurs can at times barely be distinct from the corporate, whether a company name is printed across the school entrance ('Bridge Academy in partnership with UBS') or affixed to laptops donated to school students studying remotely. CONCLUSION There is a great deal of truth to Deleuze's thesis that societies of control are replacing disciplinary societies. We have noted the destruction of swathes of confined and discrete spaces; the intermixing of institutions; the pervasive power of technology to tweak and modulate behaviour through coding; and the pointless but universal ethos of motivation. As Deleuze ably demonstrates, analyses of discipline, confinement, hierarchy, and masses can only take us so far in understanding these forces. More necessary in our quest to uncover the telos we are being made to serve is a socio-technological study of control and its methods. However, this essay has also sought to demonstrate the limits of Deleuze's proposed methodology. For a 'categorical' socio-technological study of control becomes more elusive the more deeply a society succumbs to control. Schools, prisons, barracks, hospitals, factories, offices, and homes are increasingly blended (and so less discrete) environments. The office educates, entertains, protects, and diagnoses its employees. The school is a business, its pupils are prospective employees. University is a career stage. Beds, dining tables, and lounges are workstations. For those on 'home detention' during coronavirus in the United States or under TPIMs (Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures) in the United Kingdom, these same spaces are prison cells. The gradual annihilation of the disciplines as physical and conceptual spaces—which Deleuze foresaw—also renders obsolete our existing methods of understanding power. We are in need of new tools to respond to these developments; the study of categories must be replaced with the study of networks and systems. We must explore with curiosity and thoroughness the complex web of relations operating through spaces and lives. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams R, 'English universities must prove "commitment" to free speech for bailouts' The Guardian (16 July 2020) accessed 6 May 2021 Bakare L and Adams R, 'Plans for 50% funding cuts to arts subjects at universities "catastrophic' The Guardian (6 May 2021) accessed 6 May 2021 Burroughs WS, 'The Limits of Control' in Grauerholz J and Silverberg I (eds), Word Virus: The William S Burroughs Reader (4th edn, Fourth Estate 2010) Collini S, 'Snakes and Ladders' London Review of Books (London, 1 April 2021) 15 Deleuze G, 'Foucault: Lecture 17' (University of Paris, 25 March 1986) accessed 9 May 2021 — — 'Foucault: Lecture 18' (University of Paris, 8 April 1986) accessed 9 May 2021 — — 'Foucault: Lecture 19' (University of Paris, 15 April 1986) accessed 9 May 2021 — — 'Postscript on Societies of Control' (1992) 59 October 3 Department for Education and others, '£1 million for innovative student mental health projects' UK Government (5 March 2020) accessed 11 May 2021 Ewald F, The Birth of Solidarity: The History of the French Welfare State (Cooper M ed, Johnson TS tr, Duke University Press 2020) Feng E, 'For China's Overburdened Delivery Drivers, The Customer—And App—Is Always Right' NPR (Beijing, 1 December 2020) accessed 7 May 2021 Foster M, 'Guess How Much Goldman's Average Salary Is (GS)' Investopedia (25 June 2019) accessed 10 May 2021 Foucault M, The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–79 (Senellart M ed, Burchell G tr, Palgrave Macmillan 2008) — — Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Sheridan A tr, 2nd edn, Vintage Books 1995) Hardt M, 'The Global Society of Control' (1998) 20(3) Discourse 139 — — and Negri A, Empire (Harvard University Press 2001) Makortoff K, 'Goldman Sachs junior banker speaks out over "18-hour shifts and low pay' The Guardian (London, 24 March 2021) accessed 7 May 2021 MHFA, 'Being a Mental Health First Aider: Your Guide to the Role' accessed 10 May 2021. — — 'Workplace Info Pack' accessed 10 May 2021. Morar N, Nail T and Smith DW (eds), Between Deleuze and Foucault (Edinburgh University Press 2016) Muldoon J, 'Foucault's Forgotten Hegelianism' (2014) 21 Parrhesia 102 Nealon J, Foucault Beyond Foucault: Power and Its Intensifications since 1984 (Stanford University Press 2008) Negri A, Interview with Gilles Deleuze: 'Control and Becoming' (Joughin M tr, Spring 1990) Rice-Oxley M, 'UK training record number of mental health first aiders' The Guardian (2 September 2019) accessed 11 May 2021 Roffe J, Gilles Deleuze's Empiricism and Subjectivity: A Critical Introduction and Guide (Edinburgh University Press 2016) Rose N, 'Government and Control' (2000) 40(2) The British Journal of Criminology 321–339 Wallin J, 'Four Propositions on the Limits of Control' (2013) 39(1) Visual Arts Research 6–8 Wise JM, 'Mapping the Culture of Control: Seeing through The Truman Show' (2002) 3(1) Television & New Media 29–47 Yang Y, 'China's food delivery groups slammed after undercover TV exposé' Financial Times (London, 29 April 2021) accessed 11 May 2021 — — 'How China's delivery apps are putting riders at risk' Financial Times (London, 26 January 2021) accessed 11 May 2021 [1] Gilles Deleuze, 'Postscript on Societies of Control' (1992) 59 October 