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The article deals with democratic and authoritarian orientation as one of the manifestation of political culture.The basis for the analysis were open data (an international rating of democracy, conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit) and results of a study of the state of political culture which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the NAS of Ukraine. According to the Democracy Index of the Economist Intelligence Unit, Ukraine is a country with a "hybrid democracy", ranking 84th (out of 167 countries). The results of democratic and authoritarian orientation of the research which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology confirm the crisis of democracy. The proposed article describes the validation of indices of democracy and authoritarianism. The selected scales have proven their reliability and validity. Validisation of the scale took place in two stages. The tasks of the first stage included the construction of a theoretical model. In the second stage, there were analyzed: the interpretation of the scales, the consistency of the scale and investigation of the scale structure (Alpha Cronbach, exploratory factor analysis), index construction and validization.The results of indexes of the democracy orientation in Ukraine, developed countries and the authoritarian orientation indicate skepticism, which confirms the results of international studies. To date, Ukraine is characterized as a country with strong authoritarian orientation of people.The main factors that determine the attitude of the population of Ukraine to democracy are: disappointment with the general state of affairs, lack of patterns of democratic behavior, the low political awareness of their rights and levers of influence, mistrust of elections, paternalistic orientation, low civic responsibility and low trust to the main Institutes of power. ; У статті розглядається один із основних проявів політичної культури – демократичні й авторитарні установки населення. Базою для аналізу є відкриті дані – міжнародний рейтинг демократичних країн, проведений Economist Intelligence Unit, а також результати дослідження стану політичної куль- тури, проведеного Інститутом соціології НАН України.За даними індексу демократії Economist Intelligence Unit, для України на цей момент характерна «гібридна демократія», вона посідає 84-е місце (зі 167 країн). Результати дослідження демократичних та авторитарних установок, проведеного Інститутом соціології, підтверджують кризу демократії.У статті описується валідизація індексів установок щодо демократії й авторитаризму. Виділені шкали довели свою надійність і валідність. Перевірка шкали проходила у два етапи. До завдань першого етапу входила побудова теоретичної моделі. На другому етапі аналізувалися властивості отриманого конструкту: коректність інтерпретації шкал, перевірка узгодженості шкали й дослідження структури шкали (Альфа Кронбаха, експлораторний факторний аналіз), побудова індексу, перевірка валідності.Отримані результати індексів установок щодо демократії в Україні, в розвинених країнах та індексу авторитарних установок свідчать про досить скептичне ставлення до демократії, що підтверджує результати міжнародних досліджень. Натепер для України характерна досить велика під- тримка авторитаризму.Основними чинниками, що зумовлюють ставлення населення України до демократії, є розчарування загальним станом справ, відсутність патернів демократичної поведінки, політичного усвідомлення своїх прав і важелів впливу, недовіра до виборів, патерналістська орієнтація, низька громадян- ська відповідальність, а також низька довіра до основних інститутів влади.

Generated by geostrategic factors of the second half of the XXth century, tendencies of social development to include conceptual foundations of its comprehension. The ones have become fundamentally significant challenges to the traditional ("modern") model of statehood, which is based on legitimate monopoly of violence usage. Ontologically, social picture, quite holistic, develops as cognition object, which dominated in social and social thought, is being destroyed significantly. Instead of the classical Western-centric paradigm, the one dominated in social sciences so far, alternative concepts and paradigms ("negritude" etc) upraise, in whose principles of state domination (embodied by "metropolis") as the only possible socially legitimate subject to be axiomatic. The situation was complicated by the change in approaches and strategies regarding traditional actors of social and, in particular, socio-political, relations (states), as well as the emergence and development of relatively new subjects of social and, in particular, socioeconomic relations (transnational capital and business). Accordingly, a relatively new scientific-theoretical and practical-analytical problem to arose and be actualized, related to complex and ambiguous socio-political, socio-economic and socio-humanitarian processes articulated by the relevant theories of "decolonization". On the basis of the social phenomenon of "decolonization", the phenomenon of "privatization of violence" has become increasingly important. The latter was largely a derivation of the "right of nations to selfdetermination" declared at the international law level (UN, etc.), whose practical and political realization was against the backdrop of a sharp and fundamental weakening of the state-political and socio-political institutions in the former colonies. Under those circumstances, the phenomenon of "privatization of violence" has gained its global integrity in the context of globalization; however, these issues need further studies. ; Породжувані геостратегічними чинниками другої половини ХХ ст. тенденції суспільного розвитку, в т. ч. концептуальні засади його осмислення, стали принципово значущими викликами традиційній («модерній») моделі державності, в основі якої лежить легітимна монополія на використання насильства. У плані онтологічному відносно цілісна картина буття людства, що розвивається як об'єкт пізнання, яке домінувало в суспільній і суспільствознавчій думці, поступово руйнується. На зміну класичній західноцентричній парадигмі, що домінувала в суспільствознавстві до тих пір, приходять альтернативні концепти й картини («негритюд» тощо), в яких принцип домінування держави (уособлюваної «метрополією) як єдино можливого соціально легітимного суб'єкта не є аксіоматичним. Ситуацію ускладнювала як зміна підходів і стратегій відносно традиційних суб'єктів соціальних і, зокрема, соціально-політичних відносин (держав), так і поява та розвиток відносно нових суб'єктів соціальних і, зокрема, соціально-економічних відносин (транснаціонального капіталу та бізнесу). Відповідно, виникала й актуалізувалася відносно нова науково-теоретична та практично-аналітична проблематика, пов'язана зі складними й неоднозначними соціально-політичними, соціально-економічними та соціально-гуманітарними процесами, артикульованими відповідними теоріями «деколонізації». На ґрунті суспільного явища «деколонізації» дедалі більшу вагу стало викликати явище «приватизації насильства». Останнє багато в чому було похідним від задекларованого на міжнародно-правовому рівні (ООН тощо) «права націй на самовизначення», практично-політична реалізація якого відбувалася на фоні різкого та принципового послаблення державно-політичних і соціально-політичних інституцій у колишніх колоніях. Породжене цими обставинами явище «приватизації насильства» свою загальносвітову цілісність набуло в контексті глобалізації. Утім ця проблематика потребує окремого дослідження.

