Suchergebnisse

The main directions ofSerbia's foreign policy were formed under very difficult conditions.Belgradedeclared the pro-European vector of foreign policy aimed at integration, but at the same time Serbia-EU relations are not well developed and some problems complicated the situation: lack of the cooperation with the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the problem of Kosovo independence. The difficulty of the first problem is connected with the lack support among Serbian for the cooperation with the ICTY. Despite the fact that the authorities of the country have cooperated with the ICTY,Serbiastill has supporters of the policies of S. Milosevic, who, of course, oppose such cooperation. The extradition of criminals to an international tribunal is considered as national humiliation. Another painful point in the relationship betweenSerbiaand the EU is the problem of independence of Kosovo. The EU is in favor of normalizing relations betweenBelgradeand Pristina; forSerbia, this means giving up its claim to Kosovo. A corresponding document was signed under the patronage of the EU representatives for normalize relations between two sides. At the same time, the EU is trying to engageSerbiain cooperation through a number of initiatives aimed to preparing for integration. These initiatives were primarily aimed at financing the necessary reforms.Since the 2000s, the influence of theRussian Federationin the region has increased, andSerbiahas been the most "sensitive" country to Russian policy. TheRussian Federation, in contrast to the EU, does not have such a strong economic influence, but seeks to compensate with rhetoric about a common historical past, cultural and religious ties. The Orthodox Church has a special role in the development of bilateral relations. It is emphasised on the common religion. In addition,Russiasupports the Serbian position on the Kosovo issue. It is very important because theRussian Federationis a member of the UN Security Council and can use the right of veto in favor ofSerbia. At the beginning of the 21st century,RussiaconsideredSerbiaas a transit country for energy supplies toEurope, considering this fact, invested heavily in the country's energy sector, but South Stream remained unrealized. If it is considered the volume of trade between the two countries, then of course, energy trade prevails. ; Основные направления внешней политики Сербии формировались в достаточно сложных условиях. Белград задекларировал проевропейский вектор внешней политики, направленный на интеграцию, но вместе с тем отношения Сербия-ЕС складываются недостаточно удачно, и усложняются некоторыми проблем: сотрудничество с Международным трибуналом по бывшей Югославии и проблема Косово. Сложность первой проблемы заключается, в тому, что в сербском обществе нет однозначной поддержке сотрудничества с МТБЮ. Несмотря на то, что власти страны пошли на сотрудничество с МТБЮ, в Сербии все еще есть сторонники политики С. Милошевича, которые, конечно же, выступают против. Выдачу преступников международному трибуналу рассматривают как национальное унижение. Еще одной болевой точкой во взаимоотношениях между Сербией и ЕС, является проблема независимости Косово. ЕС выступает за нормализацию отношений между Белградом и Приштиной, для Сербии это означает отказ от притязания на Косово. Для нормализации отношений был подписан соответствующий документ под патронажем представителей ЕС. Вместе с тем ЕС пытается привлечь Сербию к сотрудничеству через ряд инициатив, направленных на подготовку к интеграции. Эти инициативы, прежде всего были направлены на финансирование необходимых реформ. Начиная с 2000-х, усиливается влияние РФ в регионе, а Сербия является наиболее «чувствительной» страной к политике России. РФ, в отличие, от ЕС не имеет такого сильного экономического влияния, но стремится это компенсировать риторикой об общем историческом прошлом, культурных и религиозных связях. Особую роль в развитии двусторонних отношений имеет православная церковь, акцент делается на общности религий. Кроме того, Россия занимает про сербскую позицию в Косовском вопросе, что является немаловажным, так как РФ член СБ ООН и может воспользоваться правом вето в пользу Сербии. В начале ХХІ века Россия рассматривала Сербию в качестве транзитной страны для поставок энергоносителей в Европу, учитывая этот факт, инвестировала значительные средства в энергетический сектор страны, но «Южный