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"The Effects of Civil War on Post-War Political Development" published on by Oxford University Press.

Most studies of behaviors associated with social movements focus on activists and are limited to conventional forms of social movement participation (e.g. movement organization membership and event participation). We argue for an expansion of the forms of movement participation beyond those carried out by activists to include the everyday behaviors of the general public. We examine five behaviors (conserving water, gasoline, energy, and purchasing products made from recycled materials, and purchasing such products when they are more expensive) and explore whether they are being carried out as expression of social movement adherence. Using data from a telephone survey conducted by The University at Albany's Center for Social and Demographic Analysis we explore this issue. Factoring in stated motivations for actions taken and employing continuation-ratio logistic regressions examining the relationship between forms of social movement participation (conventional vs. everyday) and movement identity, we found strong support for conceptualizing everyday behaviors as sites of social movement participation. Significant (though varying) percentages of individuals reported environmental motivations for their everyday behaviors. Additionally, results indicate that self-reported environmentalist identity is associated with both conventional movement and everyday behaviors, although the relationship with everyday behaviors is more complex. We argue that the relationship between personal identity and everyday behaviors is in part governed by the inconvenience associated with the behavior as well as the presence of alternate motivations for engaging in the behavior.

Discusses the ongoing critique by working-class (Wc) Protestants in Northern Ireland of often-sectarian mainstream unionism. Community development & improved representation are advocated. A reexamination of their history & their Irishness has led many Wc Protestants to ally with new political forces, including the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) & the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP). A historical review of this century's unionist politics demonstrates how traditional unionism has not only discriminated against the Catholic minority, but also exploited its own Wc. The PUP & UDP, despite paramilitary roots, represent a critique of mainstream unionism. The PUP argues that the Ulster Unionist Party has failed to meet its own standard of success (a stable state) & was wrong to alienate Catholics. It would de-link unionism from GB. Both the PUP & UDP are attached to community politics & local issues. Both have been slow to act in light of the Irish Republican Army's ceasefire. Their ultimate political success may depend on how they respond to the specter of a united Ireland. E. Blackwell

France, Social Capital and Political Activism deals with the theme of political participation in France, focusing on conventional and unconventional forms of political activism over the last three decades. The French model of political activism supports the interpretation that countries do not necessarily need to focus on the development of social capital (that is the involvement in groups and associations as the basis for political engagement) to increase people's political involvement and consequently the quality of their participatory democracies. The French style of action has become a source of inspiration for other countries trying to increase political involvement, but lacking the attendant levels of social capital.

Introduction: Zooming in on protest and change in Africa / Edalina Rodrigues Sanches -- Shaking up democracy from below: Protest and change in Cabo Verde / Edalina Rodrigues Sanches and Jose̹ Lopes -- Popular protest, resources and political opportunities in Ghana: Contextualising the case of occupy Ghana / Andrea Nollan and Jan Budniok -- Y'en a marre: catalyst for an indocility grammar in Senegal / Mamadou Dime̹ -- Nothing will be as before? The 2014 Insurrection in Burkina Faso and its political impact / EloiÌ⁸se Bertrand -- Feminist demands, opportunities, and frames: strategic silencing within Morocco's February 20 Movement? / Sammy Zeyad Badran -- Social movements in rural Africa: How and why the Mozambican state closed the Prosavana program / Luca Bussotti and Laura Anto̹nio Nhaueleque -- 'We got a taste for protest!' Leadership transition and political opportunities for protest in Angola's resilient authoritarian regime / Cla̹udia Generoso de Almeida, Ana Lu̹cia Sa̹ and Paulo C. J. Faria -- How the January 2015 protests influenced Joseph Kabila's strategy of 'Glissement' / FrancÌʹois Polet -- From voting to walking: the 2011 walk-to-work protest movement in Uganda / Michael Mutyaba -- Anatomies of protest and the trajectories of the actors at play: Ethiopia 2015-2018 / Alexandra Magno̹lia Dias and Yared Debebe Yetena -- Pro-Democracy Protests in the Kingdom of Eswatini 2018-2019 / Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu -- Conclusion: Comparative implications and new directions / Edalina Rodrigues Sanches.

