Suchergebnisse

Die Beiträge des ersten Teils diskutieren das Wirken des Verlages und seiner Autoren in ihrem ökonomischen, verlegerischen und vor allem pädagogischen Umfeld. … In einem weiteren Teil wird die Verlagstätigkeit in der jüngeren Vergangenheit und der Gegenwart thematisiert. … Die Vernetzung des Verlages in der Gegenwart – in seiner Kooperation mit der UTB, den verlegerischen Verbandsaktivitäten ebenso wie in der Auseinandersetzung mit neuen Techniken und veränderten Druckmöglichkeiten – wird schließlich in den Beiträgen von Volker Hühn, Reinhard Graf, Andreas Baer und Thomas Tilsner thematisiert. Ergänzt werden die Beiträge durch eine kommentierte Auswahlbibliographie und einen chronologischen Abriss der Eckdaten zur Firmengeschichte. (DIPF/Orig.)

Gegenstand des Beitrags sind die kommunikativen Elemente des äußeren Layouts eines Buches - der paratextuelle Aufbau und dessen performative Ästhetisierungen - am Beispiel von Autobiographien. Die Relevanz autobiographischer Paratexte für die Autor-Leser-Kommunikation resultiert aus ihrer selbstaffirmativen Funktion autobiographischer Selbstverpflichtung. Autobiographische Paratexte inszenieren ihren Gegenstand. Sie umfassen Titel, Untertitel, Gattungsbezeichnung, 'Waschzettel' und Vorworte. Die paratextuellen Elemente von Autobiographien werden hier exemplarisch anhand der Autobiographien des ostdeutschen Historikers Fritz Klein und des westdeutschen Verlegers Wolf Jobst Siedler untersucht. Durch die autobiographischen Paratexte, so wird deutlich, werden rund um das eigentliche Haupttextgeschehen komplexe Referenzen auf textueller und visueller Ebene aufgebaut, mit denen die Person des Autobiographen in ihrer Authentizität inszeniert werden soll. (ICE2)

About the author: Declan Riley Kunkel is an award winning writer, author, and consultant. Originally from Fort Worth, Texas, Declan writes about history, politics, and philosophy. He is pursing a degree in history at Yale.

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES INDIRA GHANDI'S SWEEPING ELECTORAL VICTORY OF 1980 AND ATTEMPTS TO EXPLAIN ITS DIMENSIONS. THE AUTHOR EXAMINES GHANDI'S POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, DESCRIBES THE MAGNITUDE OF HER CONTROL AND ASSESSES HER DEVELOPING POLICIES.

Each book has primary author Lyman P. Powell and different secondary author. ; 1. The spirit of democracy -- 2. The world and democracy -- 3. America and the League of Nations. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The proportionality principle has become ever more important in European law and elsewhere. The career of the principle has attracted considerable attention from legal practitioners, legal theorists and political scientists alike, but the debate so far has been quite fragmented. In this new book the author offers a broad and systematic analysis of the proportionality principle. Discussing and comparing proportionality analysis as applied by European courts in part one of the book, the author proceeds to contrast proportionality analysis with alternative assessment schemes. In the third part of the book the author reaches beyond doctrinal reconstructions as he deciphers the functions of proportionality jurisprudence. In view of the various facets of proportionality analysis the author departs from the asserted infringement of a legally protected position by some regulatory act, proceeds to discuss the legitimacy of this intervention and undertakes an analysis of its suitability, appropriateness and necessity. According to the author, the safe grounds of proportionality means-ends rationality do not suffice where the legitimacy of an infringement has to be assessed, where conflicting values have to be "balanced" or where courts engage in a proportionality analysis "stricto sensu". In the concluding remarks, the author proposes how proportionality analysis may be structured in order to better secure the legitimacy of the analysis

This book gets behind the scenes and provides the real stories of how politics works. Interviewees range from a former member of Congress who now lobbies for a living, to individuals whose personal tragedies led them to devote their lives to advocating for change. The author is a professor of political science who has award-winning books and hundreds of articles about interest groups and lobbying. Author will promote the book at political science conferences, including the American Political Science Association meeting in September and the Midwest Political Science Association meeting in April. Both conferences attract more than 5,000 political scientists. The Political Organizations and Parties section of the APSA has a membership comprising virtually all of the people who teach courses on lobbying and interest groups at universities. Author will advertise the book through its listserv. Author has extensive in professional network and will market the book to colleagues for adoption in courses on interest groups. Author will pitch to Matthew Yglesias, whose blog on Slate talked a lot about her last book on lobbying; likewise the blog, Monkey Cage. Author has relevant Washington journalist contacts at The Hill, Roll Call, National Journal, and Washington Post. The interviewees themselves will each bring varying promotional and marketing capabilities to the table: professional networks, professional meetings, social media promotion, and corporate buys.

PurposeHow can the author, as social studies methods instructors, assist future elementary teachers develop the knowledge and skills to engage young students in critical examinations of race and racism, and feel empowered to take action against racial oppression? The purpose of this paper is to share one of many possible ways of "doing race" in elementary social studies teacher education.Design/methodology/approachFirst, the author proposes the topic of school segregation as a relevant and engaging inroad for elementary students to learn about race and racism. Then, the author outlines and problematizes a dominant approach to teaching about school segregation in elementary classrooms and suggests an alternative approach informed by critical race theories. Next, the author provides counterstories to dispel the dominant narrative of school segregation from an Asian critical race theory perspective. This is followed by an explanation of the lesson the author teaches in the author's elementary social studies methods course that utilizes these perspectives and counterstories.FindingsBy using Asian-American counterstories of school segregation, the lesson seeks to assist preservice elementary teachers in disrupting the dominant teaching practices and discourses around school segregation and helps preservice teachers develop the critical understandings and competencies needed to successfully teach about race and racism in elementary classrooms.Originality/valueThe author concludes by discussing the possibilities and implications of the lesson.

