Suchergebnisse

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Itakal-1 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 540 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 522 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils and about 18 ha by others (habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 7 soil series and 8 soil phases (management units) and 4 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  About 92 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately deep to very deep (75 - >150 cm) and 4 per cent soils are moderately shallow (50-75 cm).  About 4 per cent area of the microwatershed has loamy soils and 92 per cent clayey soils.  About of 86 per cent area of the microwatershed has non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 20 per cent medium (101-150 mm/m) and 16 per cent area low (51-100 mm/m) in available water capacity.  An area of 13 per cent has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 83 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands of the microwatershed.  An area of about 65 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and 31 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded.  An area of about 22 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5 to 7.3), 52 per cent slightly alkaline (pH 7.3 to 7.8) and 23 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8 to 8.4) in reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 0.75%), 57 per cent medium (0.50-0.75%) and 9 per cent is low ( 57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  An area 89 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha) and 8 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in available potassium of the microwatershed.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) 28 per cent of the microwatershed.  Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in 60 per cent and deficient (<4.5 ppm) in 37 per cent area of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 244(45) Guava - 65(12) Maize 65(12) 179(33) Sapota - 65(12) Bajra 65(12) 179(33) Pomegranate - 220(41) Groundnut 65(12) 24(4) Musambi - 220(41) Sunflower - 220(41) Lime - 220(41) Redgram - 220(41) Amla 65(12) 24(4) Bengal gram - 155(29) Cashew - - Cotton - 155(29) Jackfruit - 65(12) Chilli 65(12) 179(33) Jamun - - Tomato 65(12) 24(4) Custard apple 65(12) 179(33) Brinjal 65(12) 24(4) Tamarind - - Onion 65(12) 24(4) Mulberry - 65(12) Bhendi 65(12) 179(33) Marigold 65(12) 179(33) Drumstick - 65(12) Chrysanthemum 65(12) 179(33) Mango - -  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and sub marginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. FINDINGS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY  The survey was conducted in Itakal-1 is located at North latitude 160 54' 13.021" and 160 53' 26.25" and East longitude 770 24' 24.188'' and 770 23' 10.84" covering an area of about 118.39 ha coming under Gurumitkal village of Yadagiri taluk.  Socio-economic analysis of Itakal-1 micro watersheds of Mothakapalli subwatershed, Yadgiri taluk & District indicated that, out of the total sample of 35 farmers were sampled in Itakal-1 micro-watershed among households surveyed 21 (60.00%) were marginal, 4 (11.43%) were small, 3 (8.57 %) were semi medium and 2 (5.71 %) were medium farmers. 5 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey.  The population characteristics of households indicated that, there were 107 (62.21%) men and 65 (37.79 %) were women. The average population of landless was 6.2, marginal farmers were 4.7, small farmers were 5, semi medium farmers were 4.3 and medium farmers were 4.5.  Majority of the respondents (40.12%) were in the age group of 16-35 years.  Education level of the sample households indicated that, there were 24.42 per cent illiterates, 0.58 percent were functional literates, 70.36 per cent pre university education and 7.56 per cent attained graduation.  About, 80.00 per cent of household heads practicing agriculture.  Agriculture was the major occupation for 47.67 per cent of the household members.  In the study area, 40.00 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 57.14 per cent possess pucca house.  The durable assets owned by the households showed that, 80.00 per cent possess TV, 42.86 per cent possess mixer grinder, 91.43 per cent possess mobile phones and 54.29 per cent possess motor cycles.  Farm implements owned by the households indicated that, 37.14 per cent of the households possess plough, 5.71 per cent possess tractor, 14.29 per cent possess bullock cart and 20.00 per cent possess sprayer.  Regarding livestock possession by the households, 5.71 per cent possess local cow and 5.71 per cent possess buffalo.  The average labour availability in the study area showed that, own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.54, women available in the micro watershed was 1.03, hired labour (men) available was 5.14 and hired labour (women) available was 8.86.  Further, 25.71 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate during the agricultural season. 2  Out of the total land holding of the sample respondents 80.49 per cent (29.68 ha) of the area is under dry condition and the remaining 19.51 per cent area is irrigated land.  There were 3.00 live bore wells and 3.00 dry bore wells among the sampled households.  Bore well was the major source of irrigation for 14.29 per cent of the households.  The major crops grown by sample farmers are Red gram, Groundnut, Cotton, Jowar and Paddy and cropping intensity was recorded as 100.00 per cent.  Out of the sample households 97.14 percent possessed bank account and 14.29 per cent of them have savings in the account.  About 102.86 per cent of the respondents borrowed credit from various sources.  Among the credit borrowed by households, 40.00 per cent have borrowed loan from commercial banks and 30.00 per cent from co-operative/Grameena bank.  Majority of the respondents (90.00%) have borrowed loan for agriculture purpose.  Regarding the opinion on institutional sources of credit, 54.55 per cent of the households opined that credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations, while, only 36.36 per cent respondents opined that loan amount was adequate to fulfil their requirement.  The per hectare cost of cultivation for Red gram, Groundnut, Cotton, Jowar and Paddy was Rs.43067.31, 90445.62, 39213.13, 139598.90 and 48958.89 with benefit cost ratio of 1:1.62, 1: 1.29, 1: 1.96, 1: 1.90 and 1:0.80 respectively.  Further, 14.29 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 2.86 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder was adequate.  The average annual gross income of the farmers was Rs. 137397.14 in microwatershed, of which Rs. 49711.43 comes from agriculture.  Sampled households have grown 46 horticulture trees and 14 forestry trees together in the fields and back yards.  About 8.57 per cent of the households shown interest to cultivate horticultural crops.  Households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 7571.43 for land development and Rs. 2857.14 for irrigation facility.  Source of funds for additional investment is concerned, 42.86 per cent depends on own funds and 5.71 per cent depends on bank loan for land development activities.  Regarding marketing channels, 82.86 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants, while, 2.86 per cent have sold in regulated markets. 3  Further, 62.86 per cent of the households have used tractor for the transport of agriculture commodity.  Majority of the farmers (60.00%) have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the watershed and 71.43 per cent of the households were interested towards soil testing.  Fire was the major source of fuel for domestic use for 57.14 per cent of the households and 54.29 per cent households has LPG connection.  Piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 94.29 per cent of the households.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100.00 per cent of the households.  In the study area, 22.86 per cent of the households possess toilet facility.  Regarding possession of PDS card, 94.29 per cent of the households possessed BPL card, 5.71 per cent of the household's possessed APL card.  Households opined that, the requirement of cereals (80.00%), pulses (37.14%) and oilseeds (40.00%) are adequate for consumption.  Farming constraints experienced by households in the micro watersheds were lower fertility status of the soil (77.14%) wild animal menace on farm field (68.57%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (68.57%), inadequacy of irrigation water (68.57%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (68.57%), high rate of interest on credit (80.00%), low price for the agricultural commodities (82.86%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (48.57%), inadequate extension services (28.57%) and lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (48.57%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

The global financial roller coaster, with the Euro zone as its lead car, has hit economic prospects across the globe. The South African economy, with its close links to the world economy, has suffered, too, resulting in weakened growth prospects, lower fiscal revenues, lower and more volatile valuation of the rand, and dampened external financing. This further compounds the policy challenges facing the authorities, on top of their preoccupation with unyielding unemployment, which requires higher and more inclusive economic growth. Policymaking is also conditioned by a growing recognition that future growth needs to be less carbon-intensive. As elsewhere, opportunities in green economies are viewed with keen interest, as a way of simultaneously targeting a cleaner environment and stimulating innovation, growth, and job creation. While green policies can have large synergies and co-benefits with the growth and employment agenda, they are not a substitute for it. Indeed, such synergies are likely to be mutually enhancing and larger when the growth and environment objectives are being pursued by multiple, well-targeted and coordinated policies.