This book analyses the emergence, strategies, and outcomes of the struggle to embed democratic governance and constitutional order in Kenya, showcasing both the power and the limits of citizen agency in the struggleto transform a postcolonial African state. Utilisingdata from primary interviews, media, and existing literature, this book analyses the emergence, diffusion, operational strategies, and outcomes of Kenyan constitutional reform struggles with a view to highlighting both the power and limits of social movement in transforming a postcolonial African state. It engages intersections of social movement and theories of democratisationto probe the production, operations, and outcomes of the disruptive yet creative power of the movements at the centre of the struggle to transform the Kenyan constitution. The book also appraises the "meanings" of, and developments after, the promulgation of the 2010 constitution with a view to illuminating the prospects for a transformative democratic political order in Kenya. This book is a useful toolin understanding the struggles specific to Kenya, but also offers insightsinto other democratic struggles on the African continent and beyond. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of social movements and political change in Africa in general and Kenya in particular.

In this paper, we explore the interaction between unconventional and conventional political participation of electoral candidates with disability who competed in Indonesia's 2019 general elections. Interviews with electoral candidates highlight that their reasons for entering the electoral race, and strategies adopted over the course of their campaigns, were shaped by their prior involvement in the disability rights movement. This connection between activism and electoral engagement demonstrates how the disability rights movement shaped political candidates' selection and use of political participation tools. The significance of these findings has bearing for others seeking to understand the political behaviour of people with disability. In particular, it illustrates that community building based on unconventional political participation can positively influence the participation of people with disability in conventional politics despite ongoing challenges posed by accessibility, public perceptions of disability, and access to resources.

This article focuses on the perceived inadequacy of political liberalism to account for the normative priority of political values over non-political ones in cases of conflict between the two. I address this challenge by developing a revised account of congruence built on a public and shared rationale for endorsing the deliberative priority of political values. Such an account can be developed on the basis of the idea of civic friendship as a shared motivation among citizens in a society marked by reasonable pluralism. I show how the assumption of such a motivation across contractors in the Original Position can be warranted and what its implications are for the congruence between the political values expressed in a conception of justice and the non-political values forming part of citizens' conceptions of the good. Adapted from the source document.

Contrary to standard narratives on the declining function of parties in fostering political participation, this article argues that far from abandoning the cause of participation, post-communist political parties diversified the understanding of the party as a mobilizing agency by adapting their internal organizations. On the basis of a mid-range number of cases (e.g. Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia) the study identified different patterns of evolution within a complex interaction effect between participation and organizational development. The peculiarity of the parties' organization and functions has shaped political participation both as an opportunity structure (legitimizing the political system and increasing citizens' involvement in politics) and as a democratic challenge (increasing the pro-pensity of parties towards populism, 'seasonal' membership, corruption and clientelism).

Research has shown that education is positively correlated with political party membership at the individual level. It is thus puzzling that increased education at the aggregated level in most Western countries has not resulted in an aggregate increase in levels of party membership. One explanation for this paradox is provided by the sorting model of education, according to which there is no direct effect of education on political participation; education affects individuals' social network positions, which in turn affects political participation. Prior research on the sorting model has focused on the observable predictions derived from the model. The hypothesized causal mechanism, i.e. social network position, has not been sufficiently tested. This article employs Swedish data with comprehensive measures of social relations and utilizes structural equation modelling to test the hypothesized causal relationship. The results confirm that social network position mediates the effect of education on active political party membership. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

The idea of engaging citizens by means of electronic media has been around for at least a decade. In the early years of the new century, authors outlined the potential of the new media and the potentially positive effects on reviving democracy through the use of electronic media. A large number of pilot projects were initiated, ranging from mere information, via various forms of consultation and deliberation to actual decision processes (eg, petitions and voting). The time has come to look back, to assess the experience made thus far and to learn from it. This e-book is dedicated to such a rev