Whether it's a big city or a small town, all Canadian municipalities have core issues that their elected politicians are concerned about. Regardless of size, the daily business of a municipality must be managed and policies determined about such bread-and-butter issues as garbage collection, snow removal, wastewater and sewage, fire protection, economic development and fixing potholes. However, when size increases, so do the layers of issues that engage municipal politicians. This paper examines the results of a cross-Canada survey of more than 1,000 mayors and councillors from communities ranging in population size from 5,000 to more than two million. With an increase in population size, the numbers and complexity of issues creep up as well. Tiny municipalities typically aren't concerned with issues such as immigrant settlement, homelessness and public transit. Those issues are much more pressing for larger municipalities. A focus on some types of issues, such as public transit, grows right alongside population growth. The physical size of large municipalities means they contain a population whose needs are naturally more diverse than they are in smaller cities, towns and villages, thus shifting politicians' concerns to such things as homelessness and climate change. However, issues such as relations with Indigenous people and climate change also tend to hold regional, not just municipal, importance. They may be extremely important to a small municipality because of its geographic location and less important in a larger municipality located elsewhere. For example, municipal politicians in British Columbia reflect regional concerns with their emphasis in the survey on the importance of tackling homelessness, affordable housing, climate change and Indigenous relations. Yet, next door in Alberta, Indigenous relations and climate change ranked in the survey as being of low importance, along with climate change, despite the presence of two cities in the province with populations hovering around the million mark. The number one issue for municipalities regardless of size is economic development, since job creation and attracting investment are key for a healthy municipality regardless of its location or size. And nearly every politician surveyed listed planning, water supply and transportation infrastructure (roads, highways and bridges) as being of deep importance to their communities. Of almost equal importance in the survey were a second slate of issues including emergency planning, parks and recreation, public health, solid waste removal and policing. The results of this survey are intended to lay the groundwork for future researchers who want to focus on specific problems in the area of urban policy-making. Those who want to study the bread-and-butter issues can do so among a wide range and size of municipalities, knowing that these issues are vital to all. Those with an interest in homelessness and immigrant populations can focus on the big cities while being assured they are not missing out on key points among smaller communities. This survey will be highly beneficial for researchers in urban policy issues as it will help them to decide where to look and exactly what to look for.

La judicialización de las políticas públicas implica, básicamente, una reacción judicial cuando los actores "perjudicados" de su diseño e implementación consideran que sus derechos no están efectivamente garantizados por el poder ejecutivo o legislativo. Su introducción en el ciclo de las políticas públicas hace que el poder judicial adquiera una importante capacidad de interferencia e incidencia significativa en su reformulación. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es analizar la judicialización de las políticas turísticas. Para ello, nos basamos en una investigación empírica realizada bajo la metodología de estudio de caso sobre la judicialización de la política de moratoria turística implementada en el destino Islas Canarias (España). Entre los resultados obtenidos destacamos que la judicialización supone la utilización de mecanismos legales por parte de los actores "perjudicados" de las decisiones judiciales, administrativas o legislativas (hard law) sobre la que suele sustentarse las políticas públicas turísticas. Asimismo, se produce cuando existen fallos en el proceso de formulación de tales políticas públicas. Del mismo modo, constituye un ejercicio de intrusión de los tribunales de justicia en un terreno reservado a los poderes ejecutivo y legislativo, con la consiguiente tensión entre política y justicia; ello supone un desplazamiento de protagonismo desde el poder legislativo al judicial, a la vez que una pérdida de centralidad de la autoridad legislativa, cuyo ejercicio y poder quedan limitados y regulados. ; The judicialization of public policies basically implies a judicial reaction when the agents who have been "wronged" by their design and implementation consider that their rights are not effectively guaranteed by the executive or legislative power. Its introduction into the cycle of public policies means that the judiciary acquires considerable capacity for interference and has a significant impact on the reformulation of these policies. The main objective of this research is to analyze the judicialization of tourism policies. To do this, it is based on an empirical study conducted according to the case study methodology on the judicialization of the tourism moratorium implemented in the Canary Islands (Spain). Among the results obtained, we can highlight that judicialization involves the use of legal mechanisms by the parties "harmed" by the hard law on which public tourism policies are usually based. It also occurs when there are failures in the process of formulating such public policies. In the same way, it constitutes an exercise of intrusion by the courts of justice in an area reserved for the executive and legislative powers, with the consequent tension between politics and justice; this means that the leading role shifts from the legislative to the judicial power and there is a loss of centrality of the legislative authority whose exercise and power are limited and regulated. ; La investigación que da lugar a este trabajo constituye uno de los resultados del proyecto "Análisis de la sostenibilidad urbana como estrategia de regeneración del espacio público de las áreas turísticas de litoral", financiado por la Fundación CajaCanarias y gestionado por el Vicerrectorado de Investigación de la Universidad de La Laguna.