Today, numerous works conclude that transport seems to be completely coupled to economic and export/import growth. Therefore, as a direct consequence of economic development transport sits today as one of the major final energy consumers and one of the most important sources of carbon dioxide emissions. Consequently, this situation of continuous increase in transport clearly poses an environmental problem. In this paper we propose to asses a certain number of possible solutions through scenario building in a backcasting manner using the TILT (Transport Issues in the Long Term) model. In particular, we evaluate three different scenarios that address how technology and different public policies can contribute towards a sharp reduction in CO2 emissions. Each scenario allows a quick comprehension of the types of results that can be obtained through different policy mixes. In sum, realistic technological hypothesis show that a 50% reduction in emissions, from the 2000 level, is a clear possibility, and that the remaining 25 % reduction in emissions is possible through different types of policy mixes. ; Afin de limiter les impacts du changement climatique sur la planète, les experts du Groupe Intergouvernemental d'experts sur l'Evolution du Climat (GIEC) préconisent une division par deux des émissions mondiales de gaz à effet de serre à l'horizon 2050. Cet objectif impose une division par quatre (i.e. facteur 4) des émissions de gaz à effet de serre des pays industrialisés comme la France. Le secteur des transports peut-il se plier à cette exigence ? A l'aide du modèle TILT (Transport Issues in the Long Term), centré sur les relations macroéconomiques et microéconomiques du système de transport, ce papier recherche les conditions à réunir pour que soit atteint, en France, le « facteur 4 ». Si les progrès techniques annoncés par les ingénieurs sont au rendez-vous, nous pouvons atteindre un facteur 2. L'autre moitié du chemin doit donc être réalisée par une modification des comportements des individus et des entreprises. Trois familles de scénarios sont proposées pour en illustrer le contenu de ces évolutions. Elles montrent que les estimations de trafic et d'émissions ne disent pas tout. Pour donner un contenu concret aux scénarios, il est nécessaire de cerner précisément les politiques publiques capables de conduire aux inflexions souhaitées et les changements de comportements qu'elles appellent.

Today, numerous works conclude that transport seems to be completely coupled to economic and export/import growth. Therefore, as a direct consequence of economic development transport sits today as one of the major final energy consumers and one of the most important sources of carbon dioxide emissions. Consequently, this situation of continuous increase in transport clearly poses an environmental problem. In this paper we propose to asses a certain number of possible solutions through scenario building in a backcasting manner using the TILT (Transport Issues in the Long Term) model. In particular, we evaluate three different scenarios that address how technology and different public policies can contribute towards a sharp reduction in CO2 emissions. Each scenario allows a quick comprehension of the types of results that can be obtained through different policy mixes. In sum, realistic technological hypothesis show that a 50% reduction in emissions, from the 2000 level, is a clear possibility, and that the remaining 25 % reduction in emissions is possible through different types of policy mixes. ; Afin de limiter les impacts du changement climatique sur la planète, les experts du Groupe Intergouvernemental d'experts sur l'Evolution du Climat (GIEC) préconisent une division par deux des émissions mondiales de gaz à effet de serre à l'horizon 2050. Cet objectif impose une division par quatre (i.e. facteur 4) des émissions de gaz à effet de serre des pays industrialisés comme la France. Le secteur des transports peut-il se plier à cette exigence ? A l'aide du modèle TILT (Transport Issues in the Long Term), centré sur les relations macroéconomiques et microéconomiques du système de transport, ce papier recherche les conditions à réunir pour que soit atteint, en France, le « facteur 4 ». Si les progrès techniques annoncés par les ingénieurs sont au rendez-vous, nous pouvons atteindre un facteur 2. L'autre moitié du chemin doit donc être réalisée par une modification des comportements des individus et des entreprises. Trois familles de scénarios sont proposées pour en illustrer le contenu de ces évolutions. Elles montrent que les estimations de trafic et d'émissions ne disent pas tout. Pour donner un contenu concret aux scénarios, il est nécessaire de cerner précisément les politiques publiques capables de conduire aux inflexions souhaitées et les changements de comportements qu'elles appellent.