поток», так и остался нереализованным. Если рассматривать объем товарооборота между двумя странами, то конечно же, преобладает торговля энергоносителями. ; Основні напрямки зовнішньої політики Сербії формувалися в досить складних умовах. Белград задекларував проєвропейський вектор зовнішньої політики, спрямований на інтеграцію, але в той же час відносини Сербія-ЄС складаються досить вдало, і ускладнюються деякими проблем: співпраця з Міжнародним трибуналом по колишній Югославії і проблема Косово. Складність першої проблеми полягає, в тому, що в сербському суспільстві немає однозначної підтримки співпраці з МТКЮ. Незважаючи на те, що влада країни пішла на співпрацю з МТКЮ, в Сербії все ще є прихильники політики С. Мілошевича, які, звичайно ж, виступають проти. Видачу злочинців міжнародному трибуналу розглядають як національне приниження. Ще однією больовою точкою у взаєминах між Сербією і ЄС, є проблема незалежності Косово. ЄС виступає за нормалізацію відносин між Белградом і Пріштіною, для Сербії це означає відмову від домагання на Косово. Для нормалізації відносин був підписаний відповідний документ під патронажем представників ЄС. Разом з тим ЄС намагається залучити Сербію до співпраці через ряд ініціатив, спрямованих на підготовку до інтеграції. Ці ініціативи, перш за все були спрямовані на фінансування необхідних реформ.Починаючи з 2000-х, посилюється вплив РФ в регіоні, а Сербія є найбільш «чутливої» країною до політики Росії. РФ, на відміну, від ЄС не має такого сильного економічного впливу, але прагне це компенсувати риторикою про загальний історичне минуле, культурних і релігійних зв'язках. Особливу роль у розвитку двосторонніх відносин має православна церква, акцент робиться на спільності релігій. Крім того, Росія займає про сербську позицію в Косівському питанні, що є важливим, так як РФ член РБ ООН і може скористатися правом вето на користь Сербії. На початку ХХІ століття Росія розглядала Сербію як транзитна країна для поставок енергоносіїв до Європи, враховуючи цей факт, інвестувала значні кошти в енергетичний сектор країни, але «Південний потік», так і залишився нереалізованим. Якщо розглядати обсяг товарообігу між двома країнами, то звичайно ж, переважає торгівля енергоносіями.

Основні напрямки зовнішньої політики Сербії формувалися в досить складних умовах. Белград задекларував проєвропейський вектор зовнішньої політики, спрямований на інтеграцію, але в той же час відносини Сербія-ЄС складаються досить вдало, і ускладнюються деякими проблем: співпраця з Міжнародним трибуналом по колишній Югославії і проблема Косово. Складність першої проблеми полягає, в тому, що в сербському суспільстві немає однозначної підтримки співпраці з МТКЮ. Незважаючи на те, що влада країни пішла на співпрацю з МТКЮ, в Сербії все ще є прихильники політики С. Мілошевича, які, звичайно ж, виступають проти. Видачу злочинців міжнародному трибуналу розглядають як національне приниження. Ще однією больовою точкою у взаєминах між Сербією і ЄС, є проблема незалежності Косово. ЄС виступає за нормалізацію відносин між Белградом і Пріштіною, для Сербії це означає відмову від домагання на Косово. Для нормалізації відносин був підписаний відповідний документ під патронажем представників ЄС. Разом з тим ЄС намагається залучити Сербію до співпраці через ряд ініціатив, спрямованих на підготовку до інтеграції. Ці ініціативи, перш за все були спрямовані на фінансування необхідних реформ.Починаючи з 2000-х, посилюється вплив РФ в регіоні, а Сербія є найбільш «чутливої» країною до політики Росії. РФ, на відміну, від ЄС не має такого сильного економічного впливу, але прагне це компенсувати риторикою про загальний історичне минуле, культурних і релігійних зв'язках. Особливу роль у розвитку двосторонніх відносин має православна церква, акцент робиться на спільності релігій. Крім того, Росія займає про сербську позицію в Косівському питанні, що є важливим, так як РФ член РБ ООН і може скористатися правом вето на користь Сербії. На початку ХХІ століття Росія розглядала Сербію як транзитна країна для поставок енергоносіїв до Європи, враховуючи цей факт, інвестувала значні кошти в енергетичний сектор країни, але «Південний потік», так і залишився нереалізованим. Якщо розглядати обсяг товарообігу між двома країнами, то звичайно ж, переважає торгівля енергоносіями. ; Основные направления внешней политики Сербии формировались в достаточно сложных условиях. Белград задекларировал проевропейский вектор