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Supplemental material files: Data details, Acronyms and full names of European Union Agencies, Weighted models ; Some scholars consider that European Union agencies (EAs) were created as independent bodies in order to enhance the credibility of the European Union decision-making process. Scholars have typically focused on analysing the relationship that these agencies have with politicians. However, relatively little attention has been paid to their relationship with stakeholders. This study examines the professional trajectory of EA board members, identifying their career ties with politicians and stakeholders. Using an original dataset on the career trajectories of 338 top officials in 33 EAs, the findings provide evidence that the type of appointing body matters: on the one hand, the European Parliament is more likely – than the Commission – to appoint individuals having career ties to politicians; on the other hand, multiple veto players are less likely to designate board members linked to political players. Additionally, the findings suggest that agencies performing regulatory tasks seem to be more inclined to have lower levels of de facto independence from politicians. ; Research for this article was financially supported by a research grant of the Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca (2015DEMOC00011).

The Polish opposition's win in the country's parliamentary elections is hugely significant for the future of the European Union. A Polish government led by Donald Tusk could jumpstart needed reforms to the union's structure and powers, with major geopolitical implications.

Abstract this article studies the development of european foreign policy from an informational perspective. It illustrates how since the establishment of european political cooperation in 1970, the european union has gradually evolved from a platform to share foreign policy information into a brussels-based system that gathers and processes information autonomously. Building upon the broader literature of delegation in international organisations, it explains the gradual shift in the centre of informational gravity from the national capitals to brussels through motives of efficiency and credibility. The development of an operational foreign policy after the treaty of amsterdam has considerably raised the demands for rapid and high quality data. A system entirely dependent on the ad hoc information flows from the member states proved incompatible with these new ambitions. The recent establishment of the european external action service and the transformation of the european commission delegations into union delegations is the most recent step in this long-term and highly institutionalised process of european informational cooperation.

The international community recognized the terrorism as one of the main modern threats to humanity. The European Union, however, still has not formed an integrated general model of interaction between the national agencies in the fight against terrorism. There is only some level of cooperation and coordination among them. By using the conventions as the main legal instrument in the fight against terrorism at the global level the international community simply reacts to the emergence of new forms and terrorist targets. Despite the fact that the conventions cover important areas of the fight against terrorism the proposals on concluding a comprehensive convention are far from realization. The negotiations on a common approach, identifying and assessing terrorism at the global level are in an impasse. The article treats different aspects of combatting terrorism and the European Union actions in this direction.

The latest European Union's (EU) guiding policies are encouraging big businesses and state-owned organisations to disclose their environmental, social and governance (ESG) performance. Many European member states have transposed the EU's directive 2014/95/EU on non-financial reporting. This directive has presented a significant step forward toward the as its "comply or explain" approach has encouraged organisations to disclose a true and fair view on their organisations' financial and ESG capitals. Hence, this paper makes specific reference to some of the corporations' best practices as it identifies areas for improvement in corporate governance issues. It explains how three major European banks are following the recommendations of their national regulatory institution, as they have reviewed the roles and responsibilities of the corporate boards and management. In many cases, they have anticipated the regulatory, legal, contractual, social and market-driven obligations. This contribution contends that there are significant implications for financial services corporations who intend following the right path toward responsible corporate governance and ethical behaviours. ; peer-reviewed

How do European Union (EU) member states decide whether soft or hard law instruments better serve their interests? We address this question in the context of financial supervision. In the past years, financial supervision has changed dramatically from soft co-ordination (2009) to a banking union based on hard law (2012/13). This article draws on insights from the hard/ soft law distinction, the informal governance literature and personal interviews to analyze what factors precipitated change, which actors were central to it and how it occurred. Our main argument is that member states' power, perceptions of uncertainty, distributive conflict, as well as the interests of the domestic banking industry, have shaped the choice of soft or hard law instruments in financial supervision. Our analysis suggests that we need to theorize more rigorously about the sources of member state preferences over formal and informal co-ordination mechanisms in the EU. Adapted from the source document.

This book examines the link between political identity and legitimacy in the European Union. Stimulated by the crisis of legitimacy and identity suffered by the EU after the referenda on the Constitutional Treaty, the editors have developed a theoretical framework to examine the interplay between these two items in the problematic development of the EU into a fully-fledged political actor. The contributors to the volume seek to:Redefine the key notions in the rigorous way of political philosophy, thus avoiding the generic or imprecise language usage found in a large part o.

This is an overview of Romania's relationship with the EU, since the collapse of the Ceausescu regime in 1989, and of its efforts to gain EU membership. It also covers Romania's inclusion in the Phare programme, its official application for EU membership, and the conclusion of its Europe Agreement with the EU.

AbstractThe EU, as is commonly held, is a different form of political rule: a polity based on rationality and functional interests, not emotional appeals. Without reference to the narrative of the nation or the state, the question emerges as to whether the European Union needs or has myths? If it does, what are they and how successful have they been? The aim of this article – indeed of the special issue – is to explore the role of political myth in creating normative and cognitive foundations for governing in the EU and to examine whether these are applicable to the case of the European Union.