Suchergebnisse

AbstractScholars and political observers point to declining labor unions, on the one hand, and rising white identity politics, on the other, as profound changes in American politics. However, there has been little attention given to the potential feedback between these forces. In this article, we investigate the role of union membership in shaping white racial attitudes. We draw upon research in history and American political development to generate a theory of interracial labor politics, in which union membership reduces racial resentment. Cross‐sectional analyses consistently show that white union members have lower racial resentment and greater support for policies that benefit African Americans. More importantly, our panel analysis suggests that gaining union membership between 2010 and 2016 reduced racial resentment among white workers. The findings highlight the important role of labor unions in mass politics and, more broadly, the importance of organizational membership for political attitudes and behavior.

AbstractSolidarity is a key concept in the European Union. However, the concept of solidarity lacks systematic theoretical examination to enable a sufficient understanding of its contextual meaning and to provide an operationalisable benchmark for analysis. To address this research gap, I propose an analytical framework for solidarity in the European Union that features four necessary conditions: particularity, instrumentality, reciprocity, and responsibility. I develop the framework through a transdisciplinary conceptual history approach, substantiated with a thorough document and legal analysis of European integration and CJEU case law. I demonstrate the robustness and validity of the proposed framework by using EU asylum policy as a test case, a field where the question of solidarity is notoriously salient, which is exemplified by an area-specific expression of the concept: fair sharing of responsibility between the EU member states. Moreover, I show that the EU's solidarity principle is necessary to maintain the bloc's raison d'être.

ÖZETBu tezin temel amacı Lizbon Strateji'sinin Eğitim ve Öğretim hedefleri doğrultusunda Avrupa Ülkeleri'nin ve Türkiye'nin performanslarını ve ilerlemelerini analiz etmektir. Eğitimin sosyal ve ekonomik faydalarının yanında ekonomik büyümedeki rolü de incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Araştırma, aşağıdaki sorulara cevap aramıştır: (1) Eğitimin rapor edilmiş sosyal ve ekonomik faydaları nelerdir?, (2) Eğitim ile ekonomik büyüme arasında kanıtlanmış bir ilişki var mıdır?, (3) (a) Lizbon Stratejisi nedir, (b) Stratejinin başlıca amaçları ve bölümleri nelerdir, (c) Nasıl bir gidişata sahiptir?, (4) (a) Lizbon Strateji'sinin eğitim ve öğretim hedefleri nelerdir, (b)Bu hedefler doğrultusunda ülkelerin gelişmelerini takip etmek ve ülkeler arası karşılaştırma yapmak için gereken kriter ve göstergeler nelerdir?, ve (5) Lizbon Eğitim-Öğretim kriter ve göstergeleri doğrultusunda, ülkelerin karşılaştırmalı performans ve gelişimi nasıldır? Bu tez dokuman analizine dayanmaktadır. Avrupa Birliği, OECD ve UNESCO'nun veri, araştırma ve yayınları tezin ana dokümanlarını oluşturmaktadır. Bu kronolojik doküman analizi; yeni büyüme teorilerinin, insan sermayesinin en önemli boyutu olan eğitimi, ekonomik büyümenin motoru olarak tanımlanmadığını göstermiştir. Bununla beraber, eğitimin faydalarını ölçmeye dayanan yeni çalışmalar, eğitimin önemini çok daha açık olarak göstermektedir. Buna göre ileri eğitimin; gelir artışı, verimlilik artışı ve yüksek özel ve kamu geri dönüşleri gibi ekonomik faydalarının yanında daha iyi kişi ve kamu sağlığı, daha gelişmiş demokratikleşme, daha fazla politik istikrar, daha gelişmiş çevre kalitesi, daha az doğurganlık ve suç oranları , açlık ve eşitsizlikte azalma gibi sosyal faydaları da vardır.Avrupa Birliği 2000 yılında, günümüz bilgi çağının engellerini aşmak için "Lizbon Stratejisi" adı verilen 10 yıllık bir stratejik plan ortaya koymuştur ve "Eğitim ve Öğretim" ayağı bu stratejinin gelişmesinde ve başarılı olmasında hayati bir öneme sahiptir. Tezin son bölümünde, Avrupa Konseyi tarafından sürece rehberlik etmek ve süreci izlemek amacıyla oluşturulmuş eğitim alanındaki beş kıstas ve on altı gösterge kullanılarak uluslararası bir karşılaştırma yapılmıştır. Araştırma sonuçları, eğitimde ülkeler arasında önemli farklılıklar olduğunu göstermiştir. İskandinav ülkeleri en iyi performansa sahip olurken; birliğe yeni katılan ülkelerin, AB ortalamalarıyla karşılaştırıldığında önemli eksiklikleri olduğu görülmektedir. Hemen hemen tüm eğitim göstergelerinde, Romanya ve Bulgaristan ile beraber Türkiye'nin performansı Avrupa ve OECD ülkeleri arasında en alt sıralardadır.ABSTRACTThe main aim of this thesis is to analyze the performance and progress of European Union Countries and Turkey towards the Education and Training Objectives within the context of Lisbon Strategy. It also attempts to explore the social and economic benefits of education as well as the role of education in economic growth. Following research questions are intended to be answered: (1)What are the reported social and economic benefits of the education?, (2) Is there any documented relationship between education and economic growth?, (3)(a)What is the Lisbon Strategy, (b)What are its main objectives and pillars, (c)How does it progress?, (4) (a)What are the Education&Training Objectives of the Lisbon Strategy, (b)What are the benchmarks and indicators that are required in order to analyze the progress and make a comparison between countries towards these goals?, and (5) What are the compared results of countries' performance and progress according to Lisbon Education and Training benchmarks and indicators?" This study is based on chronological document analysis. These documents mainly consist of data, surveys and publications of EU, OECD, and UNESCO. The document review indicated that new growth theories define the education, which is the main dimension of human capital, as an engine of the economic growth. Recent studies which measure the benefits of education demonstrated the importance of education more obviously. Accordingly, further education has economic benefits such as increase in earnings, productivity and high private and public returns as well as social benefits such as better private and public health, enhanced democratization, greater political stability, improved environment quality, the reduce of poverty and inequality, lower fertility rates, and lower crime rates .European Union set a ten-year year strategic goal -The Lisbon Strategy- in 2000 to overcome the challenges of today's information era. "Education and Training" objectives have been essential for the development and success of this process. In the last section of this thesis, an international comparison was made by using the five benchmarks and sixteen indicators of education, that are set by European Council in order to guide and monitor the progress towards these objectives. The results demonstrated that there are significant variations among countries in the field of education. Nordic countries perform the best, while EU's newcomers show significant shortfalls compared to EU averages. The performance of Turkey together with that of Romania and Bulgaria are in the lowest levels among European and OECD Countries according to almost all education and training indicators.