внешней политики, направленный на интеграцию, но вместе с тем отношения Сербия-ЕС складываются недостаточно удачно, и усложняются некоторыми проблем: сотрудничество с Международным трибуналом по бывшей Югославии и проблема Косово. Сложность первой проблемы заключается, в тому, что в сербском обществе нет однозначной поддержке сотрудничества с МТБЮ. Несмотря на то, что власти страны пошли на сотрудничество с МТБЮ, в Сербии все еще есть сторонники политики С. Милошевича, которые, конечно же, выступают против. Выдачу преступников международному трибуналу рассматривают как национальное унижение. Еще одной болевой точкой во взаимоотношениях между Сербией и ЕС, является проблема независимости Косово. ЕС выступает за нормализацию отношений между Белградом и Приштиной, для Сербии это означает отказ от притязания на Косово. Для нормализации отношений был подписан соответствующий документ под патронажем представителей ЕС. Вместе с тем ЕС пытается привлечь Сербию к сотрудничеству через ряд инициатив, направленных на подготовку к интеграции. Эти инициативы, прежде всего были направлены на финансирование необходимых реформ. Начиная с 2000-х, усиливается влияние РФ в регионе, а Сербия является наиболее «чувствительной» страной к политике России. РФ, в отличие, от ЕС не имеет такого сильного экономического влияния, но стремится это компенсировать риторикой об общем историческом прошлом, культурных и религиозных связях. Особую роль в развитии двусторонних отношений имеет православная церковь, акцент делается на общности религий. Кроме того, Россия занимает про сербскую позицию в Косовском вопросе, что является немаловажным, так как РФ член СБ ООН и может воспользоваться правом вето в пользу Сербии. В начале ХХІ века Россия рассматривала Сербию в качестве транзитной страны для поставок энергоносителей в Европу, учитывая этот факт, инвестировала значительные средства в энергетический сектор страны, но «Южный поток», так и остался нереализованным. Если рассматривать объем товарооборота между двумя странами, то конечно же, преобладает торговля энергоносителями. ; The main directions ofSerbia's foreign policy were formed under very difficult conditions.Belgradedeclared the pro-European vector of foreign policy aimed at integration, but at the same time Serbia-EU relations are not well developed and some problems complicated the situation: lack of the cooperation with the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the problem of Kosovo independence. The difficulty of the first problem is connected with the lack support among Serbian for the cooperation with the ICTY. Despite the fact that the authorities of the country have cooperated with the ICTY,Serbiastill has supporters of the policies of S. Milosevic, who, of course, oppose such cooperation. The extradition of criminals to an international tribunal is considered as national humiliation. Another painful point in the relationship betweenSerbiaand the EU is the problem of independence of Kosovo. The EU is in favor of normalizing relations betweenBelgradeand Pristina; forSerbia, this means giving up its claim to Kosovo. A corresponding document was signed under the patronage of the EU representatives for normalize relations between two sides. At the same time, the EU is trying to engageSerbiain cooperation through a number of initiatives aimed to preparing for integration. These initiatives were primarily aimed at financing the necessary reforms.Since the 2000s, the influence of theRussian Federationin the region has increased, andSerbiahas been the most "sensitive" country to Russian policy. TheRussian Federation, in contrast to the EU, does not have such a strong economic influence, but seeks to compensate with rhetoric about a common historical past, cultural and religious ties. The Orthodox Church has a special role in the development of bilateral relations. It is emphasised on the common religion. In addition,Russiasupports the Serbian position on the Kosovo issue. It is very important because theRussian Federationis a member of the UN Security Council and can use the right of veto in favor ofSerbia. At the beginning of the 21st century,RussiaconsideredSerbiaas a transit country for energy supplies toEurope, considering this fact, invested heavily in the country's energy sector, but South Stream remained unrealized. If it is considered the volume of trade between the two countries, then of course, energy trade prevails.

