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Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

Doctoral dissertation presents the analysis of government and media relations in Lithuania occupied by totalitarian states (1940-1944). The aim of the research – to reveal and compare how the media was politically controlled and subjected for propaganda in Lithuania occupied by USSR and Nazi Germany. Two stages of the empirical research are formed in the dissertation. First of all, structural changes and principles of political control policy of the media system in the occupied Lithuania are analyzed. The paper reveals: structural changes and management principles of the media organizations' network; features of the media supervision institutions' activities; functions of state news agency; forms of regulation for professional community of journalists. In the second stage of the research, methodology for journalism discourse analysis is formed on the basis of critical discourse analysis approach. The paper reveals the significance of ideologies promoted by the USSR and Nazi Germany for the professional discourse of journalism developed in the Lithuanian media. A complex empirical research fills the gaps of media researches of the Second World War in Lithuania. The research was carried out by presenting a broad context of the selected topic: consistent discussion of occupation regimes' management system, presentation of Lithuanian journalism and news media status on the eve of state occupation, the data were examined in the perspective of theory of totalitarianism and the critique of ideology.

This dissertation investigated the discursive construction of national identity amongst the Anglophone minority of Cameroon. More specifically, this work studied the linguistic strategies used by the leaders of the different political parties advocating the independence of the former British Southern Cameroons to construct Anglophone nationalism and advocate self-determination. To achieve this purpose, a total of fifteen (15) texts from three different genres, namely, letters, speeches and opinion articles were collected from the Internet and analyzed using the Discourse-Historical Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (Wodak et al, 1999). Besides, this approach was combined with Corpus linguistic analysis so as to give a quantitative facet to the study. The analysis of the different texts under study revealed that the leaders of Southern Cameroonian nationalist parties articulate their identity construction discourse in two parts or topics, namely, the presentation of the Southern Cameroonian distinctiveness and the presentation of the independence fight as legitimate and legal. The presentation of distinctiveness of Southern Cameroons is achieved mainly by nomination and predication strategies, whereas the presentation of the independence fight as legitimate and legal is accomplished through sub-strategies such as quoting authorities, intertextuality, storytelling and topoi. These strategies were found to have been successful in bringing the Anglophone fight to the spotlight and in consolidating a sense of common heritage amongst Southern Cameroons

This essay explores how sexual assault zines (self-published magazines) reflect a pedagogy of hope as they integrate community efforts of working collectively to generate positive social change and challenge dominant discourses and responses to sexual violence in our communities. Through critical discourse analysis of a multiplicity of sexual assault zines, such as Learning Good Consent, Support Zine, and Ask First, my research reveals that these zines challenge the unquestioned assumption that the criminal legal system is a friend of the anti-violence movement. Instead, these artifacts seek to mobilize communities around radical alternatives to hegemonic structures of oppression and violence. I argue that these works operate in a feminist framework that produces counter-hegemonic sites that seek to connect and communicate. Additionally, these zines offer radical and practical alternatives and approaches to ending structures of violence, with the aim of moving toward creating communities of accountability. This research explores the use of zines as a method of challenging prevalent discourses around sexual violence, by providing cultural and political interventions through resisting the culture of domination. Most importantly, this essay demonstrates how the use of zines is a viable and underutilized research method that can act as a creative and alternative avenue to integrating community voices into the research process.

This dissertation examines the deracialization concept through a case study of Governor Deval Patrick's first administration and reelection campaign. The study use critical discourse analysis to explore how race as a discursive social construct was present in the speeches made by Governor Deval Patrick from June 2007 through June 2010. The discursive presence of race is also explored during Governor Patrick's reelection campaign in the reporting of the Boston Globe and the Bay State Banner newspapers, a mainstream newspaper and an African American newspaper, respectively, that both endorsed Patrick's campaign for the unprecedented reelection of a black governor. This study finds that Governor Patrick used strategic faming and racial signifiers in his public discourse; Patrick symbolically affirmed his blackness and politically advocated issues, especially in education, sensitive to black and underprivileged communities.This case study proves problematic for the deracialization concept. Important to Patrick's discourse is his framing of issues through explicit appeals to the American dream and a message of inclusivity for all Massachusetts residents that includes racially marginalized groups. There were differences in representation of Patrick in both newspapers, but in regards to race the Bay State Banner emphasized specific issues of importance to the black community whereas the Boston Globe portrayed Deval Patrick as the more likable candidate amongst his political opponents without any emphasis to Patrick's race. ; Ph. D.