This is the final published version of an article published in the Open Access Journal BMC Public Health. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) ; Researchers and activists have long called for changes to blood donation policies to end what is frequently framed as unjustified bans or deferral periods for men who have sex with men (MSM). Since 2016, in Canada, a man had to be abstinent from all sexual contact (anal or oral sex) with other men for at least 12 months in order to be an eligible blood donor. As of June 3, 2019, this deferral period was reduced to 3 months. Methods: To better understand the acceptance of existing deferral policies and possible future policy, we conducted 47 in-depth interviews with a demographically diverse sample of gay, bisexual, queer, and other men who have sex with men (GBM) in Canada's three largest cities: Vancouver, (n = 17), Toronto (n = 15), and Montreal (n = 15). Interviews were coded in NVivo 11 following an inductive thematic analysis. We focus on men's preferred policy directions and their opinions about a policy change proposed by Canada's blood operators: a 3-month deferral for all sexual activity between men. We interviewed GBM approximately one-year before this new deferral policy was approved by Health Canada. Results: Most participants were opposed to any deferral period in relation to MSM-specific sexual activity. A fair and safe policy was one that was the "same for everyone" and included screening for several risk factors during the blood donation process with no categorical exclusion of all sexually active MSM. Participants believed that multiple "gender blind" and HIV testing-related strategies could be integrated into the blood donation process. These preferences for a move away from MSM-specific exclusions aligned with their opinions concerning the possible change to a 3-month MSM deferral, for which participants shared three overarching perspectives: (1) step in the right direction; (2) ambivalence and uncertainty; and (3) not an improvement. Conclusion: A predominant assertion was that a change from a 12-month to a 3-month deferral period would not resolve the fundamental issues of fairness and equity affecting blood screening practices for GBM in Canada. Many participants believed that blood donation policy should be based on more up-to-date scientific evidence concerning risk factor assessment and HIV testing. ; This research received funding support from the Canadian Blood Services MSM Research Grant Program, funded by the federal government (Health Canada) and the provincial and territorial ministries of health. The larger Engage study is funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (#TE2–138299), the Canadian Association for HIV/AIDS Research (#Engage), the Ontario HIV Treatment Network (#1051), and Ryerson University. DG is supported by a Canada Research Chair in Sexual and Gender Minority Health. NJL is supported by a Scholar Award from the Michael Smith Foundation for Health Research (#16863). DJB and TAH are supported by OHTN Applied Research Chairs.

2-s2.0-85078246154 ; In this study, we analyzed social and economic dimensions of shore-based recreational fishing (RF) along İzmir Inner Bay in the Metropolitan Province İzmir of Turkey. 634 shore-based recreational fishers were interviewed via on-site face-to-face interviews during the fishing activity from January to December in 2016. Market value approach was utilized to calculate net economic values and expenses of recreational fishers along in eight coastal districts, Göztepe, Karataş, Konak, Pasaport, Alsancak, Bayraklı, Karşıyaka and Bostanlı along the coast of the inner bay. The annual fishing efforts demonstrated significant differences among districts. For example; Bostanlı fishers that have higher education levels with higher income spent higher time for RF but, finally, this attitude of Bostanlı fishers resulted in low CPUE levels. Considering the RF experience of Bostanlı fishers, they are either not likely or able to target or catch bigger or more fish. In contrast, Göztepe fishers seems much professional compared to fishers by having the highest amount of catch in shortest time compared to rest of the districts. The highest mean CPUE was observed for Göztepe, Karataş and Konak fishers even so, these CPUE amounts were much under the ones determined in previous studies in Turkey. Considering the catch composition of fishers, S. auratus was the most common catch for all fishers. Secondly, D. labrax and Mugilid species constituted the majority. High fishing related expenditures were observed in all districts, then harvesting values reached quite high levels considering the previous studies. To conclude, RF in İzmir Inner Bay of Turkey is great social and economic activity by generating increase in RF related expenditures, jobs and indirect economic activity in services sector. The results of this study provide an update information of the recreational fishers' profile to help regulate recreational fishery. © 2019, Institute of Oceanography and Fisheries. All rights reserved. ; Horizon 2020 Framework Programme, H2020 H2020 Marie Sk?odowska-Curie Actions, MSCA: 675997 ; This paper is the output of the research project called number of ?TAGEM 2015-ARGE15?. The authors are thankful for the efforts by the officers of the fishery directorate of ?zmir and researchers (H?seyin Akba?, Levent ?zkan, G?l??an Emanet Erg?l, Erdin? Veske, Hacer Aky?rek, M. Tolga Din?er and M. Hakan Kayka?) and Master Student/s ?Esra Erya?c??. The authors are very thankful to all recreational fishers who honestly and patiently answered all questions in the forms. This study was supported by The MARMAED project that has received funding from the European Union?s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Sk?odowskaCurie grant agreement No 675997. The results of this publication ?Recreational Fishers along the Hot Spots of ?zmir Inner Bay: Socio-economic and Management Implications? reflects only the authors? view and the Commission is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains. ; This study was supported by The MARMAED project that has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Sk?odowska-Curie grant agreement No 675997.