Основні напрямки зовнішньої політики Сербії формувалися в досить складних умовах. Белград задекларував проєвропейський вектор зовнішньої політики, спрямований на інтеграцію, але в той же час відносини Сербія-ЄС складаються досить вдало, і ускладнюються деякими проблем: співпраця з Міжнародним трибуналом по колишній Югославії і проблема Косово. Складність першої проблеми полягає, в тому, що в сербському суспільстві немає однозначної підтримки співпраці з МТКЮ. Незважаючи на те, що влада країни пішла на співпрацю з МТКЮ, в Сербії все ще є прихильники політики С. Мілошевича, які, звичайно ж, виступають проти. Видачу злочинців міжнародному трибуналу розглядають як національне приниження. Ще однією больовою точкою у взаєминах між Сербією і ЄС, є проблема незалежності Косово. ЄС виступає за нормалізацію відносин між Белградом і Пріштіною, для Сербії це означає відмову від домагання на Косово. Для нормалізації відносин був підписаний відповідний документ під патронажем представників ЄС. Разом з тим ЄС намагається залучити Сербію до співпраці через ряд ініціатив, спрямованих на підготовку до інтеграції. Ці ініціативи, перш за все були спрямовані на фінансування необхідних реформ.Починаючи з 2000-х, посилюється вплив РФ в регіоні, а Сербія є найбільш «чутливої» країною до політики Росії. РФ, на відміну, від ЄС не має такого сильного економічного впливу, але прагне це компенсувати риторикою про загальний історичне минуле, культурних і релігійних зв'язках. Особливу роль у розвитку двосторонніх відносин має православна церква, акцент робиться на спільності релігій. Крім того, Росія займає про сербську позицію в Косівському питанні, що є важливим, так як РФ член РБ ООН і може скористатися правом вето на користь Сербії. На початку ХХІ століття Росія розглядала Сербію як транзитна країна для поставок енергоносіїв до Європи, враховуючи цей факт, інвестувала значні кошти в енергетичний сектор країни, але «Південний потік», так і залишився нереалізованим. Якщо розглядати обсяг товарообігу між двома країнами, то звичайно ж, переважає торгівля енергоносіями. ; Основные направления внешней политики Сербии формировались в достаточно сложных условиях. Белград задекларировал проевропейский вектор внешней политики, направленный на интеграцию, но вместе с тем отношения Сербия-ЕС складываются недостаточно удачно, и усложняются некоторыми проблем: сотрудничество с Международным трибуналом по бывшей Югославии и проблема Косово. Сложность первой проблемы заключается, в тому, что в сербском обществе нет однозначной поддержке сотрудничества с МТБЮ. Несмотря на то, что власти страны пошли на сотрудничество с МТБЮ, в Сербии все еще есть сторонники политики С. Милошевича, которые, конечно же, выступают против. Выдачу преступников международному трибуналу рассматривают как национальное унижение. Еще одной болевой точкой во взаимоотношениях между Сербией и ЕС, является проблема независимости Косово. ЕС выступает за нормализацию отношений между Белградом и Приштиной, для Сербии это означает отказ от притязания на Косово. Для нормализации отношений был подписан соответствующий документ под патронажем представителей ЕС. Вместе с тем ЕС пытается привлечь Сербию к сотрудничеству через ряд инициатив, направленных на подготовку к интеграции. Эти инициативы, прежде всего были направлены на финансирование необходимых