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Abstract
By bringing together the most important refugee crises that struck first the Habsburg Empire and later the Republic of Austria during the last three hundred years, this paper analyzes the longue durée experiences this country has had in dealing with such situations. It explores the driving factors behind societal and governmental responses and conceives four topics that are recurrent, if in different forms: 1) the socioeconomic disruption and the ethical imperative to provide relief; 2) the legal authorities and their power to determine a legal settlement and the ultimate right to belong; 3) their quest to maintain sovereignty and control; and 4) the question of the legitimacy of refugees as perceived by authorities but also by a (fickle) public opinion.

Speech language and hearing (SLH) services can improve people with intellectual and developmental disabilities' (IDD) health, autonomy, and community participation. The aim of this study was to explore how SLH services are offered to people with IDD across the nation, particularly in fiscal year 2015 Medicaid Home and Community Based Services (HCBS) 1915(c) waivers ( N = 111 waivers). Findings revealed, unlike Medicaid state plans, HCBS waivers were often utilized to offer SLH services in alternative settings, like participants' homes, and provide long-term habilitative care rather than immediate acute care. Given increased risk for and under identification of communication and hearing disorders in people with IDD, adequate access to sufficient SLH services is essential to ensure the rights of people with IDD.

What determines government responsiveness during fiscal austerity? Comparing the United Kingdom (UK) and France between 1975 and 2015 and using narrative accounts of austerity episodes, I argue that tax linkages (defined as the nature of dominant taxes, their governance and their dilemmas) shape partisan competition and fiscal responsiveness. I show how, despite comparable conditions, the UK and France implemented austerity simultaneously but opted for divergent types of fiscal responsiveness. In the UK, the right has been advantaged by centralized and weak tax linkages, which acted as a break on tax hikes and favoured spending cuts. In France, the left benefited from decentralized and strong tax linkages, which helped to increase taxes and made it hard to cut spending.

Historically, most countries first de- velop a market economy, even under oppressive conditions, before develop- ing a democracy. However, the 1989 revolutions in Central and Eastern Eu- rope produced a counter case—the ini- tiation of simultaneous democratic and economic reforms. Many policy makers and academics outside the region have recommended that stability lies in a co- herent and rigid reform plan for all such states. The United States, for ex- ample, has suggested and still some- times emphasizes a "cookie cutter" or "one size fits all" recommendation for economic reform, emphasizing stabili- zation, liberalization, and privatization. Economic reform, Washington argues, should be placed above the "whims" of politics and not fall victim to victories of the left or right.

Consumer movement is a universal phenomenon. The goods or services available may be in abundance or in short supply, but the position of the consumer is weak, in relation to the seller. Sellers want customers, as buyers and not as complainants. The frustration and bitterness on the part of consumers, who have been promised much is indeed great, but they realise less. It can be due to the existence of sellers' market, where consumers are voiceless. There are many practices whereby consumers are not only being denied their basic rights but are being deceived too. A consumer is an individual who consumes goods, manufactured by firms or created by nature (air, water etc.) and services offered by government hospital, educational institutions etc.

Efforts to realize a free, democratic, direct, fair and transparent, at least, there are three things needs to be done. First, government regulation no. 6/2005 as the implementation of Law no. 32/2004 needs to be followed and criticized continue to avoid off the right rails. Second, the members of parliament and political figures who became actors support mobilization should not be selfish myself and his group. Third, there needs to be an equation perceptions, commitments and steps to make Pilkadasung not just become a legal way of legitimizing the power to be gained, but more important is how they are after elected as a couple Kada / Wakada can be more capable promoting and prospering the community, in particular villagers.

AbstractThis article examines the dynamics of women's participation in the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU) from the 1920s to the 1960s. Despite its commitment to women's emancipation and to equality between men and women, the PCU's attitudes towards gender equality were often contradictory and its messages were ambiguous. Though it promoted women's participation, the Party oscillated between seeking to overcome social prejudices, upholding principled and dogmatic positions, and accommodating the conservative habits prevalent among the working class. Women were encouraged to take part in activities but not to assume leadership positions. The 1960s, ironically a period characterised by openness and political success, was a decade of regression in gender equality that stood in contrast to the Uruguayan Communists' long trajectory concerning women's rights.

During the early years of the Progressive Era, women teachers in urban centers across the United States bound their fight for equal pay and voice within the schools to a broader social and political activism, each propelled by an image of the professional woman: independent and autonomous in and outside the schools. Without the right to vote, these women turned cautiously toward organized labor to achieve their goals. However, the union between labor associations and organized teachers was troubled from the start and complicated by gender and class. As this article chronicles, affiliation with labor brought increased power and visibility to teachers nationwide but also thwarted the aspirations of early teachers as it severed the connection between teachers' labor organizations and women's political activism.