El delito de Homicidio culposo por mala práctica profesional (medica) tipificado en agosto del año 2014 como delito en el Código Orgánico Integral Penal, supuso un cambio diametral en su contenido y en los requisitos que debe de cumplir la conducta empleada por el sujeto activo del delito para configurar este ilícito, tal como está planteada la norma en el art. 146 del cuerpo de leyes antes referido. Dos temas principales se resumen en el planteamiento del problema de la presente investigación. El primero, consiste en acoger los casos de mayor relevancia mediática a nivel nacional, en cuanto al delito contra la vida por mala práctica profesional médica tipificado en el anterior Código Penal como Homicidio Inintencional y que se constituyó a la postre como catapulta para que posteriormente el legislador lo haya descrito de modo distinto tal como lo describe el artículo mencionado. Esto con el propósito de comprobar si los jueces de garantías penales utilizaron en sus fallos la Teoría de la Imputación Objetiva a la hora de fundamentar y resolver sus sentencias. Como segundo punto de análisis del presente trabajo es despolemizar si la tipificación de este nuevo delito en el Código Orgánico Integral Penal, pretende como lo sostiene el gremio de los profesionales de la salud a una clara criminalización de su actividad profesional o por el contrario de lo que se trata es de garantizar los derechos de las víctimas en los casos de Homicidio culposo por mala práctica médica, interrogantes que se las ira despejando en el desarrollo y en el transcurso del presente trabajo de investigación. ; Criminally negligent homicide due to profesional medical malpractice, defined in the Ecuadorian Comprehensive Organic Criminal Code of August 2014 as a crime, meant a diametrical shift in its content and requierements wich must be met whit the conduct used by the active subject of crime to configure this criminal offense as laid down in the article 146 of the aforementioned body of laws two main issues are summarized in the problema of the present investigation, the first, is to welcome the cases of greater mediatic relevance at the national level, in regard of crime against life by medical malpractice standarized in the previous criminal code as unintentional homicide and which was constituted in the end as an ímpetus so that later the Legislator has described it in a different fashion as described in the cited article, this with the porpose of checking if the judges responsable for procedural safeguards used in their court rulings the theory of objective imputation when it comes to substantiating and resolving judgements. As a second point of analysis of this work is to deconstruct if the typification of this new criminal offense in the integral Criminal Organic Code pretends as held by the health care proffesionals guild a clear criminalization of their profesional activity or on the contrary, it is about guaranteeing the rights of victims in cases of negligent homicide due to medical malpractice, questions marks which will be cleared in the unfolding course of this research work. ; Magíster en Derecho Penal ; Cuenca

Premi UAB de la Fundació Autònoma Solidària (FAS) als millors Treballs de Fi de Grau sobre desenvolupament sostenible i justícia global. 3a Edició, curs 2018/2019 ; La trata de seres humanos con fines de explotación laboral es considerada una forma de esclavitud moderna que continúa siendo una realidad en nuestras sociedades. Por ello, este trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar los instrumentos jurídicos existentes para prevenir, combatir y perseguir la trata de personas con una finalidad de explotación esencialmente laboral. Se analiza el marco jurídico internacional que engloba a la mayoría de los Estados del mundo. Sin embargo, el contenido material del trabajo se centra en instrumentos jurídicos delimitados a un ámbito europeo, entendiendo por este, dos organizaciones principales: el Consejo de Europa y la Unión Europea. Principalmente destacan el Convenio sobre la lucha contra la trata de seres humanos en referencia al Consejo de Europa y la Directiva 2011/36/UE de la Unión Europea. Además de los instrumentos meramente jurídicos, este trabajo también contiene un análisis tanto de jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos como un comentario de casos reales de explotación laboral y trabajo forzoso. ; La tracta d'éssers humans amb una finalitat d'explotació laboral és considerada una forma d'esclavitud moderna que continua sent una realitat en les nostres societats. Per aquest motiu, aquest treball té com a objectiu analitzar els instruments jurídics existents per prevenir, combatre i perseguir la tracta de persones amb una finalitat d'explotació essencialment laboral. S'analitza el marc jurídic internacional que engloba la majoria dels Estats del món. No obstant, el contingut material del treball es centra en instruments jurídics delimitats a un àmbit europeu, entenent per aquest, dues organitzacions principals: el Consell d'Europa i la Unió Europea. Principalment destaquen el Conveni sobre la lluita contra la tracta de persones en referència al Consell d'Europa i la Directiva 2011/36 / EU de la Unió Europea. A més dels instruments merament jurídics, aquest treball també conté una anàlisi tant de jurisprudència del Tribunal Europeu de Drets Humans com un comentari de casos reals d'explotació laboral i treball forçós. ; Trafficking of human being for labour exploitation is considered a form of modern slavery that is still reality a reality in our societies. This essay includes an analysis of the existing legal instruments to prevent, fight and prosecute human trafficking with the purpose of labor exploitation, mainly. There's a reference of the International framework, which includes the majority of States in the world. However, the content of this essay focuses in the legal instruments of the European area: Council of Europe and European Union. Mainly, the Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings in the context of the Council of Europe, or Directive 2011/36/EU in the European Union. In addition, this essay also contains an analysis of the European Court of Human Rights case-law as well as a comment on real cases of labor exploitation and forced labour.