After a destructive civil war and extreme political instability, Uganda began its reconstruction process in 1987. Within the enabling environment of macroeconomic stability, most of the progress on the twin goals was attributable to higher agricultural incomes. Poverty reduction among households primarily engaged in agriculture accounted for 53 percent of the reduction in poverty from 2006 to 2010 and 77 percent of the reduction in poverty from 2010 to 2013. Despite significant progress on the twin goals, vulnerability to poverty in Uganda is high and the sparse social safety nets and limited access to finance have provided little protection. Change in economic and social policies is required to prevent a slowdown in poverty reduction and an increase in vulnerability. In this context, a comprehensive framework based on the three interrelated blocks of growth, inclusion, and sustainability has been used to identify the challenges to and opportunities for ending poverty and boosting shared prosperity. The first block emphasizes the development of a competitive and resilient private sector to lead the growth process by adequately capitalizing on all the available opportunities. The second block, complementary to the first one, reinforces the need to ensure a fair distribution of the growth dividend across all Ugandans, especially those living in the north and the east, by providing them with access to social and infrastructure services so that they can increase their productive capacity and income generating opportunities. The third block emphasizes the need to undertake the inclusive growth process in a fiscally, socially, and environmentally sustainable manner.

The territory of the country measures 25,713 km2. In the north it borders Serbia and Kosovo, in the west Albania, in the south Greece and in the east Bulgaria. It is situated between 40o 51' and 42o 22' north latitude and 20o 27' and 23o 05' east longitude. The population that permanently resides in this territory, according to the last census is 2,022,547 inhabitants from diverse ethnic groups. The Macedonian population prevails with approximately 64% of the total number, but multi-ethnicity represents a solid basis for a rich ethnographic capacity which is included in the tourism offer of the Republic of Macedonia (Marinoski, 2008a). The city population is 59.78% of the total population. The economy experienced a radical change in its conditions. The most significant structural change in the economic system was the transition from socialist self-governing to capitalism, which led to a change of ownership from social to private and a clear determining of the title of ownership. Economic processes emphasised privatisation as the basis of the transition process. Unfortunately, the transition was implemented in a way that many companies and economic systems from the real sector were made bankrupt and liquidated and the overall economic conditions instead of being promoted, demonstrated a remarkable reduction in their development. The downturn of the economy meant that tourism development could not be supported. The decline of the population's standard of living affected the mobility of domestic tourists and the decline of the domestic tourism market. Furthermore, it is a fact that these processes of liquidation contributed in the Republic of Macedonia to the increase in unemployment. A large number of employees in the industry lost their jobs so they were forced to be engaged in other activities. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is an important indicator of the economy of the Republic of Macedonia. According to data of the State Statistical Office derived from the annual accounts from business entities and other sources, the gross domestic product in 2014 amounted to 525,620 million denars or 9,727 million US $ while compared to 2013 it increased by 4.7%. The real growth rate of GDP, compared to 2013 was 3.5%. The final expenditure in 2014, compared to 2013, increased by 1.9% and in the structure of GDP it accounted for 86.8%. The share of exports of goods and services in GDP in 2014 was 47.8% (State Statistical Office of the Republic of Macedonia, n.d.a). Tourism resources of a natural and cultural character are abundant in the region. The natural values have basic, complex and complementary features. Mountains represent exceptionally significant tourist potential. The hilly to mountainous area accounts for 92.2% of the country's surface area. The average height of the country is 1,404 m above sea level. The country is mountainous with the highest peak measuring 2,764 m. There are 34 mountains on which there are 6 major winter sports centres. Equally attractive are the 14 larger gorges and canyons. As well as inactive volcanic landscapes there is one active solfatara. The climate is generally continental, whereas in the mountains it is a mountain climate and towards the open space of the Aegean and Adriatic Seas the climate is Mediterranean. The Republic of Macedonia is landlocked, but there are tectonic, glacial and artificial lakes. The river network consists of three major river basins whereas thermo-mineral springs represent the basis for locating 8 spa centres. There are plant species that are characteristic for the Mediterranean and the Euro-Siberian regions. Forest areas and forest land form a total of 1,288,915 hectares, or 50% of the country's complete territory. The most significant protected areas are the 3 national parks. The wildlife which forms the base for hunting activities is represented by mammals (mammalia) and birds (aves). There are a total of 47 registered hunting associations, which have their own hunting areas. Nine major fishing centres are located by the rivers as well as on the shores of tectonic and artificial lakes (Zikov & Vasil, 1997). Cultural tourism resources are represented by a rare abundance of archaeological sites that date back to the Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Eneolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages, as well as to the period of ancient Roman culture, to the early Christian period and to the Middle Ages. Churches and monasteries are a real treasure and an important destination for visitors. They date back to the IX and XIX centuries. Mosques date back to the XIV and XIX centuries. Secular architecture is represented by the built fortified cities, towers, bridges, bazaars, inns, baths and palaces, cultural monuments in the form of urban architecture and distinguished urban settlements and individual houses, monuments and memorials – landmarks from recent history, museums and cultural centres, theatres, universities and major libraries, cultural or sports halls and archives. Ethnographic values and traditions include architecture, traditional economic activities, crafts, food, folkloric clothing as well as folk songs and dances. The most important events are the cultural, entertainment, sports, economic and scientific events. The political structure of the Republic of Macedonia has undergone significant changes. The country went through different political systems. After the Second World War, it was a part of the Yugoslavian federation, so the policies were mainly made at the central level whereby the republics aligned their decisions to the federation and suggested their own individual policies to the Central Committee of the Communist Party and to the bodies of the federation. The political system was characterised by statist and socialist characteristics although the beginnings of the self-governing system were introduced in 1953. Significant changes occurred in 1974 when the self-governing system adopted a greater decentralisation and increase of the individual powers of the republics. During this period the Republic of Macedonia gained more autonomy. There was an improved decentralisation of power towards the local level so that the municipalities also became a significant political structure within the country. Starting from 1980, the Republic of Macedonia entered a transition period which resulted from the breakup of Yugoslavia. It was the only Yugoslavian republic that peacefully gained its independence. Since 1991, the country has been an internationally recognised state and a member of the United Nations (UN). In 2001, a military conflict occurred that was relatively quickly resolved by the signing of the Ohrid agreement. This agreement, among other solutions, allowed minority communities to participate according to the representation of the overall population in the state administration. The administrative-territorial structure of the state underwent significant changes which were in line with the autonomy and transition of the self-governing system towards the capitalist system. The separation of the legislature from the executive and the judicial authority was guaranteed by the constitution. The single party system transformed into a multi-party system and the rule of law was established. State governing was a parliamentary democracy. The highest legislative authority was the Parliament in which representatives were elected by parliamentary elections. It elects the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President of the country is elected by direct elections, leads foreign policy and is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The Ministries, besides participating in the decision-making of the government through its ministers, also have regional and local departments in major community centres through which operationally they implement state policies. The local departments for self-government in the country have an important place in the economic and social development of the country. They decide on the local infrastructure and its improvement as well as on the adoption of spatial and urban solutions that are of great importance for the development of tourism. The bodies of local self-government are managed by the mayor who is elected through local elections. The mayor presents his plans and their implementation to the Council which adopts these documents. The council members are also elected through local elections. In a political sense the local departments for self-government are autonomous in their decision-making. At state level, they are organised into the Association of Local Government Units – ZELS, which plays a significant role in inter-municipal cooperation as well as presenting to state institutions when they have common interests. At regional level, regions exist in which all municipalities are grouped. They are managed by Centres whose executives are elected by representatives of the units for local self-governance. They also enable the balanced economic development of the Republic of Macedonia and they do not have executive authority. In a political sense, numerous changes have taken place in the Republic of Macedonia. The country went from a socialist to a capitalist system, public ownership changed into private ownership, and the federal structure transformed into a unitary state. The country also had many turbulent periods of gaining independence and military conflict in order to establish a multi-party system and a general policy towards Euro-Atlantic integration processes. The legislature is separated from the executive and judicial autonomy. Representatives are elected through parliamentary elections as members of the Council which is appointed by the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President is also elected through presidential elections. Regions are established as functional territorial administrative units. The decentralisation processes in an administrative sense, are realised by the Mayor and the Council for local governance who are also elected through local elections.