реформ. Начиная с 2000-х, усиливается влияние РФ в регионе, а Сербия является наиболее «чувствительной» страной к политике России. РФ, в отличие, от ЕС не имеет такого сильного экономического влияния, но стремится это компенсировать риторикой об общем историческом прошлом, культурных и религиозных связях. Особую роль в развитии двусторонних отношений имеет православная церковь, акцент делается на общности религий. Кроме того, Россия занимает про сербскую позицию в Косовском вопросе, что является немаловажным, так как РФ член СБ ООН и может воспользоваться правом вето в пользу Сербии. В начале ХХІ века Россия рассматривала Сербию в качестве транзитной страны для поставок энергоносителей в Европу, учитывая этот факт, инвестировала значительные средства в энергетический сектор страны, но «Южный поток», так и остался нереализованным. Если рассматривать объем товарооборота между двумя странами, то конечно же, преобладает торговля энергоносителями. ; The main directions ofSerbia's foreign policy were formed under very difficult conditions.Belgradedeclared the pro-European vector of foreign policy aimed at integration, but at the same time Serbia-EU relations are not well developed and some problems complicated the situation: lack of the cooperation with the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the problem of Kosovo independence. The difficulty of the first problem is connected with the lack support among Serbian for the cooperation with the ICTY. Despite the fact that the authorities of the country have cooperated with the ICTY,Serbiastill has supporters of the policies of S. Milosevic, who, of course, oppose such cooperation. The extradition of criminals to an international tribunal is considered as national humiliation. Another painful point in the relationship betweenSerbiaand the EU is the problem of independence of Kosovo. The EU is in favor of normalizing relations betweenBelgradeand Pristina; forSerbia, this means giving up its claim to Kosovo. A corresponding document was signed under the patronage of the EU representatives for normalize relations between two sides. At the same time, the EU is trying to engageSerbiain cooperation through a number of initiatives aimed to preparing for integration. These initiatives were primarily aimed at financing the necessary reforms.Since the 2000s, the influence of theRussian Federationin the region has increased, andSerbiahas been the most "sensitive" country to Russian policy. TheRussian Federation, in contrast to the EU, does not have such a strong economic influence, but seeks to compensate with rhetoric about a common historical past, cultural and religious ties. The Orthodox Church has a special role in the development of bilateral relations. It is emphasised on the common religion. In addition,Russiasupports the Serbian position on the Kosovo issue. It is very important because theRussian Federationis a member of the UN Security Council and can use the right of veto in favor ofSerbia. At the beginning of the 21st century,RussiaconsideredSerbiaas a transit country for energy supplies toEurope, considering this fact, invested heavily in the country's energy sector, but South Stream remained unrealized. If it is considered the volume of trade between the two countries, then of course, energy trade prevails.

