Suchergebnisse

The place of religion and how it should be employed in education for citizenship is currently an issue in Europe. The challenges of increasing diversity are the underlying factors. The conception of maximal citizenship (a critical model of citizenship) gives a significant framework for analysis and scholarly perspectives about several European contexts on this matter. However, there is hardly maximal citizenship in Finnish contexts in scholarship. Hence, this work searches for the elements of maximal citizenship in educational policy for young people by employing the policy relating to citizenship in Finnish religious education (RE). Focusing on grades 7&ndash ; 9 of basic education, its primary data is based on selected national policy documents. The data were analysed using critical discourse analysis. The main findings suggest that citizenship in Finnish RE is only somewhat compatible with the characteristics of maximal citizenship. This reveals some policy shortcomings that could negatively affect the potential of critical-mindedness of young people and equal opportunities in a democracy. Hence, some suggestions that could improve the situation are embedded in the paper. Nevertheless, a linguistic conception of citizenship in Finland vis-à ; -vis a recent development in national educational policy seems to push the conception of maximal citizenship in a relatively new direction. Furthermore, an explicit use of the &ldquo ; Convention on the Rights of the Child&rdquo ; in Finnish curriculum broadens our conception of maximal citizenship in general. Moreover, while scholars agree that maximal citizenship is essentially &ldquo ; critical&rdquo ; this piece suggests that every &ldquo ; critical&rdquo ; approach to citizenship education is not necessarily &ldquo ; maximal&rdquo ; .

The place of religion and how it should be employed in education for citizenship is currently an issue in Europe. The challenges of increasing diversity are the underlying factors. The conception of maximal citizenship (a critical model of citizenship) gives a significant framework for analysis and scholarly perspectives about several European contexts on this matter. However, there is hardly maximal citizenship in Finnish contexts in scholarship. Hence, this work searches for the elements of maximal citizenship in educational policy for young people by employing the policy relating to citizenship in Finnish religious education (RE). Focusing on grades 7–9 of basic education, its primary data is based on selected national policy documents. The data were analysed using critical discourse analysis. The main findings suggest that citizenship in Finnish RE is only somewhat compatible with the characteristics of maximal citizenship. This reveals some policy shortcomings that could negatively affect the potential of critical-mindedness of young people and equal opportunities in a democracy. Hence, some suggestions that could improve the situation are embedded in the paper. Nevertheless, a linguistic conception of citizenship in Finland vis-à-vis a recent development in national educational policy seems to push the conception of maximal citizenship in a relatively new direction. Furthermore, an explicit use of the "Convention on the Rights of the Child" in Finnish curriculum broadens our conception of maximal citizenship in general. Moreover, while scholars generally agree that maximal citizenship is essentially "critical", this piece suggests that every "critical" approach to citizenship education is not necessarily "maximal". ; Peer reviewed

This paper will analyse the emergence and prevailing use of the term combattant terroriste étranger (foreign terrorist fighter), in non-binding legal acts adopted by the European Commission from September 2001 to March 2018. We have taken a quantitative lexicometric approach, influenced by French discourse analysis, in order to encourage critical scrutiny of the terminology. In our view, the risk attendant upon continued wielding of an opaque, poorly-defined term, is that an unreliable framework may be set up for legal documents designed to be binding. Indeed, the vehicle for the nomenclature at issue is comprised of a range of declaratory strategies, which purport to rest upon a threat posed by the referent. The twofold perception that new legislation is urgently needed, and that consensus must be achieved, seems to have prevailed over another imperative, namely standardising the nomenclature so as to precisely elucidate what is meant by a combattant terroriste étranger from a legal and social standpoint, in order to avoid blurred and doubtful legal practice.