Die Grenzen des Verkehrswachstums sind erreicht. Klimaschutz und Lebensqualität sind wichtiger als hochgerüstete Autoflotten, die für Millionen Menschen ohne Auto Belastungen und Mobilitätsnachteile bedeuten. Notwendig ist eine radikale sozial-ökologische Transformation des Verkehrssystems: Ausbau und Förderung des Umweltverbundes aus ÖPNV, Schiene, Sharing-Systemen, Rad- und Fußverkehr - das sind bekannte Strategieelemente, die aber durch die herrschende Privilegierung des Autos ausgebremst werden. Dabei hat das Leitbild der autogerechten Stadt längst ausgedient. Entfesselte Automobilität frisst immer mehr Natur und Lebensqualität. Ziel muss es sein, nachhaltige Mobilität zu sichern, Verkehrsgerechtigkeit zu schaffen und die Hälfte der Autoflotte überflüssig zu machen. Und die Zukunft ist bereits unterwegs. Längst planen viele Städte eine menschengerechtere Mobilität: in Paris, Kopenhagen, Freiburg und anderswo. Unterstützt durch eine engagiertere Verkehrspolitik von Bund und EU, kann aus der kommunalen Verkehrsbewegung eine nachhaltige Mobilität für alle in Stadt und Land werden. Neue grüne Geschäftsfelder und gute Arbeit für moderne Mobilitätsdienstleistungen sind dabei Kernelemente. Mit den riesigen Maßnahmenprogrammen wegen der Corona-Pandemie und für den Klimaschutz kann ein gestaltender Staat die Chancen der Verkehrswende erschließen. Für dieses Gemeinschaftswerk können Wählermehrheiten gewonnen werden.

Selten wurden US-amerikanische Zwischenwahlen in ganz Europa mit so hoher Aufmerksamkeit verfolgt. Zwei Jahre "America First" unter der Präsidentschaft von Donald Trump haben das transatlantische Verhältnis insbesondere in den Bereichen Sicherheit, Handel und Klimaschutz in Frage gestellt. Der Wahlausgang deutet jedoch nicht auf einen Kurswechsel im Weißen Haus hin. Innenpolitisch könnte sich der Erfolg der Demokraten als Pyrrhussieg erweisen.

It is increasingly becoming evident that the current model of "development" has led the world to the brink of a climate disaster, as the very fundamentals of the natural systems on which the world's current economic structure is predicated upon stand compromised. Vast tracts of lands have become poisoned and barren, and the rising seas are threatening coastal cities and ecosystems. As people begin to make sense of this rapidly devolving situation, some serious and well-considered attempts are being made to craft an alternative model of human existence. In India, Vikalp Sangam or the "Confluence of Alternatives" is an emerging platform, which is leading this exploration through a blend of modern progressive thinking, and ancient wisdom of indigenous peoples and other traditional community worldviews. It is empowering these ideas as well as the practice of alternatives to reach a large audience and become viable for discussion, analysis and eventual replication in other places. This paper analyzes the opinions, facts, theories and data emerging out of the Vikalp Sangam process to understand the evolution of "alternatives" thinking in India, and how it can influence the process of recalibrating the larger idea of development in the country. It focuses on the process by which a fundamental and transformative systemic change could be introduced into the society for the construction of a new political-economy that moves beyond both corporate capitalism and state socialism and towards the creation of "Radical Ecological Democracy", based on climate justice, environmental sustainability and socio-economic equality. ; Cada vez es más evidente que el modelo actual de "desarrollo" ha llevado al mundo al borde de un desastre climático, ya que los mismos fundamentos de los sistemas naturales sobre los que se basa están comprometidos. Vastas extensiones de tierra se han envenenado y se han vuelto estériles, junto con el aumento del nivel del mar que amenaza las ciudades y los ecosistemas costeros. A medida que la gente comienza a dar sentido a esta situación, en rápida evolución, se están haciendo algunos intentos serios y bien pensados para crear un modelo alternativo de existencia humana. En India, Vikalp Sangam o la "Confluencia de alternativas" es una plataforma emergente que lidera esta exploración a través de una combinación de pensamiento progresista moderno y sabiduría antigua de los pueblos indígenas y otras cosmovisiones comunitarias tradicionales. Con estas ideas se potencian la práctica de alternativas para llegar a una gran audiencia, de forma que se vuelvan viables para su discusión, análisis y eventual replicación en otros lugares. Este artículo analiza las opiniones, los hechos, las teorías y los datos que surgen del proceso de Vikalp Sangam para comprender la evolución del pensamiento "alternativo" en India y cómo puede influir en el proceso de recalibración de la idea más amplia de desarrollo en el país. El escrito se centra en el proceso mediante el cual un cambio sistémico fundamental y transformador podría introducirse en la sociedad para la construcción de una nueva economía política, que vaya más allá del capitalismo corporativo y del socialismo de Estado hacia la creación de la "Democracia Ecológica Radical" basada en justicia climática, sostenibilidad ambiental e igualdad socioeconómica.