Introduction / Paolo Chiocchetti and Frédéric Allemand -- Competitiveness, solidarity, and their relationship : a theoretical framework / Paolo Chiocchetti -- European competitiveness : competition, cooperation, solidarity / Frédéric Allemand -- Competitiveness and solidarity in the history of the European Union, 1957-2017 / Laurent Warlouzet -- Competition, cooperation, and solidarity in EU law : a federal perspective / Sacha Garben -- Harnessing competitiveness for social and ecological goals : high-road competitiveness is necessary and feasible / Karl Aiginger -- The social and solidarity economy : a bottom-up alternative? / Jennifer Eschweiler and Lars Hulgård -- Social capitalism is a thing of the past : competition-driven Landnahme and the metamorphosis of the German Model / Klaus Dörre -- Competitiveness in public hospitals : the case of France / Hicham Rassafi-Guibal -- Competitive solidarity and regional development : the case of Italy / Laura Polverari -- Competitive solidarity and regional development : the case of Poland / Boleslaw Domanski -- The road towards a genuine economic and monetary union : more competitive and fairer / Annette Bongardt and Francisco Torres -- Striking a balance between competitiveness and social fairness : what can we expect from the European pillar of social rights? / Susana Muñoz -- Conclusion / Paolo Chiocchetti and Frédéric Allemand

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- List of Acronyms -- List of Tables -- Part One - The Evolution of the European Union -- 1 Parameters of European Integration -- 2 Enlargement -- Part Two - Institutions -- 3 The European Commission -- 4 The European Council -- 5 The Council of Ministers -- 6 The Presidency -- 7 The European Parliament -- 8 The European Court of Justice -- 9 Checks and Balances -- Part Three - Policies -- 10 The Single Market and Competition -- 11 Regional Policy and Cohesion -- 12 The Common Agricultural Policy -- 13 Economic and Monetary Union -- 14 Justice and Home Affairs -- 15 Common Foreign and Security Policy -- 16 Trade and the Common Commercial Policy -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

