Suchergebnisse

This report presents evidence from a recent national post-election study concerning South Africa's prospects for developing into either a truly competitive multi-party system or the one-party-dominant system characteristic of so many other emerging democracies. Focusing on long-term party identification, the evidence indicates that the African National Congress (ANC) not only commands an overwhelming, but also intense, share of partisan loyalty. The potential sources of fluidity and electoral uncertainty - independent voters and those with weak party loyalties - are not large enough to threaten the ANC's re-election prospects. Surprisingly, the source of the ANC's (and the National Party's) support base is not an explicitly racial or ethnic one. Nevertheless, the prospects for a one-party-dominant system are high.

AbstractThe authors tested predictions concerning the effects of respondents' identification with governing versus opposition political parties on feelings of political efficacy and trust, using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Dependent variables were political competence, perceived system responsiveness, and political trust, each measured federally and provincially. Respondents who supported the party in power scored significantly higher on perceived responsiveness and trust than those who supported opposition parties, although mainly at the provincial level. Whether respondents' preferred party was in power or not interacted with strength of party identification on the responsiveness and trust measures, both federally and provincially, as expected. Effects were much less pronounced for feelings of political competence. The authors suggest an interpretation to explain the weaker and inconsistent federal results. The article concludes with some observations concerning the relationship between partisanship, on the one hand, and efficacy and trust, on the other.

This case study tests the significance of leadership, party identification, religious orientation, political economy, and sociological and demographic factors in the legislative and presidential choices of voters in the new Indonesian democracy. Data were obtained from four national opinion surveys conducted by the authors following parliamentary elections in 1999 and 2004 and the two-round presidential election in 2004. Bivariate and multivariate analyses of our data confirm the significance of leadership and party ID and the nonsignificance for the most part of other variables tested, including religious orientation, long the most popular explanation for the Indonesian case.

Political differences among people are not a matter of chance; they are significantly related to such interdependent variables as party identification, issue orientation, and candidate preference. The national sample survey of 1,614 respondents conducted by the Survey Research Center during the 1952 presidential election gives us a sound basis for investigating this phenomenon: 1,200 of the respondents were classified as "middle class" or "working class." Of the 389 middle class people, 69 per cent said they preferred the Republican candidate, but only 43 per cent of the 811 working class people expressed this preference (Table I).

В статье анализируются итоги единого дня голосования 8 сентября 2013 г. Автор обращается к проблеме прозрачности выборов и оценивает их политическое значение.The results of United Voting Day in September 8, 2013 are analyzed in the article. The author deals with the problem of elections' transparency and estimates their political significance

By bringing together two bodies of literature - the presidency and political parties - this book makes two important contributions. First, it addresses the gap between presidential public actions and the perceived limited effect they have on public opinion. By examining the short-term effect of speeches of presidents on the entire public, the long-term effect of the speeches on their partisans, and on the reputations of their parties for handling policy, the book shows that presidents are effective leaders of public opinion. Second, the book adds to the scholarly interest in how political parties are viewed by the electorate in terms of policy substance. It suggests that Americans possess coherent reputations of the parties for handling policy challenges, and that these reputations contribute to the party identifications of Americans. The effect of presidents on the reputations and, in turn, party attachments position them as leaders of the party system

The advent of multi-racial elections inaugurated democracy in South Africa in 1994. The results of subsequent elections in 1999 and 2004 differed little from those of 1994, except that the Democratic Party gained ground and the National Party lost support. In all three of these elections, there was an important correlation between race and vote. However, although participation in elections has remained high, rates of underlying party identification have significantly decreased over the first decade of democracy. This article uses survey data to analyse changing patterns of underlying support for political parties in South Africa, focusing closely on the African National Congress and the (New) National Party. Evidence is found of an emerging class cleavage that significantly affects party support.