When implementing the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU) and its successive reforms a progressive change in paradigm was perceived ranging from markedly productive approaches to others with a concern for environmental, sustainable and multifunctional concern for rural areas. The CAP's most recent reform, which will be in force from 2014-2020, clearly aims to ensure farming activity which respects the environment and the climate, although there are some conflicts and imbalances between seeking to achieve a competitive and commercial agriculture and the defence of the public assets associated with those practices. The main objective is to highlight the contradictions, conflicts, inconsistencies and imbalances found in the latest CAP reform relating to its new environmental demands. The reformed CAP has failed to consider the agricultural and forestry specificities proper to the EU's different farming areas, which explains antagonisms, injustices and territorial, agrarian and socio-economic imbalances among Member States. The most affected countries are in the Mediterranean, especially Spain. ; Durante el desarrollo de la aplicación de la Política Agraria Común (PAC) de la Unión Europea (UE) y sus sucesivas reformas se percibe un progresivo cambio de paradigma que va desde los enfoques netamente productivos a otros presididos por una preocupación ambiental, sostenible y multifuncional de los espacios rurales. Es en la última reforma de la PAC, que estará en vigor en el periodo 2014-2020, donde se apuesta de manera clara por una actividad agropecuaria respetuosa con el ambiente y el clima, si bien surgen conflictos y desequilibrios entre la búsqueda de una agricultura competitiva y comercial y la defensa de los bienes públicos asociados a ella. El objetivo principal estriba en poner de relieve las contradicciones, conflictos, incongruencias y desequilibrios que alberga la última reforma de la PAC por lo que respecta a sus nuevas exigencias ambientales. La PAC reformada no ha tenido en cuenta las particularidades agropecuarias y forestales de las diferentes zonas agropecuarias de la UE, motivo por el que se ocasionan antagonismos, injusticias y desequilibrios territoriales, agrarios y socioeconómicos entre los países miembros. Los países más afectados son los mediterráneos, especialmente España. ; Pendant le développement de la mise en pratique de la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC) de l'Union Européenne (UE) et ses réformes successives se perçoit un changement progressif de paradigme qui va depuis des approches nettement productives à d'autres animées par une préoccupation environnementale, soutenable et multifonctionnelle des espaces ruraux. C'est dans la dernière réforme de la PAC, en vigueur sur la période 2014-2020, qu'elle se positionne de façon claire pour une activité agropastorale respectueuse de l'environnement et du climat, bien que surgissent des conflits et des déséquilibres entre la recherche d'une agriculture compétitive et commerciale et la défense des biens publics qui lui sont associés. L'objectif principal repose sur la mise en exergue des contradictions, conflits, incohérences et déséquilibres que porte la dernière réforme de la PAC quant à ses nouvelles exigences environnementales. La PAC réformée n'a pas pris en compte les particularités agropastorales et forestières des différentes zones agricoles de l'UE, raison pour laquelle s'opèrent antagonismes, injustices et déséquilibres territoriaux, agraires et socio-économiques entre les pays membres. Les pays méditerranéens sont les plus affectés, en particulier l'Espagne.

The General Lake Model (GLM) is a one-dimensional open-source code designed to simulate the hydrodynamics of lakes, reservoirs, and wetlands. GLM was developed to support the science needs of the Global Lake Ecological Observatory Network (GLEON), a network of researchers using sensors to understand lake functioning and address questions about how lakes around the world respond to climate and land use change. The scale and diversity of lake types, locations, and sizes, and the expanding observational datasets created the need for a robust community model of lake dynamics with sufficient flexibility to accommodate a range of scientific and management questions relevant to the GLEON community. This paper summarizes the scientific basis and numerical implementation of the model algorithms, including details of sub-models that simulate surface heat exchange and ice cover dynamics, vertical mixing, and inflow-outflow dynamics. We demonstrate the suitability of the model for different lake types that vary substantially in their morphology, hydrology, and climatic conditions. GLM supports a dynamic coupling with biogeochemical and ecological modelling libraries for integrated simulations of water quality and ecosystem health, and options for integration with other environmental models are outlined. Finally, we discuss utilities for the analysis of model outputs and uncertainty assessments, model operation within a distributed cloud-computing environment, and as a tool to support the learning of network participants. © 2019 Author(s). ; Acknowledgements. The primary code for GLM has been developed by Matthew R. Hipsey, Louise C. Bruce, Casper Boon, Brendan Busch, and David P. Hamilton at the University of Western Australia in collaboration with researchers participating in GLEON, with support provided by a National Science Foundation (NSF) (USA) Research Coordination Network Award. Whilst GLM is a new code, it is based on the large body of historical research and publications produced by the Centre for Water Research at the University of Western Australia, which we acknowledge for the inspiration, development, and testing of several of the model approaches that have been adopted. Funding for the initial development of the GLM code was from the U.S. NSF Cyber-enabled Discovery and Innovation grant awarded to Paul C. Hanson (lead investigator) and colleagues from 20092014 (NSF CDI-0941510); subsequent development was supported by the Australian Research Council projects awarded to Matthew R. Hipsey and colleagues (ARC projects LP0990428, LP130100756, and DP130104078). Funding for the optimization and improvement of the snow and ice model was provided by NSF MSB-1638704. Funding for the development of the GLM teaching module and GRAPLEr was provided by NSF ACI-1234983 and NSF EF-1702506 awarded to Cayelan C. Carey. Funding for glmtools was provided by the Department of the Interior Northeast Climate Science Center. Any use of trade, firm, or product names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.S. Government. Provision of the environmental symbols used for the GLM scientific diagrams are courtesy of the Integration and Application Network, University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science. Joanne Moo and Aditya Singh also provided support in model set-up and testing. We gratefully acknowledge the anonymous reviewers whose contribution and editing have significantly improved the paper and model.