The European Union has historically sought to project outwards its identity, values and raison d'être during times of uncertainty and crisis. One of the core values stated to be at the heart of the European Union's identity is gender equality. Yet, while gender equality features more visibly in the European Union's external discourse as it seeks to position itself as a global leader in equality and human rights, the internal challenge posed by crisis presents a real obstacle to future developments in this area. This article examines digital diplomacy, specifically Twitter presence, as a discursive site for constituting meaning. We thus take the digital space afforded by Twitter as a site where the European Union's internal and external identity is constructed in a process of articulation and contestation. Digital diplomacy is now a salient part of public diplomacy, increasingly prioritised over 'traditional' approaches. Using data gathered from Twitter on the European Union's 60th anniversary and International Women's Day in 2017, this article provides the first in-depth study of the European Union's approach to digital diplomacy. We find the marginalisation of gender issues from the European Union's core narratives bringing into question the place of gender equality as a core value of the European Union.

La elusión fiscal se define como la articulación de estrategias de minimización del pago de tributos que son conformes con la literalidad de la normativa pero no con una interpretación sistemática o teleológica, y ante las cuales el sistema tributario reacciona para, como mínimo, anular el beneficio fiscal obtenido. En el ámbito de la Unión Europea, el concepto de elusión – como todo lo tributario– se analiza desde la perspectiva de la promoción de un mercado interior en condiciones de libre competencia. La postura de las instituciones de la Unión ha variado, pasando de favorecer ante todo la libre circulación de bienes, capitales, servicios y trabajadores, permitiendo la aplicación de las medidas anti-elusión estatales sólo con carácter excepcional, a considerar que la elusión daña las condiciones de libre competencia empresarial y es necesaria una acción positiva y coordinada, cuyo exponente más elaborado es la Directiva (UE) 2016/1164, del Consejo, de 12 de julio de 2016, por la que se establecen normas contra las prácticas de elusión fiscal que inciden directamente en el funcionamiento del mercado interior. ; Tax avoidance is defined as the implementation of strategies of minimization of the tax burden that are in accordance with the literal wording of the regulations but not with their systematic or teleological interpretation. The tax system reacts to tax avoidance by, at least, supressing the benefit obtained by the taxpayer. Within the European Union, the concept of tax avoidance –like everything regarding tax matters– is analysed from the perspective of the promotion of an internal market under conditions of free competition. The stand taken by the Union institutions has shifted from promoting free movement of goods, capital, services, and labour while allowing the application of State anti-avoidance measures only on an exceptional basis, to consider that tax avoidance damages the conditions of free competition and positive and coordinated action is necessary. Here, a milestone has been the enaction of the Council Directive (EU) 2016/1164 of 12 July 2016 laying down rules against tax avoidance practices that directly affect the functioning of the internal market.

This analysis should contribute towards concretization of the debate about accession of Croatia to the European Union. It purpose is to explain, inform and enable a deeper insight into perspectives which are opening up to Croatia as a candidate country for membership in the EU. The analysis however does not undermine the fears and the prejudices of the citizens but it confronts them. The citizen's fears shoud be taken seriously since accession to the EU represents the only realistic option for the future of Croatia. Furthermore, for its neighbours from the former Yugoslavia Croatia already represents an important bridge towards the EU. Its accession is therefore in the interest of the whole region, as potential regional conflicts can face a long term solution only within the EU.

For obvious historical and political reasons, until very recently much of the academic literature on Spain and the EC/EU had centred on issues such as the struggle for accession and the domestic consequences of membership. In recent years, however, the focus of analysis has begun to shift towards considerations of Spain as an actor within the EC/EU, and hence its contribution to the overall process of European integration. In keeping with this trend, this paper will attempt to explore Spain's evolving position and concerns within the EC/EU since accession in 1986, with a view to identifying continuities and innovations in both policy substance and style. More specifically, it will seek to identify both the domestic and external variables that explain the evolution of Spain's European policy over time. In order to do so, it is probably useful to divide this period into three distinct phases: a) the period running from Spain's accession in 1986 to the Maastricht European Council of 1991, during which its European policy was first defined; b) a period of crisis and (partial) redefinition of priorities, which began at Maastricht and ended with the departure of Felipe González in 1996 after thirteen years in office; and c) the years since 1996, under the premiership of José María Aznar.