3–7. [2] On their complex relationship before and after Foucault's death, see François Dosse, 'Deleuze and Foucault: A Philosophical Friendship' in Nikolae Morar, Thomas Nail and Daniel W Smith (eds), Between Deleuze and Foucault (Edinburgh University Press 2016). [3] James Muldoon, 'Foucault's Forgotten Hegelianism' (2014) 21 Parrhesia 102. [4] Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Alan Sheridan tr, 2nd edn, Vintage Books 1995) [5] Michael Hardt, 'The Global Society of Control' (1998) 20(3) Discourse 139. [6] Deleuze cites these authors in his 'Postscript': (n 1). [7] Gilles Deleuze, 'Foucault: Lecture 19' (University of Paris, 15 April 1986). [8] Burroughs himself concedes his analogy of the life-boat is a 'primitive' one: William S Burroughs, 'The Limits of Control' in James Grauerholz and Ira Silverberg (eds), Word Virus: The William S Burroughs Reader (4th edn, Fourth Estate 2010). [9] 'Postscript' (n 1) 7. [10] ibid. [11] 'Postscript' (n 1) 4. [12] Foucault refers to it as 'biopower'. Biopower is not something that this essay will address, but we can observe that it may be that the Foucauldian notion of biopower and the Deleuzian notion of control are broadly similar or even the same: for a fuller discussion of that relationship, see Thomas Nail, 'Biopower and Control' in Between Deleuze and Foucault (n 2). [13] 'Postscript' (n 1) 5. [14] Hardt (n 5) 140. [15] Nikolas Rose, 'Government and Control' (2000) 40(2) The British Journal of Criminology 331. [16] 'Postscript' (n 1) 7. [17] JM Wise, 'Mapping the Culture of Control: Seeing through The Truman Show' (2002) 3(1) Television & New Media 29. [18] Nail, 'Biopower and Control'. [19] Wise, 'Culture of Control' 33. [20] Deleuze, 'Foucault: Lecture 18'. [21] Yuan Yang, 'China's food delivery groups slammed after undercover TV exposé' Financial Times (London, 29 April 2021). [22] For instance, many will now be recognised as 'workers' rather than as 'self-employed', with greater protections: Uber v Aslam [2021] UKSC 5. [23] Kalyeena Makortoff, 'Goldman Sachs junior banker speaks out over "18-hour shifts and low pay' The Guardian (London, 24 March 2021). [24] ibid. [25] Michael Foster, 'Guess How Much Goldman's Average Salary Is (GS)' Investopedia (25 June 2019). [26] Stefan Collini, 'Snakes and Ladders' London Review of Books (London, 1 April 2021) 15. [27] ibid 22. [28] ibid. [29] Mark Rice-Oxley, 'UK training record number of mental health first aiders' The Guardian (2 September 2019). [30]MHFA, 'Being a Mental Health First Aider: Your Guide to the Role'. [31] MHFA, 'Workplace Info Pack'. [32] Department for Education and others, '£1 million for innovative student mental health projects' UK Government (5 March 2020). [33] 'Postscript' (n 1) 4. [34] Lanre Bakare and Richard Adams, 'Plans for 50% funding cuts to arts subjects at universities "catastrophic' The Guardian (6 May 2021). [35] Richard Adams, 'English universities must prove "commitment" to free speech for bailouts' The Guardian (16 July 2020). [36] 'Postscript' (n 1) 7.
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Gabrielle Hecht on Nuclear Ontologies, De-provincializing the Cold War, and Postcolonial Technopolitics
This is the fourth in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
Nuclear power has formed a centerpiece of Cold-War IR theorizing. Yet besides the ways in which its destructive capacity invalidates or alters the way we should understand questions of war and peace, there are different powers at play in the roles the nuclear assumes in global politics. Through careful investigations of alternative sites and spaces of nuclear politics, Gabrielle Hecht has uncovered some of the unexpected ways in which what one can call the 'nuclear condition' affects politics across the globe. In this Talk, Hecht, amongst others, explores what it means to 'be nuclear'; explains how we need to deprovincialize the Cold War to fully grasp its significance in global politics; and challenges us to explore technopolitics outside of the comfortable context of OECD-countries.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is according to your view the most important challenge facing global politics and what is/should be the central debate in the discipline of International Relations (IR)?
I think one of the most important challenges in global politics is the question of planetary boundaries. In the 1970s the Club of Rome published the report 'the Limits to Growth' (read PDF here), which addressed the finite quality of the planet's resources. It exposed the problems that the ideology (and practice) of endless economic growth posed for these limits. The question of climate change today really is all about planetary boundaries. We have already exceeded the CO2 level that is safe for the planet to sustain human life: We have just passed 400 parts per million; the desirable level is rated at 350 parts per million; the pre-industrial level of CO2 was 270 parts per million. So we have already produced more CO2 than is sustainable. And that is just one indicator. There are all kinds of other planetary boundaries at play—energy supply being the most salient one in terms of climate change. How can we even produce enough energy to maintain the lifestyles of the industrialized north? What about the requirements of the so-called 'rest'?
