Orientation -- The relationship of eu law with the law of the member states -- The components of eu law -- Interaction of the EU and international legal systems -- Leglislative competences' general themes -- Regulation of the marketing and sale of goods -- Regulation of trades, professions and businesses -- Regulation of market conduct -- State involvement in economic activity -- State finances and financial controls -- External relations -- Eu citizenship rights -- Personal rights -- Reform and transformation
The security regime of Europe has enormously changed in the last thirty years. The European Union has developed not only on the political but also on the geographical level. That means, the former regional interpretation of the European security complex requires a review. With the new challenges and aspects, the European Union must redefine its foreign policy to be able to act as a global power, which is the declared ambition of the EU.
Informed by his profound knowledge of contemporary political affairs and the current debate on European integration in Sweden, Lee Miles investigates Sweden's experiences of being a full member of the European Union since 1995. Widely regarded as one of the leading authorities on Scandinavian relations with the European Union (EU), the author proposes a micro fusion perspective offering an insightful new conceptual framework through which to understand Swedish views on European integration and the influences on national EU policy. The volume also includes a Foreword by Wolfgang Wessels, Jean Monnet Professor and the founder of the fusion theory.
EU enlargement rests on the proven success of European unification. European monetary integration and the introduction of euro are probably the best examples of integration. The EU financial sector has been going through a large restructuring program in the last decades. There was a continuous wave of deregulation since the late 1980s, when the Single Market programme with minimal harmonisation and home country control was implemented in successive periods for banking, insurance and the securities markets. The accession of new members poses huge challenges on the European Union and the countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEEC). Similarities in economic histories and experiences, as well as comparable methods applied to build the market economies, led to creation of analogous structures and institutions in the CEEC. This was also true for the development of the financial sector. The paper will then investigate the most important characteristics of the financial architecture and will analyse the impact of closer integration of financial sectors in CEEC and EU countries. It will briefly review the developments which have taken place in the financial sector of both groups of countries to provide the background for the later analysis of the expected effects of integration in both old and new member states. Furthermore, it will make a formal assessment of the actual increase in financial market.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the independence, neutrality and impartiality of the EU humanitarian assistance and to which extent is influenced by the EU's political, economic and military goals. The paper focuses on the legislative framework and the interactions between the main actors of EU humanitarian aid and external action, questioning the politicization of EU humanitarian aid. The paper provides a detailed analysis of the structure and organization of the Directorate General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations and its relations to the Member States, different EU bodies and humanitarian partners, primarily NGOs and UN bodies. The last part of the paper addresses the Comprehensive Approach and how it affects humanitarian aid.
Habermas maintains that neoliberalism precludes the building of a European demos and entails a regression towards the exclusionary but still democratic nation state. Although this article agrees with Habermas's claim regarding the regressive impact of neoliberalism, it argues that this regression is best described as moving not towards an exclusionary but still democratic national people but rather towards an illiberal, anti-democratic nation state.
The conciliation committee is the ultimate inter-cameral dispute settlement mechanism of the ordinary (former codecision) legislative procedure of the European Union. Who gets what, and why, in this committee? Are the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers on an equal footing? Upon a closer examination, the institutional set-up of the committee is bias in favour of the Council. The present research investigates under which conditions the European Parliament may be more successful in conciliation bargaining, by three integrating analyses. First, through Wordfish I conduct quantitative text analysis estimating the similarity between the documents of almost all the dossiers that reached conciliation up to February 2012. This evidence suggests that, in almost seventy per cent of times, the final agreement is more similar to the position of the Council. As expected, the Parliament has been more successful after the reform of the Treaty of Amsterdam and in dossiers where the Council decides by qualified majority voting. The Parliament also benefits if the rapporteur comes from a large party because a veto threat is more easily executable. In line with König et al. (2007), the support from the Commission as well as when national administrations are more involved in implementation than the Commission are crucial to parliamentary success. Second, a qualitative expert survey provides an in-depth contribution to the variables affecting legislative outcome for a broad array of cases. The discussions engaged key actors, both from the Council and Parliament, about several dossiers reached the conciliation. The qualitative analysis motivates some of the hypotheses confirmed by the quantitative empirical tests. It investigates the causal mechanism of the rapporteur's party affiliation, the membership length of the Council president and the Commission's role, while the personality of the relays actors and the relationship of the assembly with the public opinion, which were not analysed quantitatively, are likely to exert constraints on parliamentarians in finding an agreement or raising the disagreement value they attach to dossiers. Finally, after developing a formal model of conciliation under incomplete information, I select the case of the Telecom Package as analytic narrative to explain how Parliament may extract more concessions from the member states if it manipulates the Council's believe on its own type.
In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950's through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
