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The urban environment has been facing multiple challenges, considering the social, political and economical forces which act within this realm. Indeed, various stakeholders have been debating over problems spread within the cites. The international community is aware about the needs to rethink the urbanisation model. Indeed, there is an high number of examples which show the necessity to bring new approaches, methods and processes in the cites' strategies and policies. In this paper we will briefly show experimentations, methods and solutions deployed according to the different realities. The digital revolution has a role in facing these challenges, since it is possible to exploit its new means in order to enhance the possible interaction between the urban actors. The service design method becomes fundamental for a different understanding of the urban reality where the technological aspect is intertwined with the social innovation aspect. This possibility gives the chance to investigate an innovative frontier allowing a new engagement and dialogue between public administrations and civil society. This leads to a different collaborative system among the various urban stakeholders, witch gives to citizens the opportunity to become active participants in the city's transformations and planning. UN-HABITAT is dealing with these digital challenges and is going to address them in the international conference Habitat III, which will be held in Quito in 2016. Various Urban Thinkers Campus (UTC) have been set up across the world as occasion to debate over the multiple experiences which will be enriching contribution during Habitat III. In this framework, the mission of the UTC in Palermo was to better understand the capacity of the combination of ICT and Service Design to reimagine cites, especially in less globalised contexts, debating the role of the key actors involved: urban communities, researchers, private businesses and local authorities.

Legacy force-on-force models are symmetrical; they reflect the fact that the dynamics of both sides in the conflict is governed by similar rules. These models have also traditionally focused on the physical aspects of armed conflicts ? fire, attrition, detection, movement, logistics, etc. Insurgency models are different in two key aspects: (a) they are asymmetrical and (b) they contain, in addition to the physical aspects, significant cognitive, social, cultural, political and economic factors. The reason for the asymmetry is the way insurgents evolve and operate, and the emergence of non-physical factors is due to the major role of civilians in such conflicts. This article focuses on analytic modeling of insurgencies and counterinsurgency operations, describing both the physical and non-physical components of such armed conflicts.

Peace missions often focus on statebuilding policies, being statebuilding a key aspect in these interventions. However, beyond or parallel to the democratisation process, questions regarding global justice arise. In this paper we are going to analyse the situation in Timor-Leste. We are going to argue that, beyond the classic democratisation approach, there are a number of factors that still have to be addressed, and these can be intrinsically related to democracy. We will conclude that the focus of the international interventions, especially within multi-dimensional missions and, therefore, the priorities of the host state, should go beyond the formal democratisation aspect. Social and economic factors, much related to the idea of global justice, should also be present and be a key aspect and result of these interventions.

The purpose of this article is to consider a specific aspect which has become an obvious source of social inequality in the digital era: computer games from a gender perspective. To this end, the existing literature is reviewed to show that despite the positive educational aspects of play, educational use of computer games is minimal. Details are also given of various research which shows the gender bias in different aspects related to multimedia games. The results of the research carried out by the authors (which received a subsidy from the Catalan Autonomous Government Catalan Women's Institute), dealing with the prevailing sexism in multimedia games, is also listed. Finally, the need for safeguarding the quality of multimedia games is highlighted, without forgetting new technologies' socialising importance in today's society.

THE HISTORY OF DENAZIFICATION INVOLVES HISTORICAL UNDERSTANDING OF FASCISM AND ACTUALLY EXISTING SOCIALISM, ABUSES OF CRIMINAL LAW AND CIVIL RIGHTS, MORAL QUESTIONS OF CULPABILITY AND PUNISHMENT, AND PRACTICIAL IMPLICATIONS OF THESE PROBLEMS FOR THE HOLDERS OF POWER AND THE EXTENT OF THAT POWER. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THESE ASPECTS IS EXAMINED BY COMPARING SOME ASPECTS OF DENAZIFICATION WITH SOME ASPECTS OF STALINIZATION TODAY. A NUMBER OF BROAD ISSUES ARE STATED WHICH ARE RAISED BY BOTH THE NAZI AND THE SED EXPERIENCES, QUESTIONS THAT SHOULD BE PUT BEFORE THE PUBLIC BUT ARE INSTEAD CONCEALED BY THE PRESENT STASI DISCUSSIONS. THIS ARTICLE CONCLUDES THAT THE QUESTION OF MORAL RESPONSIBLITY NEED NOT BE CLEANLY RESOLVED FOR US TO KNOW WHERE THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES FALL.