Die Untersuchung ging der Frage nach, ob es der Politik mittels Veröffentlichungen in den sozialen Medien oder den führenden Printmedien Österreichs besser gelingt, die jeweils andere Seite in deren Themensetzung stärker zu beeinflussen. Des Weiteren sollte auch erfasst, werden, welche Problem- und Lösungsverantwortlichen die jeweiligen Seiten nennen. Die Überlegungen beruhen auf der Agenda-Setting Theorie (McCombs & Shaw 1972) und auf der Framing-Theorie, die mit einbezieht, welche Aspekte eines Themas als Problem präsentiert und welche Lösungen vorgeschlagen werden. Dabei sollte auch die Rolle rechtspopulistischer Politkommunikation in den sozialen Medien näher untersucht werden: Erwartet wurde, dass FPÖ und Strache mehr erfolgreiches Agenda-Setting bei Medien betreiben als andere Parteien und häufiger Zuwanderung als Problem nennen. Zur Beantwortung der Fragen wurde über den Zeitraum von 24 Tagen eine Inhaltsanalyse der Facebook-Einträge der wichtigsten Parteien und PolitikerInnen, sowie ausgewählter Tageszeitungen Österreichs durchgeführt. Erfasst wurde, wie viele Aussagen zu bestimmten Themen pro Tag veröffentlicht wurden. Zusätzlich dazu wurde für ein Thema erhoben, wie oft die Quellen bestimmte Gruppen als Problem- bzw. Lösungsverantwortliche nannten. Es konnte kein Einfluss der Medien- auf die Politagenda nachgewiesen werden. Abseits der NEOS, bei denen ein signifikanter Beitrag zur Medienagenda nachgewiesen werden konnte, blieb auch der Einfluss der Politik auf die Medien gering. Die Politagenda war als Ganzes nicht in der Lage, zur Erklärung der thematischen Zusammensetzung der Medienagenda beizutragen. Ein Ergebnis der Untersuchung war, dass sich bei Beschränkung auf das Thema Einwanderung ein Einfluss von FPÖ und Strache auf die Medienagenda nachweisen ließ. Die Auswertungen zu den von Politik und Medien identifizierten Problemen und Lösungen beim Thema Einwanderung bestätigen auch die vermutete populistische Kommunikationsstruktur von FPÖ und Strache. ; The study addressed the question of whether politics, through postings on social media, or the leading print media in Austria better manage to influence the other side in their agenda setting. Furthermore, it should also be measured which problem definitions and treatment recommendations were stated by the respective sources. These considerations were based on the agenda-setting theory (McCombs & Shaw 1972) and the framing theory, which considers which aspects of a topic are presented as a problem and which treatment recommendations are proposed. At the same time, the role of right-wing populist political communication in social media should be examined in more detail: It was expected that the FPÖ and their party leader Strache would achieve more successful agenda-setting in the media than other parties and that they also would more often call immigration a problem. In order to answer these questions, a content analysis of the Facebook entries of the most important parties and politicians as well as selected daily newspapers of Austria was carried out over a period of 24 days. It was recorded how many statements were published on specific topics per day. In addition, for one topic It was measured how often the sources called certain groups a part of the problem or responsible for the solution. No influence of the media on the political agenda could be proven. Apart from the party NEOS, for which a significant contribution to the media agenda could be demonstrated, the influence of politics on the media remained weak. The political agenda as a whole was unable to contribute to the explanation of the thematic composition of the media agenda. One result of the study was that, when restricted to the topic of immigration, an influence of the FPÖ and Strache on the media agenda could be demonstrated. Evaluation of the problems and solutions identified by politics and the media on immigration also confirm the assumed populist communication structure of the FPÖ and Strache. ; Mag. Manfred Herzog, BA ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3531388

This paper presents how APEC has evolved as an institution, the changes it undergoes and the challenges it has faced for the past decades. More importantly, this paper tries to enumerate the roles of APEC in positioning the Philippines in the global economy. Established in 1989 in Canberra, Australia, with twelve founding members, APEC desired to promote economic growth, foster and strengthen trade, and improve the living standards in the Region. Started as a simple program for sectoral and trade initiatives, APEC has come to achieve to become the largest are of free trade and investment by 2020. Forged and adopted in Bogor, Indonesia, in 1994, this challenge was known as the Bogor Goals, which aims to achieve long-term free and open trade not later than 2020; in particular, by 2010 for developed economies and by 2020 for developing economies. To ensure the achievement of Bogor Goals, three pillars were created as the main strategies of APEC. The first pillar is the Trade and Investment Liberalization. Through unilateral liberalization, APEC members voluntarily agree to liberalize a particular trade and investment area, including tariffs, non-tariff measures, services, investment, standards and conformance, customs procedures, and intellectual property rights, among others. This is done using the Individual Action Plans (IAPs), prepared by individual economy. The second pillar is Trade Facilitation, which eases and lessens the cost of doing business in the region by facilitating more efficient standards, customs, and other procedures relating to e-commerce, business travel, telecommunications, and government procurement, among others. The last pillar, the Economic and Technical Cooperation (ECOTECH), pertains to the collective actions of APEC to achieve its overall goals of attaining sustainable growth and improving economic and social well-being in the Region. The Trade and Investment Liberalization and Economic and Technical Cooperation were adopted in 1995 in Osaka, Japan, and are collectively known as the Osaka Action Agenda. In 1996, during the Manila Meeting, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Framework for Strengthening Economic Cooperation and Development was adopted to lay down the principles and priorities of ECOTECH. This is known as the Manila Action Plan for APEC (MAPA), which identified six priorities for ECOTECH, including the developing human capital; developing stable, safe and efficient capital markets; strengthening economic infrastructure; harnessing technologies for the future; safeguarding the quality of life through environmentally sound growth; and developing and encouraging the dynamism of small and medium enterprises. The initiatives put forward in APEC help the Philippines stimulate and improve the competitiveness of domestic producers and sectors. It is to the economy's advantage to utilize these initiatives, backed with the upgrading of domestic facilities to meet global standards and the aligning of domestic regulations. These address behind-the-border barriers that limit the flow of goods and services and expand the coverage of businesses to overseas markets. Trade agreements in APEC also help firms gain access to cheaper inputs and more advanced technologies, which foster competition and increased productivity and growth.