In the wake of a U.S. presidential election that will send Donald J. Trump, besmircher of the New York skyline and riverfront, to Washington D.C., I hope I can be forgiven for waxing nostalgic over a different "flat top" with "joo joo eyeballs"—one who, unlike the current orangey combed-over bogey, imagined himself in a funky self-parody "grooving up slowly." In a 1972 New York performance of the song recorded a day after the first moonwalk in July 1969, John Lennon flirted with his audience and quite possibly his wife: "Come Together, Right Now/ Over Me, Over You, Over There" as he turned and the camera cut to Yoko Ono on keyboard. How about Over Us?

Abstract This paper analyzes how Brazilian political parties use the Internet to communicate with the electoral segments interested in the environmental agenda. The survey was conducted in 2014, based on the information available on the websites of the parties. The focus of the research are the communication strategies and the contents disclosed. The data show that, of the 32 parties registered with the Electoral Court, 20 incorporate ecological issues in their websites (62.5%). The party visibility is the main characteristic observed. The strategies and content are used for advertising subtitle in order to strengthen political propaganda directed to this electoral segment. The party adherence to environmental issues shows that the green agenda has become transpartidária, beyond left x right division.

El presente artículo aborda el tema del hacinamiento carcelario en Colombia y la manera como el tribunal constitucional ha dado respuesta a las diversas vulneraciones de derechos fundamentales, estableciendo una política penitenciaria y carcelaria desde una perspectiva jurisprudencial, allegando pronunciamientos de cortes internacionales y fijando las directrices que, en lo sucesivo, debe realizar el gobierno para resolver el problema del hacinamiento en Colombia. ; This article deals with the topic of prison overcrowding in Colombia and how the constitutional court has responded to various violations of fundamental rights, establishing a penitentiary and prison policy from a jurisprudential perspective, bringing together pronouncements from international courts and setting guidelines that, henceforth, the government must undertake to solve the problem of overcrowding in Colombia.

In the Brazilian Amazon, degraded forests dominate the landscapes on the agricultural frontiers. This region is now facing a major challenge: halting degradation and sustainably managing these forests. Today, degraded forests represent a class of forest in their own right. They can nevertheless play a key role in combating climate change, and can also help to improve the ecological functioning of the different territories. Implementing public policies with the twin objectives of reducing degradation and promoting these forests implies strong support from research. In this Perspective, we focus on four research priorities: developing methods to characterise and monitor degraded forests; drafting specific forest management plans; understanding the role played by all social actors; and supporting policies at the territorial level.

Public participation has become an important part in development, including urban deve1opnent. This participation is important because development is from the people, by the people and for the people. Only people who know exactly what they want and need. Indonesia already has two general regulations concerning public participation, Law No. 24/1992 on Spatial Planning and Government Regulation No. 6911996 on the Implementation of the Public Rights and Obligation, and the Format and Procedure for Public Participation in Spatial Planning. This article discusses the experience of The Hague, The Netherlands in implementing public participation in urban development through Project The Hague 2025. It is hoped that through the experience of The Hague, Indonesia can learn important lessons for public participation in urban development in Indonesia.

Abstract This paper analyzes how Brazilian political parties use the Internet to communicate with the electoral segments interested in the environmental agenda. The survey was conducted in 2014, based on the information available on the websites of the parties. The focus of the research are the communication strategies and the contents disclosed. The data show that, of the 32 parties registered with the Electoral Court, 20 incorporate ecological issues in their websites (62.5%). The party visibility is the main characteristic observed. The strategies and content are used for advertising subtitle in order to strengthen political propaganda directed to this electoral segment. The party adherence to environmental issues shows that the green agenda has become transpartidária, beyond left x right division.

© The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Society for Financial Studies. All rights reserved. We examine how debt priority structure affects bank funding costs and soundness. Leveraging an unexplored natural experiment that changes the priority of claims on banks' assets, we document asymmetric effects that are consistent with changes in monitoring intensity by various creditors depending on whether creditors move up or down the priority ladder. The enactment of depositor preference laws that confer priority on depositors reduces deposit rates but increases nondeposit rates. Importantly, subordinating nondepositor claims reduces bank risk-taking, consistent with market discipline. This insight highlights a role for debt priority structure in the regulatory framework.