Solidarity is a key concept in the literature on humanitarianism and social movements. Public discourse, too, promotes solidarity as a consistent feeling of belonging and empowerment. However, despite its popularity in the social sciences, there is little evidence about the phenomenological experiences underlying the concept. This article aims at moving beyond ethical considerations that underlie the boundaries between more conventional and contentious forms of civil engagement in examining the affective and emotional dimensions of solidarity. Building on long-term ethnographic fieldwork within deportation protest in Germany, I draw on cultural approaches to social movements and on the anthropology of affect in order to analyse resonance in four affective encounters. I argue that rather than communicating a political opinion, solidarity represents an attitude with which people explain their engagement in certain forms of affective and emotional exchange which are often just as ambiguous, challenging and contradictory as they are comforting and exciting.

Following the decline of ethnic notions of national identity, the extent to which immigrants are believed to have acceptably liberal values has become a site of boundary making in Western Europe. Much scholarly work has focused on 'boundary liberalism' in European media/policy discourse, and the ways that Muslim migrants in particular are framed as carriers of unacceptable ideologies. There has, however, been little exploration of how these ideas shape practice in the mandatory citizenship training that is an increasingly common feature of European integration regimes. This article examines boundary liberalism in citizenship education as it took place in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Attention is paid to how instructors interpret the mandate to enforce tolerance in others in light of Germany's own problematic history, how curricula and classroom interactions define normative liberalism, and how lessons on these values still draw the symbolic boundaries of national and supranational identities to exclude Muslims.

This article maps out the genealogy of the anthropological concept of emotional economic man, which emerged in the 1990s tied to the concept of emotional capital. Analysis of the discourse about emotional capital in management and neoliberal economics explains how economic man is linked to emotions and how the management of emotional capital creates an emotional power (or 'pathospower') that is manifested in three main corporate dispositifs: emotional intelligence, organizational culture and the commercialization of experiences. These power dispositifs have led to unprecedented cohesiveness in the construction of workers' and consumers' emotional lives, introducing the management logos as rationality over emotions. Emotions are converted into a vehicle through which power penetrates bodies and subjectivities, sustains active economic conducts, imposes corporate goals for life and disseminates the logic of capital. This emotional power is part of the history of the ways that people feel in contemporary societies.

Coleman's concept of social capital has acquired an eminent place within various regions of the current sociological imagination as well as in policy discourses. Yet, it is founded on some very questionable premises. This article starts by reconstructing and assessing the problem – theoretical and empirical – that Coleman's social capital sought to respond to. Then it examines the sociological thrust of social capital to show how Coleman's formulation of the concept is caught up in some irreconcilable tensions, some logical problems with ideological implications, and some conceptual blurriness and silences around structures of inequality and the ways in which these structures causally mediate many aspects of what Coleman gathers under the name of social capital. It also shows how social capital is premised on a mix of communitarian, culturalist and familial axioms within a normative vision for suburban milieus where social capital features as a constitutive marker of territory.

'Africana Sociology' begins with a reappraisal of the 'image of Africa' in the form of sociology's theoretical narrative about modernity's spatial and temporal order. Early sociologists, like Auguste Comte and Lester Ward, conceived sociology as a secular discourse, although it transmitted Protestant values that reduced people of African descent to fetish objects. In the work of Charles H. Long, the 'image of Africa' appears in the African American religious imagination because it – more than the land in which Blacks were enslaved – authenticated their origins. In my appropriation of the concept, it is a semiotic device that, through its dialectical relationship with the 'image of involuntary presence', structures sociology's narrative form. Like in the work of W. E. B. Du Bois, the image of Africa designates the American nation as a site of crisis, while imbuing Black subjectivity with a wider consciousness of modernity.