The strategy of democratic development is in the establishment of democratic values, in balanced and effective interaction of branches of power, in overcoming the conflicts of the society, in solving economic problems. Nowadays the main task is to optimize the process of creating a democratic, popular power that would be the only one in defending radical Ukrainian interests in domestic and foreign policy, would combine national and world experience in the democratization of public life. The main issue of democratization of Ukrainian society is the creation of favorable conditions for the realization of human rights and freedoms at the same time with their responsibilities. Taking these facts into consideration the range of problems is to be solved in Ukraine. They are: 1. To maintain the balance and steadiness of the Constitution of Ukraine; 2. To carry out the work continuously on the improvement of the electoral law, until the establishment of a stable law, the rules of which would be in accordance with the laws of the countries of the European Union. 3. To overcome excessive bureaucratization of public administration and self-government bodies, to train and select skilled personnel, and raise their level of managerial and general culture. 4. To modernize the management structures, rather than create a new ones. 5. To increase the level of political and legal culture of the population which was developed under the condition of historical practice. The people of Ukraine resisted the authorities as strangers, and for centuries as well as foreign ones, did not respect the laws that this power established. Therefore, outside loyalty to the authorities a law-abiding citizen who learned not to to be active , but to circumvent the laws was hidden. It is necessary to return the people's trust the authorities and respect for the law, regardless of which social group belongs to the same citizen. 6. Creation of a system of educational propaganda work with the population in all educational institutions in order to raise the level of morality of society, the general political and legal culture. Bringing up the generation with the help of history should become a full-fledged kind of education for children and adults. Ukraine does not need a strategy of importing democracy. It is necessary to realize the internal potential of the country, its history, education and science, and then to engage world experience. Without a positive transformation of the national character, value orientations of the population of the country, any limited informational propaganda campaigns will produce a short-term effect. ; Стратегія демократичного розвитку полягає в утвердженні демократичних цінностей, збалансованої й ефективної взаємодії гілок влади, подолані конфлікточенності суспільства, вирішенні економічних проблем. Найголовніше завдання нинішнього моменту – це оптимізація процесу створення демократичної, народної влади, яка була б єдиною у відстоюванні докорінних українських інтересів у внутрішній і зовнішній політиці, поєднувала б національний і світовий досвід демократизації суспільного життя. Основне питання демократизації українського суспільства – це створення сприятливих умов реалізації прав і свобод людини з одночасним виконанням її обов'язків.