Summary One million homes were built in Sweden during the period 1965-1974, mostly financed by state housing loans and made available for renting. Large-scale rented housing then became commonplace, mostly built on virgin land on the outskirts of cities and towns. Although most of these 850,000 apartments are considered decently maintained, some 300,000 are still in need of refurbishment, especially with regard to bathrooms, kitchens, insulation and ventilation. This is a great opportunity for technological innovations, potentially contributing to energy-saving and climate mitigation on a broad scale. However, many of these estates have also been associated with social problems like spatial segregation and social exclusion. Under the label "suburb" [förort], these estates have become stigmatized, triggered by massive critique from journalists, writers, politicians, architects and even researchers. The empirical focus of this report is on an attempt by a municipal housing company to approach the residents of a multi-family housing estate with a redevelopment scheme expressing a will to combine social and ecological qualities under the brand "My Green Neighbourhood". The company wants to change their everyday behaviour by constructing energy-saving technical solutions, increase residents' participation and social inclusion and redress the identity of the area in the eyes of residents, visitors and outside spectators. Drawing upon data describing the aim and scope of the redevelopment scheme, the dialogue activities undertaken during the planning phase, and residents' reactions, the analysis relates to current debates on the potentials and limits of citizen participation in urban renewal in terms of the sustainability discourse. Although the study only covers the planning process until the end of 2011 when the housing company took its final decision, conclusions also consider the potential of future implementations. Whereas prospects of success with regard to energy-saving investments are bright, other results are more open to question. Thus, whether technological innovations will also inspire households to lead a more climate-friendly life in general must also take other things than housing into consideration, in particular their life situations and lifestyles in a broad sense. Thus, residents' willingness to participate in planning and politics, and their social inclusion in society at large are matters not only related to housing. Depending on the capacity and willingness of residents to pay and stay it is unclear how many of the present inhabitants will stay or leave for other households to move in. There is little doubt regarding the housing company's commitment in terms of professional and long-term financial responsibility. In addition, the company's social ambitions do not only include a willingness to engage residents in planning and caring for their apartments and the outdoor environment. The housing company also cooperates with the main contractor with a view to employing more than 50 until now unemployed residents in the building process. Finally, at the time of writing, it seems that My Green Neighbourhood should not be disregarded as just one more number in a never-ending parade of temporary projects. Its brand of social, economic and technological innovations have multi-dimensional sustainability potential that may even contribute to a decent make-over and a positive branding of a large, previously stigmatized multi-family city district.

Considering the family as an agent of socialization in the transitional society it is necessary to start from the knowledge that the family is the first in the hierarchy of social values. It is also the fundamental social unit and the area of community, which has an enormous role in the life of every individual and in every social system. It is necessary to add the fact that the family as a social group is irreplaceable corner where a man is formed as a person, accomplishes himself and in that way satisfies human needs, which otherwise can be met only in the family. It is a universal human community, which plays an important role in the development of the man in society, not only the man as an individual, but also society as a whole. Studying the family as one of the oldest primary social groups within which biological, emotional, economic, educational - cultural and communication relationships, are realited, a number of theorists and researchers have found out that the family has not yet been sufficiently explored and there are many ambiguous and unresolved questions as well as problems behind us. In this respect the family has proved to be a constant movement in time and space, with a tan.gle of action and at the same time sensitive to the new changes in its internal and external relations in a global society. There are various factors in the development of socialization among children, which affect socialization, but it is rightly said that the family is the social environment where is the person developed, and that it is the most important factor in the socialization of society. Many family theorists say that it is a heterogeneous environment, i.e. society at large, where many social phenomena aresdved such as: love, hate, rivalry and solidarity, humanity and selfishness. A child in a family environment emulates all these habits so that graduallyit acquires certain social habits, and thus it also gains a certain attitude towards the society, which can be positive or negative. The family is in some sense a mediator between the child on the one hand and society on the other. It develops the emotional and social relationships, and in the arms of the family human development and a complete personality of the child, beginas. It also forms the basic moral principles: good and evil. The family forms the first emotional climate, which is a natural relationship in that environment and at the same time it tightens the relationship among the child, parents and other family members. Pointing to the role and importance of the family as a very important agent of the socialization in the development an individual and a society as a whole, it is also necessary to point out essential types of a modern family. One of the essential features of a modern family is taking care of a warm family atmosphere with a strong emotional bond between parents and children. In this kind of family the main position belongs to a child and, so whole family life is subordinated to him in transit society the global social processes of re-traditionalization, de-industrialization and re-privatization influenced to the change in the position of children's life as well as to the changes in the educational role of the family as an agent of socialization. .