Obviously this is a huge issue and there are many parts to it. One part of this—the piece that I have studied the most—is nuclear power. Many people are enthusiastic about nuclear power as a solution to climate change. Some prominent environmentalists have been converted, because they believe nuclear power offers a way to produce a large amount of energy with a very small amount of matter, and because they see it as carbon free. (That's pretty clearly not the case, by the way, though nuclear power certainly produces less carbon than fossil fuels.) But are the human health and environmental costs worth the savings in carbon? Do the resources poured into nuclear power—some are predicting a thousand new reactors in the next few decades—take away resources from other forms of energy production, forms that could potentially address the emissions problems more rapidly and with lower costs for the environment and for human health? Moreover, nuclear power in any one location ends up becoming a global issue. So in that sense nuclear power in China, in India or in Japan is inherently a global problem. And the industry everywhere certainly needs global regulation—at the moment, there is none. The International Atomic Energy Agency is not a regulator. These are serious questions for international relations, and should be fodder for analysis.
One can obviously put this into perspective by comparing the death toll from nuclear power with that related to coal—would one then actually have to be against the use of coal? The numbers of coal-related deaths are astonishing. But the first, most obvious point to make is that being against coal doesn't require being in favor of nuclear power! It's also extremely important to realize that death and morbidity figures for nuclear power are highly contested. Take the figures concerning Chernobyl. The IAEA and WHO put Chernobyl deaths at 4,000. A study published by National Cancer Institute in the United States puts the deaths at something like 43,000. A meta-analysis of 5,000 Slavic language scientific studies estimates the total number of Chernobyl deaths (some of which are yet to come) at 900,000. These discrepancies have a lot to do with controversies over the biological effects of low-level radiation, and also with the technopolitics of measurement and counting. Comparing the two energy technologies is much more complicated than merely counting coal deaths vs. nuclear power deaths.
How did arrive where you currently are in your thinking about these issues?
Actually, the real question is how I came to study politics. I got my bachelor's degree in physics from MIT in the 1980s. The two biggest political issues on campus at that time were Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative and Apartheid in South Africa (specifically, a move to divest American corporate interests in South Africa, the very corporations that were funding MIT research and for which MIT students would work when they graduated). I got interested in both, and along the way I came to realize that I was much more interested in the politics of science and technology than I was in actually doing physics. So I took some courses in the field of science and technology studies (STS), and decided to attend graduate school in the history and sociology of science and technology.
I had also always had a morbid fascination with nuclear weapons. I'd read a lot of post-apocalyptic science fiction when I was a teenager. All of these things came together for me in graduate school. I first hoped to study the history of Soviet nuclear weapons but quickly realized that would be impossible for all kinds of reasons. I ended up studying French nuclear power after I realized that nobody had researched it in the ways that interested me. I had lived in France in the 1970s, when the nuclear power program was undergoing rapid expansion. So it was a good fit. After I was done with that project, I became interested in rethinking the so-called nuclear age from a colonial and post-colonial perspective.
What would a student need to become a specialist in global studies or understand the world in a global way?
Travel, learn languages. Remain attentive to—and critical of—the political work done by claims to 'global' purview. Learn history—you won't understand international relations in any depth at all if you remain rooted in the present.
Then, for those want to start exploring the global politics of science and technology, two books come immediately to mind. Timothy Mitchell's (Theory Talk #59) Carbon Democracy, on the global technopolitics of fossil fuels. And Paul Edwards's A Vast Machine, on the relationship between data and models in the production of knowledge about climate change. Both are must-reads.
The world is permeated with technological artifacts and systems—in what ways is this relevant for approaches to global politics? Where is the conceptual place for technologies within IR?
First, I should make clear that I am not an IR specialist.
That said, I think it does not make sense to think about international relations (lower case) without thinking about the technologies, systems, and infrastructures that make any kind of global movement possible. The flows of people, of products, of culture, political exchanges—these are all mediated through and practiced in the technological systems that permeate our globe. So are the interruptions and absences in such 'flows'. I draw attention to the specific political practices that are enacted through technological systems with the notion of technopolitics. I initially used this concept in my work on nuclear power in France to capture the ways in which hybrid forms of power are enacted in technological artifacts, systems and practices. There I used the term in a rather narrow sense to talk about the strategic practices of designing technologies to enact political goals. My paramount example was that of the French atomic weapons program. In the early 1950s, France's political leaders insisted that France would never build atomic weapons. But engineers and other leaders in the nascent nuclear program were designing reactors in a way that optimized the production of weapons-grade plutonium rather than electricity. When politicians finally signed on, the technology was ready to go. This example problematizes the very notion of a 'political decision'. Instead of a single, discursive decision, we see a complex process whereby political choices are inscribed into technologies, which subsequently favor certain political outcomes over others.