At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Transcarpathia was in a difficult socio-economic situation. Shortage of land with a significant population growth, backward production and unemployment, poverty and impoverishment, especially in the mountainous regions were the characteristic features of the region. The leadership of the Mukachevo Greek- Catholic Church headed by Bishop Yu.Firtsak fully understood the situation. They tried to make significant efforts to involve the Government of Hungary in resolving the improvement of the life of the people in the region. "Bishop of the Rusyns" as the Bishop of Mukachevo was called, together with his clergy took part in all governmental and non-governmental activities aimed at strengthening his diocese. As a leader of the Rusyn clergy, a highly educated personality, the bishop led the clergy and tried to influence the development of negative events that did not always evolve in favor of the church, its people. Mukacheve diocese played a significant role in the preparation of the Verkhovyna Action, an explanatory work among the population of the region. Bishop of Mukachevo became the generator of shares at the state level. It was during this period that an active ideological preparation for the forthcoming war unfolded for the redistribution of the world, in which the ruling circles of neighboring states, dragged the church. In parallel with the Verkhovyna campaign, the Mukachevo diocese took part in the stopping of the emigration of the Rusyn population to America. An important role was played by the eparchy in establishing the American Greek-Catholic diocese among immigrants from Transcarpathia. The processes that took place during the last century confirm the correctness of the struggle of the Greek Catholic clergy in defending the rights of the Transcarpathian Rusyns to preserve their original identity. ; На зламі ХІХ – ХХ століть Закарпаття опинилося у складній соціально-економічній ситуації. Характерними для краю було малоземелля при значному приросту населення, відстале виробництво та безробіття, бідність та зубожіння, особливо у гірських регіонах. Керівництво Мукачівської греко-католицької церкви на чолі з єпископом Ю.Фірцаком цілком усвідомлювало ситуацію, спробувало зробити чималі зусилля для залучення уряду Угорщини до вирішення покращення життя населення краю. "Єпископ руських", як називали мукачівського єпископа, разом з своїм духовенством прийняв участь у здійсненні урядових так і неурядових заходів спрямованих на зміцнення позицій єпархії. Будучи лідером руських греко-католиків, високоосвіченою особистістю, єпископ ведучи за собою духовенство, намагався вплинути на розвиток негативних явищ, які не завжди складалися на користь церкви та його народу. Мукачівська єпархія відіграла значну роль у підготовці проведення Верховинської акції, роз'яснювальній роботі серед населення краю. Мукачівський єпископ став генератором проведення акції на державному рівні. У цей період розгорнулася активна ідеологічна підготовка до майбутньої війни за перерозподіл світу, в якій правлячі кола зацікавлених держав, втягнули і керівництво Мукачівської греко-католицької єпархії. Паралельно проведенню Верховинської акції, мукачівська єпархія прийняла участь у зупиненні еміграції руського населення до Америки. Важливу роль відігравала єпархія у встановленні американської греко-католицької єпархії вихідців із Закарпаття. Процеси, що відбулися продовж останнього століття підтверджують правильність боротьби греко-католицького духовенства у відстоюванні прав закарпатських українців за збереження своєї самобутньої ідентичності.

La historia presente en los currículos de la educación escolar brasileña es plural. En un país complejo y humanamente injusto, el derecho de aprender es profundamente desigual en la educación básica obligatoria, en las diferentes regiones del territorio nacional. El texto presenta un análisis sobre dimensiones de la historia enseñada a los niños y niñas brasileños (6 a 11 años) en los cinco primeros años de la enseñanza fundamental, teniendo como referencia las prescripciones curriculares de la "Base Nacional Común Curricular", aprobada en diciembre de 2017, y los peligros de una historia única en nuestras escuelas, en el contexto político económico liberal y conservador en el plano político y cultural. Se trata de un diálogo con enfoques metodológicos que pueden favorecer la construcción de otras narrativas históricas en el aula, cultivar el debate democrático de diferentes visiones y la incorporación de diversas fuentes y lenguajes en el trabajo pedagógico. La historia, como componente curricular, desde los primeros años de escolarización tiene un papel importante para la formación de la ciudadanía y la comprensión crítica de la experiencia. ; The history present in the curricula of Brazilian school education is plural. In a complex and humanly unjust country, the right to learn is profoundly unequal in compulsory basic education in the different regions of the national territory. The text presents an analysis of the dimensions of the history taught to Brazilian children (6 to 11 years old) in the first five years of elementary school, with reference to the curricular prescriptions of the "National Curricular Common Base", approved in December 2017, and the dangers of a unique history in our schools, in the liberal political and conservative political and cultural context. It is a dialogue with methodological approaches that can favor the construction of other historical narratives in the classroom, cultivate the democratic debate of different visions and the incorporation of diverse sources and languages in the pedagogical work. History, as a curricular component, since the first years of schooling has an important role for the formation of citizenship and critical understanding of experience. ; A História presente nos currículos da educação escolar brasileira é plural. Em um país complexo e humanamente injusto, o direito de aprender é profundamente desigual na educação básica obrigatória, nas diferentes regiões do território nacional. O texto apresenta uma análise sobre dimensões da história ensinada às crianças brasileiras (6 a 11 anos) nos cinco primeiros anos do ensino fundamental, tendo como referencial as prescrições curriculares da "Base Nacional Comum Curricular", aprovada em dezembro de 2017, e os perigos de uma história única em nossas escolas, no contexto político econômico liberal e conservador no plano político e cultural. Trata-se um diálogo com abordagens metodológicas que podem favorecer a construção de outras narrativas históricas na sala de aula, cultivar o debate democrático de diferentes visões e a incorporação de diversas fontes e linguagens no trabalho pedagógico. A história, como componente curricular, desde os primeiros anos de escolarização tem um papel importante para a formação da cidadania e a compreensão crítica da experiência.

