Suchergebnisse

Includes bibliographical references (p. 277-296) and index. ; Rethinking the constitutional crisis of the 1930s : the forgotten doctrinal roots of the modern welfare state -- Generalized balancing : the early struggles over protective labor legislation -- Specific balancing : regulating labor and laborers -- Laborer-centered analysis : the ascendancy of women's legislation -- Gendered rebalancing : minimum wages and the battle over equality -- Reflecting on gender, due process, and constitutional development. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The report addresses the urgent and growing threat of terrorist travel by Americans to Syria and Iraq. Despite the government's efforts to control this travel, hundreds of Americans have attempted to reach the conflict zones to join the jihadists. Using numerous briefings, interviews, site visits, and document analysis, the Task Force makes thirty-two key findings dealing with government strategy, identification of terrorists, and disruption of foreign fighter travel, including: Key Finding 1: The United States lacks a comprehensive strategy for combating terrorist and foreign fighter travel. Key Finding 14: State and local law enforcement personnel continue to express concern that they are not provided with the appropriate security clearances to assist with counterterrorism challenges. Key Finding 25: "Broken travel" and other evasive tactics are making it harder to track foreign fighters. Key Finding 29: Gaping security weaknesses overseas—especially in Europe—are putting the U.S. homeland in danger by making it easier for aspiring foreign fighters to migrate to terrorist hotspots and for jihadists to return to the West. Introductory remarks by security experts accompany the text and place these findings and recommendations in their proper context, explaining the critical need for effective strategy in combating terrorist travel from the United States

Shipping list no.: 97-0171-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Item 1043-A, 1043-B (MF). ; Shipping list no.: 90-017-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Item 1043-A, 1043-B (microfiche). ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes indexes. ; Held in City Hall, San Luis Obispo, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, May 26, 27, 28, 1964. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) have the potential to become a powerful political vision that can support the urgently needed global transition to a shared and lasting prosperity. In December 2014, the United Nations (UN) Secretary General published his report on the SDGs. However, the final goals and targets that will be adopted by the UN General Assembly in September 2015 risk falling short of expectations because of what we call " cockpit-ism": the illusion that top-down steering by governments and intergovernmental organizations alone can address global problems. In view of the limited effectiveness of intergovernmental efforts and questions about the capacity of national governments to affect change, the SDGs need to additionally mobilize new agents of change such as businesses, cities and civil society. To galvanize such a broad set of actors, multiple perspectives on sustainable development are needed that respond to the various motives and logics of change of these different actors. We propose four connected perspectives which can strengthen the universal relevance of the SDGs: " planetary boundaries" to stress the urgency of addressing environmental concerns and to target governments to take responsibility for (global) public goods; " the safe and just operating space" to highlight the interconnectedness of social and environmental concerns and its distributive consequences; " the energetic society" to benefit from the willingness of a broad group of actors worldwide to take action; and " green competition" to stimulate innovation and new business practices. To realize the transformative potential of the SDGs, these four perspectives should be reflected in the focus and content of the SDGs that will be negotiated in the run up to September 2015 and its further implementation.

The professional model of labor-force classification was established in the beginning of this century in the UK & the US based on a distinction between intellectual & manual occupations. This model was not used in Canada. Canadian statistics were based on the Smithian distinction between producers & nonproducers, & census officers focused on measuring the division of labor. Three factors that shaped the Canadian independent approach are discussed here: (1) the centralization of the Canadian statistical system, (2) rejection by the founders of Canadian political economy of the classical representation of society, & (3) the strong correlation that existed between industry & occupation in the Canadian economic structure. I. Shagrir

Coordinated welfare capitalism has been subject to comprehensive change since the 1990s, with workfare measures and the deregulation of employment protection at the heart of labor market reforms. Developments in Sweden, Germany, and South Korea challenge not only the assumption of relative stability that is commonly associated with the study of coordinated market economies, but also the assertion that this stability is associated with the persistence of established political coalitions. The authors contend that a collapse of longstanding welfare state coalitions is the key political driver of labor market reform, with the withdrawal of employers from previous welfare settlements at the center of this development.

The article applies a micro-sociological approach to investigate civil-military relations in a very concrete form: How do interactions between protesters and security forces shape the development of a conflict? Based on fieldwork in Bahrain and interviews with activists, journalists and opposition politicians, the article analyses the micro-sociological dynamics of how, despite great numbers and momentum, the Arab Uprising in Bahrain was repressed without, however turning into a military insurgence as in Syria. The article argues that the Bahraini regime was able to repress and silence the February 14 uprising through; 1) non-intervention during the momentum of the uprising, 2) injuring, torturing, and imprisoning rather than killing protesters, and 3) employment of expats in the military and police. Zooming in on micro-sociological processes provides not only a detailed narrative of the events, but also a recognition of dynamics that are often overlooked, notably how particular forms of repression make people gather in solidarity and outrage, energizing further counter-action, whereas other forms of repression involving torture, imprisonment, and injuring, but no visible, lethal violence can de-energize a protest movement.