Purpose
In outlining the author's experiences as a researcher and as an individual who engages with persons with a disability, the author wonders what meaningful research means when research subjects are people that society lumps together, largely views as stigmatized, and does not seem to understand. The author also notes how the research journey has impacted the author as an individual in rather unexpected ways. The paper aims to discuss this issues.


Design/methodology/approach
The author notes her personal experiences which can help all of us surface and think through our attempts at meaning-making through research.


Findings
When we do not quite understand our research subjects, the syntax of our thoughts can be dictated by our institutional contexts, and it is likely that we capture and feed the period's dominant assumptions back into the context.


Originality/value
The author's journey has been marked with worries, and has taught the author humility and acceptance. It has taught the author how we need to understand the subjects as whole beings, our institutional setting as it predisposes us to organize our research worlds, and our own biases as a researcher. Learning this is especially important for all of us when we study stigmatized subjects because definitions, measurement, and how we showcase a collective have implications for individual human beings.

In this paper, the author will deal with practical cases from execution of the European arrest warrant. Often there is a negation of the rules in practice, in the matters of EAW the most common violations are inhumane conditions in prisons and disregard of basic court procedures. In cases which the author analyzed there were serious disregard of court procedures. These kind of violations, member states of European Union, primarily as arranged democratic states must not allow themselves. Author will analyze not just the controversial cases, but also, generally defined Councils Framework Decision on the European arrest warrant, and which problems that causes. In some cases, we have a problem of non-compliance of national law with the Framework Decision, which creates even bigger problems with execution of EAW. The author will address the issue of extradition linked with delicate issues of the state sovereignty, and in which cases EAW is a means for manipulation and used with political purpose. Objectives of the author are to classify human rights violations, based upon practical examples, and to identify the causes that lead to them and at the end to clearly state positive and negative sides of EAW. The author believes that the EAW provides much more benefits than harm, and will present her conclusions how much room for improvement of the regulations and procedures, is there.

In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.

The present investigation deals with the meta-language of Communist International (Comintern) about the changes of the object-language of the Comintern. As the author puts it, there were several shifts in the political line of the Comintern in its history. The author gives a survey of the changes of Comintern policy and speaks about the factors responsible for denials of political changes. The author analyses forms of denial (negations and affirmations of constancy) derivations of denial and sub-types of the derived denials (containing assimilation between the old and the new by redefinition of terms or by the modification of presentation of old dogma). ; The present investigation deals with the meta-language of Communist International (Comintern) about the changes of the object-language of the Comintern. As the author puts it, there were several shifts in the political line of the Comintern in its history. The author gives a survey of the changes of Comintern policy and speaks about the factors responsible for denials of political changes. The author analyses forms of denial (negations and affirmations of constancy) derivations of denial and sub-types of the derived denials (containing assimilation between the old and the new by redefinition of terms or by the modification of presentation of old dogma).

1. The author believes it a great simplification to describe the Russian mass consciousness exclusively or even mostly in terms of neo-traditionalism and "revenge" of the Soviet past The author supposes "traditionalization" which has been observed recently to be at least partially a primary stage of ingraining new values, beliefs and institutions that had been imported in early 1990-s. Basing on the data having been got by today that characterize the main trends in the development of mass political notions the author offers his own interpretation of explanatory limits of "modernizational" and traditionalistic concepts for the analysis of some key spheres of mass political consciousness. ; 1. The author believes it a great simplification to describe the Russian mass consciousness exclusively or even mostly in terms of neo-traditionalism and "revenge" of the Soviet past The author supposes "traditionalization" which has been observed recently to be at least partially a primary stage of ingraining new values, beliefs and institutions that had been imported in early 1990-s. Basing on the data having been got by today that characterize the main trends in the development of mass political notions the author offers his own interpretation of explanatory limits of "modernizational" and traditionalistic concepts for the analysis of some key spheres of mass political consciousness.

This Article explores the possible nature of Hong Kong's Constitution after July, 1997, and discusses alternative ways of interpreting and enforcing the constitution. The author first proposes three definitions for the word "constitution'" (1) how political power is actually "constituted," (2) a written document and (3) a referent for disputes. The author then explains Hong Kong's unusual constitutional status where Hong Kong will be governed under a written constitution the Basic Law. and at the same time, many aspects of the Basic Law will be "guaranteed" by an international agreement, the Joint Declaration. The author proceeds to evaluate the means by which domestic bodies, such as the judiciary, may play a role in ensuring adherence to the written terms of the Basic Law. However, because the Standing Committee of China's National People's Congress retains ultimate interpretative power, the author proposes that the Joint Declaration may have more influence on China's actions than Hong Kong's Basic Law. The author then examines the executive and legislative structure of Hong Kong and its influence on political responsiveness in Hong Kong after July, 1997. Reflecting upon recent Chinese resistance to institutionalized political responsibility in China, the author suggests that international legal arguments may be the more effective legal means of ensuring political responsiveness.