International audience ; This short commentary looks at aspects of the debate about the term "mediatization", paying particular attention to recent, cross-referring exchanges both in support of the concept and critical of it. In the context of its widespread use, it suggests that continuing questions need to be asked about the conceptual status of the term, the originality of the ideas it suggests and the kinds of empirical project to which it relates.

"Successful integrative practice begins at the nexus of intrapersonal and interpersonal levels of macro practice, and requires a nuanced sensitivity to both. Integrative Practice in and for Larger Systems guides readers through the development of a cohesive practice model to transform the management of community agencies. Specifically, the new model emphasizes accountability and awareness to the covert aspects of organizational culture and politics that underwrite effective service delivery. The book also addresses a broad scope of issues that require thoughtful consideration, including policy evaluations, interagency community-based practice, innovation implementation across larger systems, direct-service program management, and program and organization development. Written from the vantage point of administering and managing community agency-based practice using evidence-informed approaches, the text is an essential resource for students seeking to learn both agency and interagency management practices."--

A revealing look at how negative biases against women of color are embedded in search engine results and algorithms Run a Google search for "black girls"--what will you find? "Big Booty" and other sexually explicit terms are likely to come up as top search terms. But, if you type in "white girls," the results are radically different. The suggested porn sites and un-moderated discussions about "why black women are so sassy" or "why black women are so angry" presents a disturbing portrait of black womanhood in modern society. In Algorithms of Oppression, Safiya Umoja Noble challenges the idea that search engines like Google offer an equal playing field for all forms of ideas, identities, and activities. Data discrimination is a real social problem; Noble argues that the combination of private interests in promoting certain sites, along with the monopoly status of a relatively small number of Internet search engines, leads to a biased set of search algorithms that privilege whiteness and discriminate against people of color, specifically women of color. Through an analysis of textual and media searches as well as extensive research on paid online advertising, Noble exposes a culture of racism and sexism in the way discoverability is created online. As search engines and their related companies grow in importance--operating as a source for email, a major vehicle for primary and secondary school learning, and beyond--understanding and reversing these disquieting trends and discriminatory practices is of utmost importance. An original, surprising and, at times, disturbing account of bias on the internet, Algorithms of Oppression contributes to our understanding of how racism is created, maintained, and disseminated in the 21st century.

Moral universalism, or the idea that some system of ethics applies to all people regardless of race, color, nationality, religion, or culture, must have a plurality over which to range - a plurality of diverse persons, nations, jurisdictions, or localities over which morality asserts a universal authority. The contributors to Moral Universalism and Pluralism, the latest volume in the NOMOS series, investigate the idea that, far from denying the existence of such pluralities, moral universalism presupposes it. At the same time, the search for universally valid principles of morality is deeply challenged by diversity. The fact of pluralism presses us to explore how universalist principles interact with ethical, political, and social particularisms. These important essays refuse the answer that particularisms should simply be made to conform to universal principles, as if morality were a mold into which the diverse matter of human society and culture could be pressed. Rather, the authors bring philosophical, legal and political perspectives to bear on the core questions: Which forms of pluralism are conceptually compatible with moral universalism, and which ones can be accommodated in a politically stable way? Can pluralism generate innovations in understandings of moral duty? How is convergence on the validity of legal and moral authority possible in circumstances of pluralism? As the contributors to the book demonstrate in a wide variety of ways, these normative, conceptual, and political questions deeply intertwine.Contributors: Kenneth Baynes, William A. Galston, Barbara Herman, F. M. Kamm, Benedict Kingsbury, Frank I. Michelman, William E. Scheuerman, Gopal Sreenivasan, Daniel Weinstock, and Robin West

American religious pacifism is usually explained in terms of its practitioners' ethical and philosophical commitments. Patricia Appelbaum argues that Protestant pacifism, which constituted the religious center of the large-scale peace movement in the United States after World War I, is best understood as a culture that developed dynamically in the broader context of American religious, historical, and social currents. Exploring piety, practice, and material religion, Appelbaum describes a surprisingly complex culture of Protestant pacifism expressed through social networks, iconography, vernac

Policy makers, educators, and scholars observe with interest how Nordic countries organise services for the education and care of the youngest children. The 'Nordic model' of ECEC has become synonymous with a holistic, children's rights-based approach to pedagogy, grounded in democratic values. But as societies keep changing, what exactly characterises the 'Nordic model' today? Given the diversity between and within countries, are there common principles?We investigated the values and principles that underpin the evaluation of early childhood education and care in five Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden). We found that a 'Nordic' approach to evaluation still exists, although it is changing, not least under the influence of wider international developments. An important aspect of the 'Nordic' approach is the central role given to the local and municipal context.