In this example, both engineers and politicians consciously engaged in technopolitics. By contrast, Timothy Mitchell has used the hyphenated term 'techno-politics' to emphasize the unpredictable and unintended effects of technological assemblages. Over the last fifteen years, I have also developed a broader notion of the term, particularly in its adjectival form, 'technopolitical'. I find this to be a useful shorthand for describing both how politics can be strategically enacted through technological systems, and also how technological systems can be re-appropriated for political ends in ways that were unintended by their designers. The point, really, is to highlight the myriad politics of materiality.
Do the particular characteristics of nuclear technologies and related research programs make it impossible to apply the lenses of 'high politics'?
I think a high-politics approach to understanding nuclear weapons decision-making is extremely impoverished. It's not that there aren't high politics, of course there are. But they cannot offer a sufficient or straightforward explanation for how or why any one particular country develops a nuclear program. A focus on high politics implies a focus decision makers and moments. But that's really misleading. In pretty much every case, the apparent 'moment' of decision is in fact a long process involving a tremendous amount of technopolitical, cultural, and institutional work, rife with conflicts and contingencies of all kinds. I think a more productive approach is to try to understand nuclear capacity-building.
Itty Abraham has done some fantastic work on India's nuclear program, which helps us think about other cases as well. For example, he analyzes the symbolic importance of the nuclear test, noting that IR uses 'the test' as kind of 'aha!' moment, the moment in which one knows that a country has nuclear weapons. Instead, Abraham sees the test as a process for the cultural production of meaning: a process in which certain meanings get fixed, but by no means the most important moment for understanding the actual technology and politics behind the production of nuclear weapons.
Your book Entangled Geographies (2011) explores a plethora of places, people, and technical networks that sustained the US and Soviet empires. Here, as in Being Nuclear (2012), you insist on investigating the Cold War as transnational history. What difference does this move make?
In Entangled Geographies, my colleagues and I build on the work of Odd Arne Westad, whose book The Global Cold War was an argument for understanding the non-superpower, non-European dimensions of the Cold War. We give that a technopolitical spin, which offers a de-provincializing of the Cold War that's complementary to Westad's. By focusing on places like Saudi Arabia, or Zimbabwe, or Brazil, or South Africa, we show how even the central struggles of the Cold War were intimately bound up in 'northern' relationships to colonial and post-colonial worlds, and in the imaginaries that characterized those relationships.
In Being Nuclear I focus on uranium from Africa—more specifically South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, Madagascar, and Niger. Uranium from Africa has long been a major source of fuel for nuclear power and atomic weapons, including the bomb dropped on Hiroshima, but it has been almost completely absent from accounts of the nuclear age, whether scholarly or popular. This changed in 2002, when the US and British governments claimed that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein 'sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa' (later specified as the infamous 'yellowcake from Niger'). Africa suddenly became notorious as a source of uranium. But that did not admit Niger, or any of Africa's other uranium-producing countries, to the select society of nuclear states. Nor did it mean that uranium itself counted as a nuclear thing. My book explores what it means for something—a state, an object, an industry, a workplace—to be 'nuclear'. I show that such questions lie at the heart of today's global order and the relationships between 'developing nations' and 'nuclear powers'.
Being Nuclear argues that 'nuclearity' is not a straightforward scientific classification but a contested technopolitical one. In the first part of the book, I follow uranium's path out of Africa and analyze the invention of the global uranium market. In the second part, I enter African nuclear worlds, focusing on miners and the occupational hazard of radiation exposure. In both parts, I show that nuclearity requires instruments and data, technological systems and infrastructures, national agencies and international organizations, experts and conferences, and journals and media exposure. When (and where) nuclearity is densely distributed among these elements, it can offer a means of claiming expertise, compensation, or citizenship. It can serve as a framework for making sense of history, experience, and memory. When (and where) network elements are absent, weak, or poorly connected, nuclearity falters, fades, or disappears altogether, failing to provide a resource for people claiming remediation or treatment. Nuclearity in one register doesn't easily transpose to another: geopolitical nuclearity doesn't automatically translate into occupational nuclearity. Yet these domains remain connected. African uranium miners depend on the transnational movement of nuclear things, but that movement also depends on African miners. Ultimately, I conclude, nuclear security must be considered in tandem with other forms of human security—food and health and environmental and political security. By placing Africa in the nuclear world, and the nuclear world in Africa, the book seeks to remake our understanding of the nuclear age.
I should note that it's not only uranium production that connects the colonial and postcolonial spaces with nuclear things. (Also: African countries weren't the only such places where uranium was produced. Much of the rest of the world's uranium came from the Navajo nation in the United States, Aboriginal territories in Australia, First Nation territories in Canada, colonized spaces in the Soviet Empire, etc.) French nuclear weapons were tested in the Algerian desert and French Polynesia; the United States tested its weapons on the Bikini Islands; Britain tested its weapons in Maralinga, in Aboriginal Australia; the Soviet Union tested its weapons on the planes of Kazakhstan. And so on.