Intro -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Conversation and Conversation Analysis -- Focus -- Introduction -- The development of Conversation Analysis -- Conversation Analysis as an approach to studying interaction -- Conversation Analysis and some other ways of studying language in use -- Speech Act pragmatics -- Discourse Analysis -- Interactional Sociolinguistics -- Discursive Psychology -- Critical Discourse Analysis -- About this book -- Further reading -- Chapter 2: Collecting conversational data -- Focus -- Introduction -- Naturalistic data -- Documenting conversations -- Technical issues in recording -- Using technologically mediated data -- Ethics in data collecting -- Exercises -- Further reading -- Chapter 3: Transcribing conversation -- Focus -- Introduction -- Indicating information external to the talk -- Transcribing words -- Transcribing prosody -- Transcribing other vocal sounds -- Transcribing contiguous or simultaneous talk -- Transcribing pauses -- Dealing with problems of hearing or comprehension -- Transcribing non-verbal elements of interaction -- Adding transcriber's information -- Making a transcription of interactional data -- Translation -- Transcribing conversation: Some final comments -- Exercise -- Further reading -- Chapter 4: Analysing conversational data -- Focus -- A specimen perspective -- The process of analysis -- Identifying phenomena: Unmotivated looking -- Developing an analysis -- Finding patterns and making comparisons -- Linking with theory -- Exercise -- Further Reading -- Chapter 5: Turn-taking in conversation -- Focus -- Introduction -- Some possible models of turn-taking -- The turn constructional component -- Turn constructional units -- Possible completion and turn construction -- Transition relevance places -- Extending turn constructional units.

"Envisioned as much needed celebration of the massive strides made in translation and interpreting studies, this eclectic volume takes stock of the latest cutting-edge research that exemplifies how translation and interpreting might interact with such topics as power, ideological discourse, representation, hegemony and identity. In this exciting volume, we have articles from different language combinations (e.g. Arabic, English, Hungarian and Chinese) and from a wide range of sociopolitical, cultural, and institutional contexts and geographical locales (China, Iran, Malaysia, Russia and Nigeria). Those chapters also draw on a diverse range of theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches (e.g. critical discourse analysis, Bourdieu's sociological theories, corpus linguistics, narrative theory, and structuration theory), focusing on translation and interpreting relating to various settings and specialised genres (traditional media, digital media, subtitling, and manga etc.). As such, this volume serves as a dynamic forum for intercultural and interlingual communication and an exciting arena for interdisciplinary dialogues, thus enabling us to look beyond the traditionally more static, mechanical and linguistics-oriented views of translation and interpreting. This book appeals to scholars and students interested in translation and interpreting studies and issues of power, ideology, identity in interlingual and intercultural communication"--

Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Tables -- Figures -- List of Acronyms -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical Framework -- 2.1 Euroscepticism -- 2.1.1 Literature Review -- 2.1.2 Origins, Definitions and Types of Euroscepticism -- 2.1.3 Explaining Euroscepticism -- 2.1.4 Euroscepticism in Turkey -- 2.2 Occidentalism: The Construction and Use of the West -- 2.2.1 Origins and Definitions of Occidentalism -- 2.2.2 Occidentalism in Turkey: A Dual Meaning of the West -- 2.3 Civil Society -- 2.3.1 The Gramscian Approach to Civil Society -- 2.3.2 Civil Society in the Turkish EU Accession Process and Gramsci -- 2.3.3 Categories of CSOs and Case Selection -- 2.4 Towards a Theoretical Framework -- 3. Research Design and Methodology -- 3.1 Process of Data Collection and Case Selection -- 3.2 Data analysis process -- 3.2.1 Mayring's Qualitative Content Analysis -- 3.2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis -- 3.2.3 Research Tradition of the Study -- 4. Empirical Analysis -- 4.1 Referential, Nomination and Predication Strategies -- 4.2 Argumentation Strategies -- 4.2.1 Occidentalism: Dual Perceptions of the West and Europe -- 4.2.2 Strategic Use of the EU Accession Process and Euroscepticism Through Domestic Lenses -- 4.2.3 Eurocynicism: Scepticism and Overconfidence -- 4.2.4 The EU as a Neoliberal Project -- 5. Classification of the Discourses -- 6. Conclusion -- Appendix A. List of Interviews -- Appendix B. Topic Guide -- Appendix C. Questionnaire -- Bibliography

