Suchergebnisse

Le Parti communiste est encore aujourd'hui associé à l'imaginaire subversif de la banlieue rouge, d'essence populaire et révolutionnaire. Cet imaginaire prend racine dans les années qui suivent la fondation de la Section française de l'Internationale communiste (SFIC). Il a pour épicentre la banlieue parisienne, foyer de l'industrialisation, de la centralité ouvrière et de l'expérimentation de la radicalité politique. Dès 1920, la banlieue rouge devient le lieu de la mise à l'épreuve de l'engagement militant, source de reconnaissance et de légitimation. Pour ses adversaires, ces territoires emblématiques de l'implantation communiste sont au contraire des zones de désolation et de séparatisme politiques. Emblème d'une contre-société portée par une « culture de bastion » où l'on rejette « l'illusion réformiste » et le « crétinisme municipal », la ville rouge est pourtant dès sa fondation un espace de confrontation et d'accommodement avec le réel. Pour mieux saisir cette tension inhérente à l'exercice des responsabilités et du pouvoir local, cet article met en perspective une matrice du communisme en France : sa matrice municipale, jamais théorisée ni totalement assumée, qui permet, en 2020, à ce parti de se prévaloir d'une assise très fragmentée et exsangue mais toujours active dans certaines villes de la banlieue parisienne.

pt. 1 Origins to 1917. Communism before Marxism ; Marx and Engels ; Communism in Europe ; Russian Variations ; The October Revolution ; The first Communist state -- Pt 2. Experiment: 1917-1929. European revolutions ; Communism and its discontents ; The Communist International ; Probing America ; Making sense of Communism ; The USSR in torment ; The Soviet model -- pt. 3. Development: 1929-1947. World strategy ; Stalinist ideology ; Inside the parties ; Friends and foes ; Communism in the World War ; Forcing the peace -- pt. 4. Reproduction: 1947-1957. The Cold War and the Soviet Bloc ; The Yugoslav road ; Western Europe ; Warring propaganda ; The Chinese Revolution ; Organising Communism ; Against and for reform -- pt. 5. Mutation: 1957-1979. Détente and expansion ; China convulsed ; Revolutionary Cuba ; Communist order ; Rethinking Communism ; Europe East and West ; Reduced expectations ; Last of the Communist Revolutions -- pt. 6. Endings: From 1980. Roads from Communism ; Anti-Communism in Eastern Europe ; China's capitalist Communism ; Perestroika ; The comrades depart ; Accounting for Communism

Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public? Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party-voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party-voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties' manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties' positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters' preferences provide strong support for this argument.

Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public? Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties' manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties' positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters' preferences provide strong support for this argument.

Hitler's seizure of power on 30 January 1933 provided an urgent impetus to stage transnational anti-fascist conferences and rallies on a global scale. One of the first, but almost completely overlooked major conferences was organised in Copenhagen in April 1933 in the form of a Scandinavian Anti-Fascist Conference. The chapter will use the event as a prism to look backwards at anti-fascist activism in the Nordic countries during the preceding years and follow its transformation process in its immediate aftermath. What form did these largely overlooked anti-fascist articulations and manifestations take, and how were they connected to the rising transnational and global anti-fascist mobilisation coordinated in Paris and London? The chapter shows that the establishment of the Third Reich, on the one hand, vitalised anti-fascism in Scandinavia but that it paradoxically, on the other, further sharpened the communist critique of reformist social democracy and empowered social democratic anti-communism. Moreover, small neutral states, especially with social democratic governments, were confronted with an acute dilemma as the German foreign office made it clear that sharp critique of Nazi Germany and Hitler in the Nordic press and social movements had to be limited in order to maintain good bilateral relations.

This review of new directions in the American and comparative literatures on the state reveals important intellectual trends that parallel each other quite closely. Both comparativists and Americanists address similar questions about the sources of state authority, and both propose similar answers. Collectively, these scholars and others are retheorizing the state—developing a suppler, multidimensional picture of the state's origins, structure, and consequences—to shed light on the reasons for the state's stubborn refusal to cede the stage. The emerging understanding of the state that the authors describe provides a framework not only for revisiting the state in the international realm but also, in dialogue with recent Americanist studies, for revising and deepening the understanding of the state's paradoxical role in American political development and finally setting aside the assumption of the United States as stateless. In this emerging view, American state building, strength, and institutional capacity form through links with society, not necessarily through autonomy from society. But such distinctive patterns provide insights for comparative studies, too, for instance, in respect to the relationship between the state and welfare policy across nations.

Die Darstellung wird von zwei übergeordneten Gesichtspunkten geprägt. Einerseits sollen die "Herausforderungen" des chinesischen Volkes durch Geschichte (I), Geographie, Bevölkerung und Wirtschaft (II), andererseits die darauf erteilten "Antworten" deutlich gemacht werden (III-VII). Neben der sino-kommunistischen Revolution und ihrer ideologischen Grundlage - den sogenannten Marxismus-Leninismus-Mao-Zedong-Ideen - sind vor allem die Tradition Chinas als machtvolle Zivilisation und der Status eines subkontinentalen Entwicklungslandes, die für das größte Volk der Erde seit nunmehr 150 Jahren als Ausgangsbedingungen auf der Suche nach einem modernen Dasein gelten können. (DÜI-IfAs)

This essay argues that Aimé Césaire remained committed to a nonaligned, tricontinental Marxism well beyond his resignation from the Parti Communiste Français in 1956. It describes this commitment positively in relation to "black Jacobinism" as well as the limitations of Césaire's Leninist commitment to recuperative modernization.