This thesis aims to analyze the quest for social distinction, which animated the French urban bourgeoisie all along the Modern Era, through the example of the Companies of Knights of the noble games of Archery, of the Crossbow and Arquebus – a kind of sociability that persisted over the whole Ancien Régime. The framework of our study is the Kingdom of France, from the last decade of the xvith century to April 24th 1793, the day when a decree put a definitive end to what had subsisted from the companies.Following the long rise of the French Royal power, this thesis shows how important it was – for the bourgeois – to maintain this sociability in the French public space. At the crossroad of bourgeoisie history, history of sociabilities, history of games and military history of the cities, it unveils the complex relationship between bourgeois on the one hand, and municipal, royal and military authorities on the other. It also reveals the great – yet still widely underestimated – influence and numerical importance of these companies were in many cities.Part One will be dedicated to the diverse and blended origins of these companies as well as to the passion the bourgeoisie had for sociability and privileges. This part demonstrates that the constitution of urban societies of elected members – forming a chivalric order known and acknowledged across the whole Kingdom – progressively raised interest among the inhabitants of the faubourgs and villages. Moreover, it enables us to appreciate the power games and stakes in the cities through the strategies of social distinction, exemptions and maintenance of rights deployed by the the companies' members.Part Two turn to analyze the activities of thess companies in the urban space, aspecially the shooting exercises and competitions. Constitute in Noble games and Olympic games, the Knights reinforced and maintained the idea that their exercises where elitist games, reserved to an elite they where part of. In addition to exhibiting the magnificent feasts and the chivalric dramatization, this part highlights the social, cultural and political issues of these urban events.Part Three will focus on the place dedicated to the Companies within the urban militia and on their military aspect, which was voluntarily stressed. Studying the missions given to those companies over the centuries reveals that their military function was more ideal than actual, marginal and criticized. Confined to honour places or performing security missions – which distinguished the Knights of the Noble games from the city's militiamen – it was not until the troubled times of the French Revolution that some risks were taken, yet it did not prevent the companies from getting merged into the Garde nationale. ; Cette thèse analyse la quête de distinction des bourgeoisies urbaines à l'époque moderne à travers le cas particulier des compagnies de chevaliers des nobles jeux de l'arc, de l'arbalète et de l'arquebuse, formes de sociabilité persistant tout au long de l'Ancien Régime. Le cadre d'étude est le royaume de France, du roi Henri IV jusqu'au 24 avril 1793, date du dernier décret mettant définitivement fin à ce qui reste de ces compagnies.Au gré du renforcement du pouvoir royal, cette thèse montre les enjeux pour les bourgeois du maintien de cette sociabilité dans l'espace public français. À l'intersection de l'histoire de la bourgeoisie, de l'histoire des sociabilités, de l'histoire des jeux et de l'histoire militaire des villes, elle permet de mettre au jour les rapports complexes des bourgeois avec les autorités municipales, royales et militaires. Elle révèle également une grande influence et une large présence de ces compagnies dans de nombreuses villes du Royaume, aspects encore trop méconnus.La première partie expose les origines diverses et amalgamées de ces compagnies, pour ensuite se consacrer à la passion de la bourgeoisie pour la sociabilité et les privilèges. Elle montre la structuration en sociétés urbaines d'élus, constituées en un ordre chevaleresque connu et reconnu à travers le Royaume, qui intéressera progressivement les habitants des faubourgs et villages. La seconde partie analyse les activités organisées par ces compagnies dans l'espace urbain, en particulier leurs exercices et concours de tir. Constitués en nobles jeux et en jeux olympiques de tir, les chevaliers renforcent et entretiennent l'idée que leurs exercices sont des jeux d'élite, réservés à l'élite. Outre la présentation des fêtes grandioses et de la théâtralité chevaleresque mises en scène, cette partie permet d'apprécier les enjeux de ces manifestations urbaines.La troisième partie permet quant à elle d'apprécier les jeux et enjeux des pouvoirs à travers la stratégie de distinction et de conservation des droits et exemptions des membres de ces compagnies. La dernière partie se concentre sur la place réservée à ces compagnies au sein de la milice bourgeoise et à leur caractère militaire volontairement affiché. L'étude des missions confiées par les villes à ces compagnies montre, à travers les siècles, un rôle militaire relativement fantasmé, accessoire et décrié. Occupant des places d'honneur et de sécurité, qui distinguent les chevaliers des nobles jeux des miliciens de quartiers, il faut attendre les turbulences de la Révolution pour observer quelques prises de risque, qui ne permettront toutefois pas d'éviter une fusion avec la Garde nationale. ; В этой диссертации анализируется поиск городской буржуазией самоидентификации в современный период через частный случай рыцарских обществ аристократических военных игр: «обществ стрельбы из лука, арбалета и аркебузы», которые являлись формами социализации, сохранившимися во Франции Старого порядка. Предметом изучения является Королевство Франция, начиная от короля Генриха IV и до 24 апреля 1793 года, даты последнего указа, положившего конец тому, что осталось от этих обществ.Это исследование демонстрирует проблемы и вызовы, с которыми сталкивалась буржуазия для поддержания данного социального взаимодействия в пространстве французского общества в период укрепления королевской власти. На стыке истории буржуазии, истории подобных обществ, истории игр и военной истории городов, изучение этих социальных взаимодействий позволяет выявить сложные связи между буржуазией и городскими, королевскими и военными властями. Это исследование раскрывает малоизученные аспекты огромного влияния и широкого присутствия этих обществ во многих городах Королевства.Первая часть данной диссертации представляет различные и разнородные истоки этих обществ, а также, иллюстрирует стремление буржуазии к формированию подобных сообществ и привилегиям. В дальнейшем, представляется возможность проследить интеграцию в городскую структуру выборных членов, сформировавшихся подобном в рыцарском обществе, известном и признанным во всем Королевстве, и которое постепенно вызывает интерес у жителей пригородов и деревень.Во второй части анализируются мероприятия, организуемые такими обществами в городской среде, в частности упражнения и соревнования по стрельбе. В процессе преобразования этих мероприятий в аристократические игры и олимпийские игры по стрельбе, рыцари укрепляли и поддерживали идею, что их развлечения - это привилегированные игры, предназначенные для определенной элиты. Помимо изучения процесса создания великолепной рыцарской постановки, эта часть исследования позволяет понять и другие аспекты этих городских представлений.Третья часть исследования содержит информацию об играх и влиянии властей на членов подобных обществ через стратегию разграничения и сохранения прав и свобод.Последняя часть посвящена тому месту, которое было отведено таким обществам в буржуазной милиции и их военному духу, который вставлялся напоказ. Изучение задач, возложенных городами на эти общества, демонстрирует, что на протяжении веков их военная роль была относительно выдуманной, незначительной, вспомогательной и осуждаемой. Занимая почетные места и места в охранных структурах городов, которые отличали рыцарей аристократических игр от окрестных ополченцев, эти общества встретили потрясения Революции, что не помешало, однако, их слиянию с Национальной гвардией.