The role of developing countries like India in climate action has undergone a shift in the last five to ten years. Several factors have led to this development. Firstly, with the signing of the Paris Agreement and its emphasis on bottom-pledges, all countries have become co-enactors to mitigation. Secondly, continued scientific research on co-benefits and climate damages has reduced the gap between mitigation and development priorities. Lastly, capital costs of renewable energy (RE) have plummeted making them cheaper than new coal plants in most countries, thereby providing a solid economic incentive to increase the share of RE. Despite these developments, decarbonisation of the power sector in low-income countries faces significant socio-economic and political barriers. This dissertation identifies some of those barriers, eventually suggesting policy solutions to overcome them. While one publication of this cumulative dissertation % I changed it here has a global scope, the other two papers focus on India, a country with low cumulative historic emissions, but is currently the third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases (GHG). Per-capita energy consumption is still low, but it has one of the fastest growing electricity markets in the world. Thus, the policy decisions in the power sector in India can substantially affect the global goal to decarbonisation. The first publication identifies the risk of carbon lock-ins in the power sector if India were to continue a trajectory based on current policies. We find that continued investment into fossils could eventually lead to stranded assets in the future because of the faster pace of decarbonisation required in scenarios achieving the Paris Agreement goals. Since most of the stranding arises from plants yet to be built, it can be avoided through additional capacity installations of RE, i.e., increasing current ambition in RE-deployment and limiting new coal power plants to those under construction. Most of the additional capacity would come from solar and wind, given their large resource potentials and favourable economic viability in India. The expansion potential of other sources like gas, nuclear, and hydro remains low, owing to constraints on supply, cost, and construction duration. The second article uses different mitigation scenarios and analyses, on a global level but based on country-specific data, the labor market implications of a decarbonisation policies. Although ambitious policies supporting RE and discouraging coal power, e.g., through a coal moratorium, discussed above are favourable for (future) deep decarbonisation, they could lead to disruptive changes adversely affecting the employment situation, specifically the drastic losses in the fossil sector. We show that in the near-term, stringent mitigation results in a net increase in jobs compared to a weaker climate action scenario (based on currently pledged country objectives), mainly through gains in solar and wind jobs in construction, installation, and manufacturing, despite significantly higher losses in coal fuel supply. However, global energy jobs eventually peak, because the falling labour intensity (i.e. jobs per megawatt, due to increasing productivity) outpace increases in RE installations. In the future, total jobs are still higher in stringent mitigation than in a scenario with less mitigation with most people employed in the operation and maintenance of RE infrastructure, unlike fuel extraction today. Although stricter mitigation could lead to higher jobs globally, the role of employment in decarbonisation in specific regions could play out very differently. In countries with significant people employed in fossil-fuel industries, a just transition for those workers could become important. The third publication highlights that the regional mismatch of energy infrastructure in India could become a significant barrier to effective decarbonisation. Most of the coal mines and coal power plants in India are concentrated in the poorer eastern states of Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Jharkhand, where it is an important source of both employment and public economy. On the other hand, the best RE potentials in India are concentrated in the relatively wealthier western and southern states and are home to current and planned RE installations. Continued fossil investments in coal-bearing regions could widen this gap and in pathways to deep decarbonisation, strongly accelerate the loss of coal jobs. Without complementary opportunities, this would negatively impact the livelihood of people living in these areas. We show that dedicated policies to increase solar installations in coal regions could ensure early geographic diversification of solar energy. It could help build broad support for the energy transition, required for climate targets, and could give India important benefits in terms of avoided climate impacts and local health. At the same time, solar alone cannot provide a just transition and there is an urgent need for engagement with all stakeholders exploring challenges and other opportunities into the transition. In summary, despite the proliferation of climate considerations into decision-making at all political levels, there are still significant barriers to decarbonisation. Some of the most pressing challenges for fast-growing economies like India involve avoiding lock-ins in the power sector, which could have far-reaching consequences on the pace and cost of future decarbonisation. Higher-income nations could support the transition by providing cheaper RE-related finance and knowledge of increasing power system flexibility. At the same time, changes in the quantity and structure of jobs in the energy sector could also affect the pace of decarbonisation. Here, one key factor is the just transition of predominantly coal-bearing regions. The regional divide of fossil and RE assets and resources in India means that a regionally balanced transition from a fossil to a RE-based economy would not happen on its own; it needs dedicated policies supporting future solar installations in coal-bearing states. However, given the large size of the current coal workforce, additional solar capacity alone (in these regions) cannot replace all the lost jobs. It therefore requires to look for alternatives beyond the energy sector. ; Die Rolle von Entwicklungsländern wie Indien bei den Klimaschutzmaßnahmen hat sich in den letzten fünf bis zehn Jahren gewandelt. Mehrere Faktoren haben zu dieser Entwicklung geführt. Erstens sind mit der Unterzeichnung des Pariser Abkommens und seiner Betonung der "bottom-pledges" alle Länder zu Mitakteuren beim Klimaschutz geworden. Zweitens hat sich durch wissenschaftliche Forschung über Klimaschäden und positive Nebeneffekte von Klimaschutz die Kluft zwischen Minderungs- und Entwicklungsprioritäten verringert. Drittens sind die Kapitalkosten für erneuerbare Energien (EE) drastisch gesunken, so dass sie in den meisten Ländern billiger sind als neue Kohlekraftwerke, was einen verlässlichen wirtschaftlichen