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This research is about the impact of states' financial size on their choices in the field of monetary and exchange rate policy. The main argument of the thesis is that small countries, under certain conditions, can be counterintuitively more autonomous in these policy dimensions than middle-sized states. This conclusion, and its corollaries, proceed from the unsatisfactory explanation given by the present literature, in both economics and political science, to the policy outcomes observed in small states, and results from an original application of the Collective Choice Theory to strategic interactions within asymmetrical monetary systems. A model is designed to depict an international payment system led by a leader country with significant balance-of-payment problems, surrounded by minor states characterised by a persistent record of current account surplus. The model investigates the impact of financial size on the bargaining among small and medium-sized states for the preservation of policy autonomy vis à vis an interdependent economic environment. States are supposed to select one of two alternatives between following the leader's policies, so as to support the stability of the system, or remaining neutral, so as to pursue domestic-oriented goals. The results, both on the theoretical and the empirical side, show that small surplus countries, under the assumptions of the model, are averagely more autonomous than middle powers, that is, less prone to take on responsibility for the smooth functioning of an international payment system. In turn, this makes traditional theories incomplete in the explanation of monetary followership in small countries, while the present model explains this phenomenon through the action of neighbouring middle powers in providing selective incentives.

This article analyses China's Belt and Road as a medium through which novel regional development ideas and practices are being generated, (re)articulated, and diffused, via a case study of its implementation in the broader region of Central-East and Southeast Europe (CESEE). The example of CESEE shows that via the Belt and Road, Chinese actors have advanced comprehensive region work based on social interactions, which includes regular high-level diplomatic exchange and quasi-institutionalisation as well as people-to-people relations, resting on the potent geoeconomic imaginaries of the New Silk Roads. This approach, in the case of CESEE, has allowed for regional co-operation to advance even in times of friction and uncertainties. Nevertheless, as region work is essentially a contentious endeavour, China's attempt at regionalism in CESEE has been challenged by the European Union (EU), the United States and regional actors who feel uneasy about China's advance. (JCCA/GIGA)

This paper characterizes capital taxation and public debt policy in a quantitative macroeconomic model with an impatient government and uncertainty. The government has access to linear taxes on capital and labor, and to non-state-contingent bonds. Government impatience generates positive and empirically realistic longrun levels of both capital taxes and public debt. Prior predictive analysis shows that the simulated model matches the distribution of both variables in a sample of 42 countries, alongside other statistics. The paper then presents econometric evidence that countries with higher political instability, used as an approximation of unobservable public discount rates, have both higher capital taxes and debt.

At a time when our leading popular magazines are featuring cover headlines on "The Sick, Sick Cities," and articles on their"Battle for Survival" it seems appropriate to examine some old and new issues concerning the relationship of metropolitan problems to local government structure. The journalists who write such articles probably hear a great deal about the frustrating legal and political obstacles to achieving more rational forms of government for our exploding, strife-torn metropolitan areas. They probably do not hear, however, that political scientists are divided on such questions as the reality of "metropolitan-type" problems and the feasibility of area-wide metropolitan government. It is the purpose of this article to take an analytical and somewhat reflective view of these older problems and arguments in the light of recent developments.

"China's Elite Politics provides a new theoretical perspective on elite politics in China and uses this theoretical perspective to explain power transfer from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao and political dynamics between different factional groups since the Sixteenth Party Congress of November 2002. It explains the transition in structural terms, presents characteristics of China's political elites, and analyzes the balance of power among formal institutions as well as among factional groups. It also examines political interactions between Jiang Zemin and his cronies on the one side and Hu Jintao and his allies on the other over a number of issues: the epidemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS); ideological institutionalization; the politics over economic overheating; Jiang Zemin's complete retirement; and Hu Jintao's power consolidation in both ideological and personnel terms."

"Focusing on the case study of Timor Leste, this book presents the New Subsistence State as a conceptual tool for understanding governance challenges in countries characterised by subsistence economic and social relations. It examines the ways in which Timor Leste conforms to the typology of the New Subsistence State, taking into consideration geographic, historical and socio-political aspects. The book defines a New Subsistence State as an overwhelmingly subsistence economy corresponding to little or no historical experience of the generation and administration of large surpluses, with minimal labour specialisation, and the predominance, especially in rural areas, of traditional authority relations. It looks at how these features restrict the capacity of the new state to operate effectively in accordance with the modern state model. The book presents a case for prioritising sustainable approaches to public administration in New Subsistence State contexts. It goes on to examine the historical role of village justice systems, and demonstrates how a community justice and mediation program building on existing capacities could prove an economical means of promoting human rights values and reducing the burden on the national courts."--Publisher's description

The objective of the Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability (PEFA) assessments is to review the current performance of the public financial management (PFM) systems, processes, and institutions of the Federal Government of Ethiopia. The assessment aims to assist the government in identifying PFM weaknesses that may inhibit effective delivery of services to its citizens and the realization of its development objectives in general. Furthermore, the findings of the PEFA assessment will assist the government in refining the PFM reform strategy that it has already developed and provide the basis for a coherent PFM reform program that can be supported by development partners, as well as through the government's own initiatives. The Federal PEFA assessment covered federal government budgeted units, extra-budgetary units (EBUs), the Office of the Federal Auditor General (OFAG), and Parliament, The assessment management framework, oversight, and quality assurance are summarized in this report.

ABSTRACTE-village government is a breakthrough that can be used by village to support the village governance's transparency and accountability after the issuance of Village Law. Of the 301 villages in Banyumas, only 47 villages have village website on their own initiative. Of the 47 villages that have website, only 4 villages have informative, timely, relevant, and sufficien website which can be used as a medium for two-way communication between village government and the people. Village location that is close to the district capital and educational level of village people do not make the village more responsive in supporting the development of e-village government. Progressive and innovative village leaders are the main factors in implementing e-villagegovernment. Some villages have not implemented e-village government because they still have lack of human resources, lack of experience and lack of supervision.

AbstractIssues of local governance have dominated Caribbean policy agenda for the past two decades, prompting considerable thought and action on local government reform by scholars, local government practitioners and policy makers, alike. No reforms have been as ubiquitous as those of local government. Permitted by an international reformist agenda, local government reform policy is linked positively to efforts to redress incapacities of public management and administration. This article examines conceptual and empirical issues relating to implementation of local government reform in two Caribbean countries, Jamaica and Trinidad. It analyses how the vision for local governance is articulated through specific reform taxonomies and argues that, although local government reform is normatively a policy aimed at fundamental changes in intergovernmental relations, in Jamaica and Trinidad reform has led merely to adjustments in the internal administration of local government. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This paper examines the conceptual contradiction between a nationally uniform local government system as constitutionally provided in Nigeria, and, the principles of governance model that is presently believed to advance the course of service delivery in government. The paper argues that the straitjacketed constitutional provisions that require every state government to establish a patterned, uniform local government system, is conflict-generating, opposed to effective management and harnessing of local differences in a highly differentiated country like Nigeria, and averse to the multi-jurisdictional principle advocated by the proponents of the governance model. The focus of the paper therefore, is to investigate the extent the prescribed uniform system of local government hinders the application of the governance model that could advance the course of service delivery at the local level. The author suggests that contrary to the constitutional provisions on the nature of local government, which autonomy is not strongly protected by the constitution, the state governments should be allowed to determine the nature and structure of local governments in their domain to reduce the abuse of the local government system and entrench competitive local government practice. This will advance the greater use of local networks in local governance.