International audience ; This article develops a particular aspect of the political communication: the concept of political representation. It is a question of analyzing all the realistic representations, illustrated, idealized, stylized actors of the policy in which the "symbolic system of the power" and "power of symbolization" are expressed. By the rigour of its coding and the plasticity of its forms, political representations allow one to mark the coercive nature of power, to temporarily affirm the single and indivisible authority of that which holds power, to produce a propaganda and a political ideology, and finally to offer a permanent form of celebration as much as a self-celebration of the figure of the contemporary politician.

International audience ; This article develops a particular aspect of the political communication: the concept of political representation. It is a question of analyzing all the realistic representations, illustrated, idealized, stylized actors of the policy in which the "symbolic system of the power" and "power of symbolization" are expressed. By the rigour of its coding and the plasticity of its forms, political representations allow one to mark the coercive nature of power, to temporarily affirm the single and indivisible authority of that which holds power, to produce a propaganda and a political ideology, and finally to offer a permanent form of celebration as much as a self-celebration of the figure of the contemporary politician.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. "Racism": Its Core Meaning -- 2. Can Blacks Be Racist? -- 3. Varieties of Racial Ills -- 4. Racial Discrimination and Color Blindness -- 5. "Race": What We Mean and What We Think We Mean -- 6. "Race": A Brief History, with Moral Implications -- 7. Do Races Exist? -- 8. Racialized Groups and Social Constructions -- 9. Should We Try to Give Up Race? -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index