Salah satu masalah yang sering timbul dalam kaitan hubungan antara pemerintah dengan masyarakat adalah dalam bidang public services (pelayanan umum), terutama dalam hal kualitas atau mutu pelayanan aparatur pemerintah kepada masyarakat. Pemerintah sebagai service provider (penyedia jasa) bagi masyarakat dituntut untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor, yaitu mentalitas aparat, kemampuan dan keterampilan, sarana dan prasarana serta kesejahteraan pegawai. Permasalah pelayanan publik di pemerintah Desa Ciharashas Kecamatan Cipeundeuy dirasakan belum teratasi dengan baik dan jauh dari sebagaimana yang diharapkan oleh masyarakat. Ada beberapa faktor yang dinilai sebagai kendala diantaranya: 1). Lemahnya ketepatan waktu proses pelayanan publik yang diberikan petugas pelayanan kepada masyarakat; 2) Proses pengajuan permohonan pelayanan publik semakin dipersulit bagi masyarakat yang kurang mampu, 3). Hasil produk pelayanan publik yang masih terdapat unsur kesalahan sehingga akan terhambatnya proses pengajuan pelayanan di tingkat kecamatan maupun tingkat kabupaten. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif, Berbagai upaya dilakukan oleh pemerintah desa Ciharashas kecamatan Cipeundeuy dalam rangka meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan publik adalah dengan menginstruksikan kepada bawahannya untuk selalu menjunjung tinggi transparansi proses pelayanan publik, menjamin kepastian hukum dari hasil produk pelayanan publik yang diberikan kepada masyarakat supaya masyarakat tidak memiliki rasa cemas, dalam menjalankan proses pelayanan publik selalu memperhatikan efisiensi dan efektivitas serta memperhatikan hak dan kewajiban antara masyarakat selaku pengguna layanan publik dan pemerintah desa selaku penyedia pelayanan publik. One problem that often arises in relation to the relationship between the government and the community is in the field of public services, especially in terms of the quality or quality of government apparatus services to the public. The government as a service provider (service provider) for the community is required to provide services to the community affected by several factors, namely the mentality of the apparatus, abilities and skills, facilities and infrastructure and welfare of employees. The problem of public services in the government of Ciharashas Village, Cipeundeuy Subdistrict, has not been resolved well and is far from what is expected by the community. There are several factors that are considered as obstacles including: 1). Weakness in the timeliness of public service processes provided by service personnel to the community; 2) The process of submitting requests for public services is increasingly complicated for disadvantaged people, 3). The results of public service products that still have an element of error will hamper the process of submitting services at the subdistrict and district levels. This study uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Various attempts were made by the Ciharashas village government in Cipeundeuy subdistrict in order to improve the quality of public services by instructing subordinates to always uphold the transparency of the public service process, guaranteeing legal certainty from the results of public service products. so that people do not have anxieties, in carrying out the process of public service always pay attention to efficiency and effectiveness and pay attention to the rights and obligations between the community as users of public services and the village government as providers of public services. Keywords: transparency, village government, public services

U radu se razmatra doprinos inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj celokupnog društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca. Ukazuje se na ključne pozitivne promene u društvu koje se opredelilo za sprovođenje inkluzivnog obrazovanja: (a) unapređivanje zakonske regulative u pravcu obezbeđivanja dostupnosti, pravednosti i jednakosti u ostvarivanju prava dece i odraslih sa teškoćama u razvoju; (b) povezivanje i saradnja različitih društvenih sistema i institucija i (v) finansijska dobrobit koja se ostvaruje korišćenjem dostupnih resursa redovnih obrazovnih institucija za obrazovanje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju. Naglašavaju se značajne promene koje se usled realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja dešavaju unutar obrazovnih institucija, a koje pored unapređivanja obrazovne politike i kulture škola obuhvataju i promene na nivou nastavne i vannastavne prakse. Promene na nivou obrazovnih institucija razmatraju se i iz perspektive ključnih aktera i koristi koje oni imaju od realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja. Naglašava se potencijal koji inkluzivno obrazovanje, kao prirodno okruženje, ima za razvoj i učenje dece sa teškoćama u razvoju i otkrivanje njihovih očuvanih sposobnosti. Ukazuje se na važnost ovakvog okruženja za podsticanje tolerancije, uvažavanja različitosti i empatičnosti kod ostale dece u odeljenju. Poseban osvrt dat je na promene koje se odnose na nastavnika i njegovu praksu, kako na nivou stavova i pedagoških uverenja, tako i u domenu novih znanja i kompеtencija. Kvalitet realizacije inkluzivnog obrazovanja i njegovi potencijalni efekti na razvoj društva, obrazovnih institucija i pojedinaca razmotreni su kroz prizmu različitih prepreka, problema i otežavajućih okolnosti. ; The paper deliberates positive effects of inclusive education and its potential influence on development of entire society, educational institutions and individuals. It indicates key positive changes in the society which opted for inclusive education: (a) improvement of legislation towards providing availability, fairness and equality for children and adults with disabilities in exercising their rights; (b) networking and cooperation between different social systems and institutions; (c) financial benefit gained by using the available resources provided by the regular educational institutions for education of children with disabilities. It stresses the important changes that occur inside the educational institutions due to inclusive education which, in addition to improving educational policy and mind-set in schools, include changes in curricular and extra-curricular practices. The changes in educational institutions are also deliberated from the standpoint of key participants and their benefits from inclusive education. It stresses the potential which the inclusive education, as natural environment, has in development and learning of children with disabilities and in revealing their preserved abilities. It points to importance of such environment in nurturing tolerance, respect for diversity and empathy in other children in the classroom. A special emphasis is put on the changes that concern teachers and their practice, both in their attitudes and pedagogical beliefs and in the domain of new skills and competences. The quality of implementation of inclusive education and its potential effects on development of society, educational institutions and individuals are deliberated through the prism of various obstacles, problems and difficulties. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"