Anreiz zur Erhöhung des Anteils regenerativer Energien bietet. Trotz dieser Entwicklungen sind die sozioökonomischen und politischen Hindernisse für die Dekarbonisierung des Stromsektors in Ländern mit niedrigem Einkommen erheblich. In dieser Dissertation werden einige dieser Hindernisse aufgezeigt und schließlich politische Lösungen zu deren Überwindung vorgeschlagen. Während eine Publikation dieser kumulativen Dissertation eine globale Perspektive einnimmt, konzentrieren sich die anderen beiden Artikel l auf Indien, dessen kumulierte historische Emissionen gering sind, das jedoch derzeit der drittgrößte Emittent von Treibhausgasen (THG) ist. Der Pro-Kopf-Energieverbrauch ist immer noch niedrig, aber das Land hat einen der am schnellsten wachsenden Strommärkte der Welt. Daher können die politischen Entscheidungen im indischen Energiesektor das globale Ziel der Dekarbonisierung erheblich beeinflussen. In der ersten Publikation wird das Risiko von Kohlenstoff-Lock-Ins im Energiesektor aufgezeigt, wenn Indien den auf der aktuellen Politik basierenden Kurs fortsetzen würde. Wir zeigen, dass ein Fortsetzen der Investitionen in fossile Energieträger in der Zukunft zu "verlorenem Kapital" (stranded assets) führt, sobald die Dekarbonisierung derart beschleunigt wird, dass die Ziele des Pariser Abkommens in den analysierten Szenarien erreicht werden. Da die meisten dieser Fehlinvestitionen aus noch zu bauenden Anlagen stammen, können sie vermieden werden, wenn zusätzliche EE-Kapazitäten aufgebaut und neue Kohlekraftwerke auf die im Bau befindlichen beschränkt werden. Der größte Teil der zusätzlichen Kapazität würde aus Sonnen- und Windenergie stammen, da sie über ein großes Potenzial verfügen und in Indien wirtschaftlich rentabel sind. Das Ausbaupotenzial anderer Energieträger wie Gas, Kernkraft und Wasserkraft bleibt aufgrund von Einschränkungen bei Angebot, Kosteneffizienz und Bauzeit gering. Im zweiten Artikel werden verschiedene Minderungsszenarien verwendet und auf globaler Ebene, aber auf der Grundlage länderspezifischer Daten, die Auswirkungen einer Dekarbonisierungspolitik auf den Arbeitsmarkt analysiert. Obwohl ehrgeizige politische Maßnahmen zur Förderung von EE und zur Eindämmung der Kohleverstromung, z.B. durch ein Kohlemoratorium, wie oben erörtert für eine (künftige) tiefgreifende Dekarbonisierung günstig sind, könnten sie zu disruptiven Veränderungen führen, die sich nachteilig auf die Beschäftigungssituation auswirken, insbesondere durch drastische Verluste im fossilen Sektor. Wir zeigen, dass ein strenger Klimaschutz kurzfristig zu einem Nettozuwachs an Arbeitsplätzen im Vergleich zu einem schwächeren Klimaschutzszenario (basierend auf den derzeit zugesagten Länderzielen) führt, vor allem durch einen Zuwachs an Arbeitsplätzen in der Solar- und Windenergiebranche in den Bereichen Bau, Installation und Produktion, trotz deutlich höherer Arbeitsplatzverluste im Kohlesektor. Allerdings erreicht die Zahl der Arbeitsplätze im Energiesektor weltweit letztendlich ihren Höchststand, da die sinkende Arbeitsintensität (d. h. Arbeitsplätze/Megawatt, aufgrund steigender Produktivität) den Anstieg der EE-Installationen überkompensiert. In der Zukunft ist die Gesamtzahl der Arbeitsplätze bei schneller Dekarbonisierung immer noch höher als bei einem Szenario mit geringerem Klimaschutz, wobei die meisten Menschen nicht wie heute in der Brennstoffgewinnung, sondern im Betrieb und in der Wartung der EE-Infrastruktur beschäftigt sind. Obwohl strengerer Klimaschutz weltweit zu mehr Arbeitsplätzen führen könnte, könnten die Auswirkungen der Dekarbonisierung auf die Beschäftigung in einzelnen Regionen sehr unterschiedlich ausfallen. In Ländern, in denen viele Menschen in der Produktion fossiler Brennstoffe beschäftigt sind, könnte die Berücksichtigung sozialer Gerechtigkeit bei diesem Übergang im Sinne einer "just transition" wichtig werden. Im dritten Artikel wird hervorgehoben, dass das regionale Ungleichgewicht der Energieinfrastruktur in Indien zu einem erheblichen Hindernis für eine wirksame Dekarbonisierung werden könnte. Die meisten Kohleminen und Kohlekraftwerke in Indien befinden sich in den ärmeren östlichen Bundesstaaten Chhattisgarh, Odisha und Jharkhand, wo sie eine wichtige Stütze des Arbeitsmarkts und der öffentlichen Wirtschaft darstellen. Andererseits konzentrieren sich die besten EE-Potenziale in Indien auf die wohlhabenderen westlichen und südlichen Bundesstaaten, in denen bestehende und geplante EE-Anlagen zu finden sind. Fortgesetzte Investitionen in fossile Energieträger in den Kohleregionen könnten diese Kluft vergrößern und auf dem Weg zu einer tiefgreifenden Dekarbonisierung den Verlust von Arbeitsplätzen in der Kohleindustrie stark beschleunigen. Ohne Alternativmöglichkeiten würde sich dies negativ auf den Lebensunterhalt der in diesen Gebieten lebenden Menschen auswirken. Wir zeigen, dass gezielte Politikmaßnahmen, um Solaranlagen in Kohleregionen zu installieren, eine frühzeitige geografische Diversifizierung der Solarenergie sicherstellen könnten. Dies könnte dazu beitragen, eine breite Unterstützung für die Energiewende aufzubauen, die für die Erreichung der Klimaziele erforderlich ist, und Indien wichtige Vorteile im Hinblick auf die lokale Gesundheit un die Vermeidung von Klimaschäden bringen. Gleichzeitig kann die Solarenergie allein keinen gerechten Übergang sicherstellen, und es besteht dringender Bedarf, alle Interessengruppen zu beteiligen, um Herausforderungen und weitere Möglichkeiten für diesen Übergang zu identifizieren. Zusammenfassend gibt immer noch erhebliche Hindernisse für die Dekarbonisierung, obwohl Klimaaspekte bei der Entscheidungsfindung auf allen politischen Ebenen zunehmend berücksichtigt werden. Einige der dringendsten Herausforderungen für schnell wachsende Volkswirtschaften wie Indien bestehen darin, Lock-Ins im Energiesektor zu vermeiden, die weitreichende Folgen für das Tempo und die Kosten der künftigen Dekarbonisierung haben könnten. Länder mit höherem Einkommen könnten den Übergang unterstützen, in dem sie ihre Kenntnisse zur Erhöhung der Flexibilität des Stromsystems anbieten und für eine günstigere Finanzierung erneuerbarer Energien sorgen. Gleichzeitig könnten sich Veränderungen in der Anzahl und Struktur der Arbeitsplätze im Energiesektor auch auf das Tempo der Dekarbonisierung auswirken. Ein Schlüsselfaktor in diesem Zusammenhang ist ein gerechter Übergang in Regionen, in denen überwiegend Kohle gefördert wird. Die regionale Verteilung der fossilen und erneuerbaren Ressourcen in Indien bedeutet, dass ein regional ausgewogener Übergang von einer fossilen zu einer auf erneuerbaren Energien basierenden Wirtschaft nicht von alleine erfolgen würde; es bedarf spezieller politischer Maßnahmen zur Unterstützung des Baus von Solaranlagen in den bisher kohlefördernden Bundesstaaten. In Anbetracht der großen Zahl der derzeit im Kohlebergbau Beschäftigten können zusätzliche Solarkapazitäten allein (in diesen Regionen) jedoch nicht alle verlorenen Arbeitsplätze ersetzen. Daher muss nach Alternativen außerhalb des Energiesektors gesucht werden.