Abstract
This article analyzes how the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) 2023 election propaganda utilized political homophobia as a populist tool to construct and reinforce political antagonisms and carry out a crisis-driven politics in search of continued hegemony. Relying on critical discourse analysis of qualitative data, it demonstrates that during the 2023 election period the AKP's antagonistic operationalization of anti-LGBTI+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex) discourse unfolded in three modalities: as a culturalist rhetoric and a nativist technology of othering at the intersection of Islam and anti-genderism; as a tool of defining and vilifying political opponents as "inner enemies"; and as a policy perspective and path towards legal action and institutionalization of political homophobia. Within this frame, the article demonstrates that the gendered performance of crisis-driven politics is a core mechanism of the current democratic erosion in Turkey. It argues that homophobic propaganda is a key tool for the AKP not only to enact the processes of othering through fearmongering and scapegoating, but also to restructure politics through crisis-driven imaginaries, post-truth epistemologies, and emergency legislation that lacks political responsiveness.

AbstractLoïc Wacquant's work on the production and reproduction of socio‐spatial inequalities in Chicago and La Courneuve has inspired a literature on how imaginaries of low‐income, often racialized neighborhoods are spread through discourse and policy, and how residents respond to the stigmatization of their neighborhoods through internalization, deflection or resistance. While this body of scholarship has almost exclusively focused on the marginalization of urban neighborhoods, I argue in this article that the process of 'territorial stigmatization' analyzed by Wacquant also operates at the level of entire cities and subnational regions, with comparable political outcomes: the shifting of attention away from the structural causes of poverty onto its symptoms and, ultimately, the normalization and exacerbation of inequalities between people and places. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork in Nevers, I analyze the stigmatizing imaginaries surrounding 'declining medium‐sized cities' in France and how they affect residents' experience of place. The article contributes to the debate on the internalization/contestation of territorial stigma by showcasing the efforts of Nevers residents to restrict local critical discourse to insiders. It also adds to the literature on resistance through place re‐scription strategies by emphasizing the role played by the physical characteristics of place within alternative narratives.

This article examines the discrepancy in western media portrayals of Brown and Black migrants and Ukrainian refugees by using critical discourse analysis and representation (visual analysis). For many decades, western media coverage of the ongoing irregular migration to Europe, the United States and Australia has been characterized by racial bias against coloured migrants and refugees, regularly framing them either as criminals, swarms of insects, or a danger to western values and 'way of life'. This hostile and dehumanizing discourse was not applied to Ukrainians forced to flee from Russia's invasion of their country. On the contrary, Ukrainians have been embraced with open arms in Europe because, as many officials indicated, they are white and civilized Europeans. Within this racialized context, the article juxtaposes the media's dehumanization of coloured migrants with portrayals of victimized Ukrainians and critically examines the framing of coloured migrants as imposters and unfit parents. The findings confirm that western attitude and policies towards immigration and responses to refugees' plights are strictly based on race and religion. Used as registers of difference, they are often deployed to criminalize, punish and frame Brown migrants as shifting threats to western citizens, their stability, racial fabric or civilization.

Critical Discourse Analysis elucidates the text, language, social customs, hidden agendas, and linguistic twists. Politicians manipulate language in such a way that people's sentiments and emotions connect with politicians. In political debates, CDA has been used to showcase the speech style behind all these and every sort of discourse that can be employed to control the sentiment expressed to the audience (Roffee, 2016). Fairclough's study of the three-dimensional model: text, discursive practices, and societal practices influenced this study. This research examines how political speeches by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Imran Khan are constructed and how ideology emerges. Various linguistic tools have been investigated to uncover hidden agendas. The major findings in Imran Khan's power projection are his excessive use of religious and political implications and personal pronouns to gain and show his power. Power is discovered to be constructed via language, ideology, society, and political practices. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's speech focuses on the right of countries to self-determination. Both UN speeches were watershed moments in Pakistani history, reflecting existing political ideologies and societal factors. The speeches demonstrate how language can build persuasive arguments and communicate important ideas beyond words.