So, understanding the history of the Cold War—even its most iconic technology, nuclear weapons—as a form of transnational history really calls attention to spaces that have previously been considered marginal, even perhaps not fully nuclear. Ultimately, it should provoke us to problematize 'the Cold War' as a frame for global or transnational history (and social science).
Looking at those colonized and semi-colonized spaces of mining, testing and monitoring infrastructures gives us not necessarily an answer to the question of why the Cold War ended, but it does enable you to ask different and possibly more interesting questions. It can lead you, for example, to place the Cold War within the framework of imperialism (rather than the other way around). A longer historical view questions whether the Cold War really represents historical rupture. What political work is done by such claims to rupture? How does that work differ in different places? What are its material consequences?
Why are science and technology hardly ever studied in the postcolonial world from a STS perspective?
I think there are a number of reasons why STS has paid relatively little attention to the postcolonial world. One is that in STS—like many disciplines—the prestige of the subject matter maps onto the prestige of the researcher. So STS researchers who study cutting-edge science or large-scale technological systems seem somehow to be getting at 'harder' topics, ones that that focus on active creation. Engineering and other acts of creation appear more prestigious than acts of maintenance, or acts of dismantling. Even studying small-scale creation seems to confer more prestige than studying mundane practices. This brings us back to the theme of rupture vs. continuity: studying or proclaiming rupture seems somehow sexier—and certainly more radical—than studying continuity.
Another, more trivial answer is just that most STS researchers so far have come from Europe and North America, and they tend not to be trained in area studies.
Does the constant ontological insecurity of nuclear things mean that the 'nuclear' is purely a matter of social and political construction?
No, definitely not. But I think to explain what I mean by all this we should take a few steps back and start with what I like to call nuclear exceptionalism. This is a technopolitical claim—emerging immediately after the end of World War II—that there was something radically unique about nuclear things. From 1945 onward, both cold warriors and their activist opponents cultivated this nuclear exceptionalism. Atomic weapons were portrayed as fundamentally different from any other human creation. The bomb was the ultimate geopolitical trump card, and it was imagined as replacing empire in one fell swoop. You see nuclear scientists and engineers gaining prestige, power, and funding far beyond their colleagues in conventional research. In the meantime, anti-nuclear groups make their own claims to exceptionalism by talking about the unprecedented dangers posed by nuclear things. Everywhere you see nuclearity and morality intertwined. Nuclear things either represent salvation or moral depravity… or the apocalyptic end of mankind. But regardless of where you stood politically, this notion of nuclear exceptionalism rested on the sense that the difference between nuclear and non-nuclear things was transparent---ultimately a clear-cut, physical matter of radioactivity.
The nuclear thus emerges not just as a category, but also as a universal and universalizing ontology, one that seems to apply in the same way all over the globe. And frankly, historians, political scientists, anthropologists, and sociologists have reproduced that nuclear exceptionalism. (I did it myself in my first book, The Radiance of France.)
All of which has made it hard to see that what I call nuclearity—the process by which something comes to count as a "nuclear" thing – has a history, a politics, and a geography. Things that count as nuclear in one time and place might not count as nuclear at another. Rendering something as nuclear and exceptional is a form of technopolitical claims-making. It follows that insisting that certain things are not especially nuclear, or that they are banal, is also a form of technopolitical claims-making.
You can see this in the response of the nuclear industry to activist opponents. In the late 1960s and over the course of the 1970s, the nuclear industry began to represent nuclear power not as a life-saving technology for the human race, but as simply another way to boil water. Radiation was just another industrial risk. Such representations seek to banalize nuclear things.
Nuclearity could thus get made, unmade and remade. My favorite example comes from a 1995 US government report on nuclear proliferation. The appendix has a table that summarizes the nuclear activities of 172 nations. Neither Gabon, nor Niger, nor Namibia are listed as having any nuclear activities, despite the fact that those nations together, during that very year, produced something like 25% of the world's uranium. So when does uranium count as a nuclear thing? When does it lose its nuclearity? And what does Africa have to do with it?
The argument is not that radioactivity doesn't have to do anything with nuclearity, or that nuclearity has nothing to do with the technologies and physical processes we typically associate with the word. Rather, I argue that nuclearity is one thing, and radioactivity and fission are another; sometimes they are co-terminus, but not always and not necessarily. Understanding where (and why) they don't map onto each other is politically revealing.
Which kind of interdisciplinary exchanges do we need between your discipline and IR to deepen our understanding of global technopolitics?
Science and technology studies (STS) is really good at exploring practice, and especially at calling attention to the differences between principles and practice—for example, between regulation on the one hand, and the actual practices that regulations are meant to control (without ever entirely succeeding). STS can bring to IR an understanding of how the intimate details of practice matter politically—of how everyday technopolitical and techno-scientific exchanges can be more important loci for politics than treaties, diplomacy, and other forms of what you called high politics.
