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Self regulation, by John D.A. Morrow.--State regulation, by George A. Hill.--Federal regulation, by Ralph J. Watkins. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The aim of this article is to analyse the political leaders efforts to organize and manage relations between relevant party actors in a way that is suitable for the operation and preservation of coalition governments. Five coalition governments serve as illustrative cases showing how these relations have been managed in post‐war Norway. The similarities between the different government coalitions arc obvious. There are, however, interesting variations concerning the priority given to coordination and unity versus party differences and profilation.

Published Article ; The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996) and conclusive Acts analysed in this article reflects the process of local government democratization in South Africa. In this milieu, the importance of intergovernmental relations in South Africa as a determining factor in the democratization process is evident. It is further argued that the operational activities flowing from these Acts directly shape the success of intergovernmental relations. This article therefore investigates the decisive influence operational activities have on intergovernmental relations. The local government integrated development plan (IDP) in general and the specific assessment process in particular serves as an example in this research of the influence of these activities on intergovernmental relations. This article then identifies appropriate actions and examines the contribution of important role players and government institutions to promote and facilitate intergovernmental relations in South Africa in this challenging environment. The research finally focuses on the involvement of other external institutions, specifically the Intergovernmental Institute of South Africa (IGISA), and the endeavour to support the promotion and facilitation of excellence in intergovernmental relations in South Africa.

Since the early 1980s, the World Bank, backed by aid donor countries, has been involved in a determined effort to stimulate capitalist growth in Africa by prescribing a set of orthodox, neoliberal economic policies. Using Ghana as a case study, this book considers why this is the case.

Cover -- Contents -- Abstract -- I. Introduction -- II. Vertical Gap and Balance in Decentralized Settings -- III. What Determines the Vertical Fiscal Gap? -- IV. How Large Should the Vertical Fiscal Gap be? -- A. The Vertical Fiscal Gap as a Residual -- B. The Vertical Fiscal Gap as the Desired Level of Transfers and Subnational Borrowing -- C. Combining the Two Approaches -- V. How Should the Vertical Fiscal Gap be Covered? -- A. Revenue-Sharing -- B. General Purpose Transfers -- C. Block Transfers -- D. Specific Transfers -- VI. How to Achieve a Suitable Vertical Fiscal Balance? -- VII. Conclusion -- Appendix: Accounting Relationship Between Vertical Fiscal Gap and Decentralization Ratios -- References -- Box -- 1. Taxonomy of Intergovernmental Transfers -- Figures -- 1. Vertical Fiscal Gaps Across OECD Countries -- 2. Revenue and Expenditure Decentralizations and Vertical Fiscal Gap -- 3. Financing Structure of Subnational Expenditure -- 4. A Normative Model of Fiscal Decentralization -- 5. An alternative Model of Decentralization -- 6. Typology of Transfers -- 7. Vertical Fiscal Gap and Decentralization Mismatch

Description based on: 1981. ; At head of title: A commission survey. ; Mode of access: Internet.

During divided government, the public tends to attribute credit and blame for economic conditions to both the president and Congress. However, the "two presidencies" thesis argues that presidents have more influence vis‐à‐vis Congress in shaping foreign policy compared to domestic policy, so the public may attribute all foreign policy outcomes to the president alone. This suggests that the boost presidents typically receive in their overall approval during divided government due to sharing the blame for negative economic conditions will not extend to their foreign relations approval numbers. We find that presidents do enjoy higher overall approval during divided government. However, contrary to the two presidencies thesis, presidents also enjoy higher foreign relations approval during divided government. We explore four potential explanations for this puzzle and point to future research questions the puzzle raises.

Goodman reviews 'Government Policies and Ethnic Relations in Asia and the Pacific' edited by Michael E. Brown and Sumit Ganguly.