Abstract
Strategic communication has replaced information warfare. As Art of War has been replaced by science, the representations of war and the role of the military have changed. Both war and military forces are now associated with binary roles: destruction vs. humanity, killing vs. liberating. The logic behind 'bombing for peace' is encoded in the Grand Military Narrative. This narrative is hidden in American (and NATO) strategies such as Effects Based Operations, which rely heavily on technology. As people aim to rationalize the world with technology, they fail to take into account the uncertainty it brings. In warfare, that uncertainty is verbalized as "friendly fire", "collateral damage" or simply as "accident". Success and failure are up to technology. Technology is no longer a tool, but an ideology and an actor that not only 'enables' the military to take action, but legitimizes it.
This article aims to contribute to military studies by analyzing, in the spirit of critical discourse analysis, American 'Grand Military Narrative' and he standard and trends of rhetoric it creates. The article focuses on pinpointing some of the linguistic choices and discourses that define the so-called 'techno-speak', the product of modern techno-ideology. These discourses result in representations of techno-centered binary values, which steer military strategy and foreign policy.

Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figure -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: An Introduction to Discursive Perspectives on Education Policy and Implementation -- Introduction -- Discourse and Education Policy: Why Language Matters -- Structure of This Volume -- Chapter Abstracts -- Chapter 2: Education Policy Implementation Research: A Call for New Approaches -- Chapter 3: Language-Based Approaches to the Study of Education Policy -- Chapter 4: From Subjectification to Subjectivity in Education Policy Research Relationships -- Chapter 5: Membership Categorization Analysis for Education Policy -- Chapter 6: A Mangled Education Policy Discourse Analysis for the Anthropocene -- Chapter 7: Plays Well with Others: The Discourse and Enactment of Partnerships in Public Pre-K -- Chapter 8: Reframing Misbehavior: Positive School Discipline and the New Meaning of ``Safety´´ in Schools -- Chapter 9: Critical Discourse and the Twenty-First-Century Education Report Policy -- Chapter 10: Reading and Dyslexia Legislation: Analytic Techniques and Findings on the Framing of Dyslexia -- Chapter 11: Constructing Teacher Effectiveness in Policy-Making Conversations -- Chapter 12: Future Directions for Education Policy Research and Language-Based Methods -- Summary -- Key Connections to Policy Research -- References -- Chapter 2: Education Policy Implementation Research: A Call for New Approaches -- Introduction -- Research on Policy Implementation -- Illustrative Research on Policy Implementation -- Qualitative Approaches to the Study of Policy -- Emergent Approaches to the Study of Education Policy Implementation -- Conclusions and Possible Directions -- Summary -- Key Connections to Policy Research -- References -- Chapter 3: Language-Based Approaches to the Study of Education Policy -- Introduction -- An Abbreviated Overview of Discourse Analysis

This paper deals with the strategy of persuasion in modern American political discourse. The linguistic analysis of political language is, in fact, the discovery of the ways how to manipulate the language signs to achieve specific political goals. Different mechanisms of influence on mass and organisation of effective communication are within the scope of this study due to the fact that language is an inexhaustible source of techniques and methods of persuasion. The aim of the paper is to identify the linguistic (grammatical, lexical-semantic, stylistic) and pragmatic characteristics of the strategy of persuasion in acceptance speeches of democrats as well as to establish common and distinctive features of the lingual component of their discourse. It examines and analyses the strategy of persuasion in the political discourse in the light of Critical Discourse Analysis and the conceptual framework proposed by T. van Dijk, namely personal persuasive strategies, i.e. positive self-presentation strategy and negative other-presentation strategy. The two candidates under analysis preferred declarative sentences to inform the electorate about their plans and ideas of reorganising the American social and political situation. The politicians used the personal pronoun "I" to state their own personal views and feelings, "we" – to get trust and support from the listeners. In their acceptance speeches, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama preferred a personal strategy of negative other-presentation to positive self-presentation strategy. The discourse of Democrats is vivid due to the great usage of stylistic means and lexis from different lexico-semantic fields.