I can also answer this question wearing my historian's hat. The IR scholarship on nuclear weapons that I'm familiar with (and again, I'm not an expert!) seems to be quite focused on producing models—on using history to produce predictive models that will in turn serve to shape international policy on nuclear weapons regulation. But if history tells us one thing, it is that models are basically useless for understanding how countries develop nuclear weapons. Instead, history and STS both teach us about which questions to ask (in this instance, about nuclear development). Identifying the important questions—rather than prescribing the applicable model—leaves open the list of possible answers. It also leaves open solutions and policies, letting us be more attentive to the specificities and uniqueness of individual cases.
Final question. Let's take the example of Iran's nuclear program. What alternative question about the issue would lenses of nuclear exceptionalism bring us?
Nuclear technology has played an important role in shaping modern Iranian national identity. This began in the 1970s under the Shah, who – with the support of the US – developed a grandiose plan to build a fleet of nuclear reactors. It took a different turn after the 1979 Iranian revolution. For a while, the new regime sidelined the nuclear program as an unwelcome manifestation of western corruption. But after a few years leaders reappropriated nuclear development and sought to invest it with Iranian-ness. The dynamics of nuclear exceptionalism have operated in Iran much the same way they did in France and in South Africa. Nuclear exceptionalism has served to give material form to national identity. And materialized national identity is most emphatically not something that you can negotiate away in the P5+1 talks.
Gabrielle Hecht is Professor of History at the University of Michigan, where she also directs the Program in Science, Technology, and Society and serves as associate director of the African Studies Center. She recently published Being Nuclear: Africans and the Global Uranium Trade (MIT Press and Wits University Press, 2012), which has received awards from the American Historical Association and the American Sociological Association, as well as the 2013 Susanne M. Glasscock Humanities Book Prize and Honorable Mention for the African Studies Association's 2013 Herskovits Award. She is also the author of The Radiance of France: Nuclear Power and National Identity after World War II (MIT Press 1998 & 2009) and editor of Entangled Geographies: Empire and Technopolitics in the Global Cold War, editor (MIT Press, 2011). Hecht is embarking on a new book project on technology and power in Africa, as well as new research on transnational toxic trash. She has held visiting positions at universities in Australia, France, Norway, South Africa, and Sweden.
Related links
Hecht's faculty profile at the University of Michigan Read Hecht's Introduction to Entangled Geographies (MIT Press 2011) here (pdf) Read Hecht's The Power of Nuclear Things (Technology & Culture 2010) here (pdf) Read Hecht's Nuclear Ontologies (Constellations 2006) here (pdf) Read Hecht's Rupture-Talk in the Nuclear Age (Social Studies of Science 2002) here (pdf)
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
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University and industry (U-I) are the main sources of knowledge and innovation which are increasingly becoming the main pillar of competitiveness at micro and macro level. Despite potential synergies and benefits for the involved agentes, economies and society, communication between university and industry in the scope of innovation remains limited for decades. While a number of tools exists to stimulate U-I communication for innovation and the recognition for the need to ensure crossfertilising academic and industrial resources is increasing, currently implemented strategies rarely translate into long-term U-I engagement into co-innovation. Literature recognises i/organisational barriers, ii/ lack of adjustments of the strategies to stakeholders needs and local socio-economic conditions, and iii/ lack of tolls and strategic measures modernisation among the main reasons for poor results of the support strategies (Al-Agtash & Al-Fahoum, 2008, Vries et al., 2019). Therefore, better understanding how to address those challenges is needed. As a reaction to the current state, our study is centred on the main research question – How to build effective strategies for U-I communication for innovation? To contribute to the solution, we are looking at specific tools and measures with potential to enable effective U-I communication for innovation across the barriers and the tools applicability. We approach the issue by means of systematic literature review, multiple regression and structural equation modelling. Within initial systematic review we map the existing knowledge to define which tools could be applied to bridge the main identified U-I communication barriers, such as differences in pourpose, standards and procedures or culture or language gaps. That process allowed us to from one side define which tools can be used to bridge each of the identified gaps and from the other side reviled a broad number of gaps in the current body of knowledge that do not allow decision makers design effective knowledge based strategies. In our empirical studies we address a limited number of the identified gaps, specifically: i/ lack of clear empirical evidence regarding different impact of policy measures within different economic contexts; ii/ lack of modern studies on information and communication technology (ICT) influence on U-I communication, iii/highly limited amount of quantitative and comparative studies in the scope of U-I communication, iv/ lack of studies regarding international scope of U-I communication for innovation. In the first place, in chapter 3 we analyse how applicability of macro-level tools may differ in countries at different development levels and whether the impact of U-I communication on economic development differs. Furtherly, in chapters 4 and 5 we analyse applicability of computer mediated communication (CMC) in the scope of cross-organisational communication with engagement of university and industry. We specifically look at the potential of a groupware system to build social capital (that was previously shown to have the ability to bridge U-I communication barriers) and how specific functions can support usefulness of such a tool to enable effective U-I communication for innovation. Our main findings show empirically that the level of U-I communication is insufficient to significantly stimulate economic development. Countries at all development levels struggle to reach a critical mass of effective U-I communication for innovation and need to adjust their strategies to support U-I communication. Supporting increase in quality of research institutions and private R&D invetments is relevant at all development levels, while staff training related with absorptive capacity is relevant at lower development levels. However, our results suggest that, creating effective strategy for fostering U-I communication requires its adjustment to economic environment as the governmental mechanism can result in both, positive and negative influence on U-I communication. Meanwhile, on cross-organisational level, such a communication and its sustainability may be supported by providing effective means for computer mediated communication at the interface between organisations. To generate such a result, information and communication technology needs to provide social usefulness and mechanisms for building social capital. Functionalities enhancing participatory character and transparency of cross-organisational communication and providing interactivity within computer mediated communication shown enabling character for overcoming cross-organisational barriers. ; Em 1987, num estudo da comunicação dentro do sistema sueco de inovação Höglund e Persson (1987), baseando-se no estudo da literatura dos últimos 15 anos, mostraram que a comunicação entre a indústria e a universidade (U-I) no âmbito da inovação é extremamente limitada. O nosso estudo dos 32 anos seguintes sobre área sugere claramente que, apesar do crescente do reconhecimento dos potenciais benefícios da comunicação U-I na inovação e das tentativas dos agentes governamentais e sociais para incentivar o envolvimento mútuo das universidades e da indústria na investigação e inovação, o progresso alcançado não foi significativo. Höglund e Persson (1987), embora reconhecessem a falta de conhecimento sobre a génese do problema, especularam que as possíveis razões para tal estado se encontrariam na relevância limitada da investigação básica com aplicações práticas e na generalizada falta de contacto entre diferentes agentes do sistema de I&D. Desde então, a literatura estudou a questão em detalhe, mostrando que, por um lado, o problema está nas barreiras organizacionais da comunicação U-I (Gera, 2012; Vries et al., 2018) e, por outro, na falta de ferramentas e sistemas adequados para que a comunicação U-I para a inovação ocorra de forma natural e não mediada (Bayne et al., 2016; Suomi et al., 2019). A literatura destaca especialmente que a comunicação U-I é fortemente obstruída por diferenças de objectivos, culturais e linguísticas, lacunas de incentivos ou diferenças de procedimentos e padrões de qualidade (Plewa et al., 2013a; D'Hooghe 2017; Vries et al., 2019). Enquanto isso, postula-se que uma comunicação eficaz na inovação traz benefícios significativos não apenas para os agentes envolvidos, mas também para a economia e para a sociedade (Martins, 2016; Suomi et al., 2019). A importância da comunicação entre universidade e indústria está a aumentar especialmente devido à mudança do mercado global em direção à concorrência baseada no conhecimento e à crescente importância de tecnologias inteligentes e inovação que, devido à sua complexidade, exigem o envolvimento de uma ampla gama de conhecimentos multidisciplinares. Neste ambiente económico, a falta de envolvimento de diferentes agentes com experiência em inovação e em múltiplas disciplinas exclui as economias de competir eficazmente nos principais sectores, gera custos através de oportunidades perdidas e duplicação de esforços, pode levar a uma maior marginalização das regiões menos desenvolvidas (MacLead et al., 1997 ; Sheen & MacBryde, 1995; Hotaling et al., 2012; Kopczynska & Ferreira, 2018). Enquanto isso, a falta de comunicação U-I eficiente no âmbito da inovação tem sido relatada não apenas em regiões menos desenvolvidas na área da inovação (Hassen, 2018), mas também entre os líderes em inovação (Suomi et al., 2019; Kim & Jang, 2019). Apesar da popularização recente de conceitos como universidade empreendedora e modelo de hélice tripla ou quádrupla, apesar dos investimentos governamentais significativos em estratégias que incentivam a comunicação U-I ou aumentam o reconhecimento da terceira missão da universidade, o problema da comunicação U-I insuficiente continua a ser um problema global. Embora atualmente o conhecimento sobre as barreiras da comunicação U-I seja extenso, falta entender como usar efetivamente ferramentas e estratégias para as superar (Kim & Jang, 2019). A literatura mostra especialmente que, enquanto