This paper deals with the strategy of persuasion in modern American political discourse. The linguistic analysis of political language is, in fact, the discovery of the ways how to manipulate the language signs to achieve specific political goals. Different mechanisms of influence on mass and organisation of effective communication are within the scope of this study due to the fact that language is an inexhaustible source of techniques and methods of persuasion. The aim of the paper is to identify the linguistic (grammatical, lexical-semantic, stylistic) and pragmatic characteristics of the strategy of persuasion in acceptance speeches of democrats as well as to establish common and distinctive features of the lingual component of their discourse. It examines and analyses the strategy of persuasion in the political discourse in the light of Critical Discourse Analysis and the conceptual framework proposed by T. van Dijk, namely personal persuasive strategies, i.e. positive self-presentation strategy and negative other-presentation strategy. The two candidates under analysis preferred declarative sentences to inform the electorate about their plans and ideas of reorganising the American social and political situation. The politicians used the personal pronoun "I" to state their own personal views and feelings, "we" – to get trust and support from the listeners. In their acceptance speeches, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama preferred a personal strategy of negative other-presentation to positive self-presentation strategy. The discourse of Democrats is vivid due to the great usage of stylistic means and lexis from different lexico-semantic fields.

En confrontant logiques de champs et de marchés, stratégies de légitimation et discours sociaux, culturels, politiques ou encore esthétiques, ce volume interroge l'apparition et les usages complexes de la notion de dissidence dans la bande dessinée contemporaine. Quelles formes prennent des pratiques éditoriales ou artistiques en rupture avec une certaine idée de l'ordre établi ? Comment déterminer les lignes de force et contradictions d'une (contre-)culture le plus souvent consciente d'elle-même ? À quels niveaux s'opèrent les échanges symboliques entre discours artistiques et discours critiques ? Prenant appui sur les démarches d'artistes et de structures éditoriales qui se réclament le plus souvent de l'alternatif ou de l'indépendance, cet ensemble de réflexions critiques explore des phénomènes du monde – dans son acception la plus large – de la bande dessinée. ; This volume investigates the complex notion of dissent as it can be applied to contemporary comics in confronting field and market logic, legitimation strategies, and social, cultural, political and aesthetic discourses. How do artists and/or publishing structures distance themselves from a certain idea of the established order? In what ways do they challenge the existing systems and environments in which they operate? How can we characterize the many guises and sometimes conflicting objectives of a generally self-conscious (counter-)culture? And what kinds of symbolic exchanges can we observe between artistic and critical discourses? These are some of the questions that the here gathered essays explore in considering the practices and strategies of either so-called and/or selfproclaimed independent or alternative comics artists or publishers.

Few would doubt that economists have taken a prominent role as experts on policy issues [Maesse, J. 2015. Economic experts: A discursive political economy of economics. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 10, no.3: 279–305] and some contend that no other social science discipline has gained such prominence [Fourcade, M., E. Ollion, and Y. Algan. 2015. The superiority of economists. Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no.1: 89–114]. This prominent societal role has long been evident and leans on their perceived objectivity with regard to the economy and policy advice. Yet, the Great Recession of 2008 put past understandings of the economy, and public confidence in economists, under significant strain [Colander, D., M. Goldberg, A. Haas, K. Juselius, T. Lux, and B. Sloth. 2009. The financial crisis and the systemic failure of the economics profession. Critical Review 21, no.2–3: 249–267]. Faced with this challenge of public confidence, the question of how economics experts, whose expertise on the economy was so dominant before the crisis, maintain their legitimacy in the face of this crisis is of interest. This paper draws on the work of Van Leeuwen [2007. Legitimation in discourse and communication. Discourse & Communication 1, no.1: 91–112] to analyse the legitimising strategies used by economics experts during radio interviews, and echoes the work of Maesse [2015. Economic experts: A discursive political economy of economics. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 10, no.3: 279–305] in arguing that economists benefit from the legitimacy of their profession that has been created in academia, but also acknowledging that economists still have to work for societal legitimacy.