países de todo o mundo investem em medidas para apoiar a comunicação e a colaboração U-I (Cooke, 2002; Peng et al., 2017), os seus esforços geralmente levam a resultados altamente limitados e insustentáveis (Lissoni, 2010; Suomi et al., 2019; Kim & Jang, 2019). Isto sugere que a compreensão atual das complexidades relacionadas com as estratégias para promover a comunicação U-I para inovação é limitada e a sua melhoria poderia contribuir para melhores estratégias de suporte e melhor capitalização dos recursos de conhecimento. A literatura enfatiza especialmente que as questões estão relacionadas com i/ a tendência de transferir ingenuamente práticas bem-sucedidas entre países, com diferentes contextos económico e culturais, sem a devida compreensão e / ou adaptação (Macleod et al., 1997; Salem & Amjed, 2008; Sandberg et al. al., 2015; Kim & Jang, 2019), ii / falta de modernização das medidas aplicadas aos desafios e oportunidades atuais (Paslowski et al., 2015; Kim & Jang, 2019), iii / foco na transferência unidirecional de conhecimento, em vez de na comunicação baseada em ciclos de feedback e dialogo para inovação (Kodama, 2002; Peng et al., 2017; Hayden et al., 2018). Nesse âmbito, o nosso estudo tem como objetivo contribuir para a discussão e a resolução de problemas, analisando, em primeiro lugar, a literatura académica para integrar o corpo de conhecimentos existente a uma abordagem mais holística, procurando entender 1 / como as ferramentas e mecanismos específicos podem contribuir para superar as barreiras existentes entre a comunicação U-I e quais são as aplicações, os fatores de transferência e as condições; e 2 / identificar lacunas e deficiências no corpo de conhecimento que devem ser abordadas para permitir que quem deve tomar decisões e partes interessadas envolvidas gerem estratégias eficazes para maximizar a comunicação U-I para inovação. Além disso, a literatura geralmente sugere que a resolução requer estratégias modernas e a vários níveis, permitindo que a comunicação U-I ao nível macro - o nível relacionado ao sistema de políticas e inovação (Lee & Yoo, 2007; Ranga et al., 2008; D'Hooghe 2017; Hassen, 2018), e micro – o nível organizacional e de ferramentas relacionadas (Ranga et al ., 2008; Korzhenevskaya, 2014; Howarth & Monasterolo, 2016; Martins, 2016). Assim, seguimos com estudos empíricos de estratégias de nível macro e ferramentas facilitadoras de nível micro que permitem a comunicação U-I. Especificamente, abordamos a questão da necessidade postulada pela literatura de ajustes de estratégias aplicadas às condições socioeconómicas de regiões e nações (Vick & Nagano, 2018; Kim & Jang, 2019), analisando se as diferenças no impacto da comunicação U-I no desenvolvimento económico difere entre países a diferentes níveis de desenvolvimento, e se o potencial de intervenções específicas para estimular a comunicação U-I difere entre países dependendo com o seu desenvolvimento. Por outro lado, abordamos a necessidade de modernização das abordagens atuais, não apenas analisando mais estratégias, mas estratégias direcionadas, também analisando empiricamente o potencial e as condições do uso de soluções de grupos de trabalho (groupware) na comunicação entre organizações para não servir apenas como canal eficaz de comunicação, mas como ferramenta de facilitação para superar as barreiras organizacionais existentes. Reconhecendo a necessidade da inovação aberta para o modelo bidirecional e não linear de interação da U-I (Butcher & Jeffrey, 2005; Lauder & Atkinson-Grosjean 2011), a tese geral visa contribuir para estratégias de envolvimento dialógico da U-I no âmbito da inovação. A literatura atual concentra-se no problema da questão da comunicação da UI para inovação na fase de envolvimento até o primeiro projeto ser concluído (Plewa et al., 2013a). Enquanto isso, a inovação é um processo complexo que resulta de interações não lineares, processos de aprendizagem e colisões entre diferentes ideias, agentes, visões ou sistemas (Leydesdorff & Etzkowitz, 1998; Fields, 2006; Tidd & Bessant, 2014). Precisa, por um lado, de integrar os produtores de conhecimento e inovação e os proprietários de produtos - indústria e/ou universidade; com agentes responsáveis pelo ambiente e suporte à inovação - agentes de políticas, intermediários e cadeia de suplementos. Por outro lado, precisa de um fluxo constante e não linear de comunicação e interações para alimentar o mecanismo de inovação, considerando que a inovação geralmente acontece como resultado de interações inesperadas (Tidd & Bessant, 2014). Conforme apresentado por Levallois et al. (2019) o caso da criação de um novo campo de pesquisa de programas de neuromarketing, os benefícios postulados das interações U-I aumentam não apenas na comunicação U-I estruturada. Também a comunicação pura do progresso ou feedback básico pode estimular o desenvolvimento nas áreas de pesquisa e inovação. Por outro lado, a comunicação estruturada não pode ocorrer sem sistemas eficazes para estabelecer contactos iniciais e fornecer informações claras sobre os recursos potencialmente disponíveis entre parceiros (Ranga et al., 2008; Venditti et al., 2013). A comunicação tem forte inter-relação com a inovação, influenciando-a em todas as etapas. Desde colisões, convergência e divergência de ideias (Pendergast & Hayne, 1999; Shinn, 2005) até a fase de envolvimento contínuo, resultando em comunicação U-I sustentável para a inovação (Plewa et al., 2013a; Plewa et al., 2013b). Tal demonstra ser de importância crítica para qualquer forma ou estágio de interações inter-organizacionais. O que está a mudar é apenas a forma, formalidade e tópicos trocados (Plewa et al., 2013b). [.]