In the article the author makes main emphasis on an attempt to reconstruct in details the character and attitudes of the power that directly influenced on the activity of Orthodox religious fund. A lot of factors depended on this, one of which and the most important one was the activity of the entire Orthodox Church in Bukovina. The transformations in the structure of the Orthodox Church in Bukovina, which began as a result of the transition the region from the Austrian Empire under the royal patronage of Romania, were examined. First of all the King in Bukovina was submitted by Minister-Delegates that represented his interests there. Although, as the historical facts showed, they could change some laws that were under Romanian law. In the research is highlighted that fund was guided in his management by "Spiritual rules" of April 29, 1786 with all amendments and supplements in the Austro -Hungarian Empire. But under the leadership of Minister Iank Flondor, there have been changes in the administration of the fund. He considered it appropriate to transfer the fund management to bishop of Bukovina, which was done in the decree of 23 January 1919. The Metropolitan of those times, Vladimir de Reptu, was notified by letter of April 2, 1919. Such decision, in the author's opinion, was the most correct, because all money of the Orthodox fund were expropriated in churches and monasteries. Minister apparently relied on the sad experience of the Austrian government intervention in the management of the fund, which has received a loan from the fund, that was used for military operations. Such policy of minister-delegate with his seat in Chernivtsi was not approved by another minister in the government of Bukovina – Ion Nistor. Being open Ukrainophobe, he perceived all actions in favor of the Orthodox Ukrainian people as extraneous. Under his pressure I. Flondor was forced to resign, while his place was taken by I. Nistor. I. Nistor considered the authorization of religious fund management to the Metropolitan of Bukovina was "illegal, hasty and ill-advised". Therefore, in the 26th of April 1919 the Minister introduced the Metropolitan the letter where the patron of fund was called the King of Romania Ferdynant and the management of fund that was passed to the bishop. The changes in this regard were on the basis of the decree-law, not just a simple letter of local government to the Metropolitan. That's why fund continued to follow the Austrian regulations. Events that occurred further in Bukovina under Romanian left much to be desired. At the Church Congress, held in 3-25th of October, 1921, it was renamed the Orthodox Church from the "Greek-East" to "Orthodox-Romanian", also were changed the name "Greco- Eastern religious Fund of Bucovina" to "Orthodox-Romanian religious fund". As a result of these changes Ukrainian were denied the right to use the lands of the fund and profess the avital Orthodox faith because they didn't have their church any more. The aim of these measures was the assimilation of the Ukrainian population in Bukovina. These decisions were challenged in the Congress by Dr. E. Kozak, who justly noted the equal rights for the Orthodox Church as Ukrainian, so Romanian. The scientist proposed to change its name to "Ukrainian-Romanian" or to leave as it was. In defense of fund Dr. Simon Smereka had stood, who said that when the fund renamed, Ukrainian would be deprived of the right to use it. Continued their policy of Romanization, they were dismissed from the university. The politics of Romanian Crown facilitated the process of liquidation fund, issuing in 1921 a law on agrarian reform, all agricultural lands would pass in the property to the peasants. In total, the fund has been selected 115 estates, of which 51 had possession of up to 100 hectares, and 64 – more than 100 hectares. The activity of the fund in the postwar period brought no benefit to Orthodox Ukrainian population and all nationalities that had lived in Bukovina. A complete assimilation of all spheres of life by Romanian authorities led to the cultural and spiritual decline. New administrators has led to a severe crisis, which had a disastrous effect on the Orthodox Church and, in particular, on the fund. With no restrictions on the use of forests, that remained virtually the only wealth of fund, has led to a drop in income and non-payment of salaries and pensions of the clergy. Romanian period made Ukrainians the national hostages and threw the clergy under the influence of totalitarian political regime. Unlike the Austrian administration, which has been characterized by a German order, seriousness and discipline, the Romanian administration of interwar period was frivolous. The Church Fund to the collapse of the Austro - Hungarian functioned and was controlled by the Spiritual Regulation, unchangable since 1786, and the new government entrusted the management to the two diametrically opposed entities, Bukovina Metropolis and the Ministry of Agriculture in Bucharest, crushing all kinds of conflicting regulations and church rights for the wealth until the Charter fund in 1925. Although during the attempt to amend in the diocesan fund management, Romanians suffered from inefficiency of theirs laws and again returned to the "Spiritual rules". ; В статье исследуются отношения "новой" румынской власти с церковью и методы управления Православным религиозным фондом до национализации земель Фонда сельскохозяйственного назначения и принятия регламента 1925 г. Автор приводит примеры несогласованных действий королевской диктатуры на местах, которые в дальнейшем привели к упадку Фонда. Исследователь освещает ход оккупации Буковины и плановый процесс ассимиляции населения. Представлены события, отражающие настроения жителей Буковины и представителей ду- ховенства в дискуссии с властными представителями на Конгрессе. ; У статті досліджуються відносини "нової" румунської влади з церквою та методи управлін- ня Православним релігійним фондом до націоналізації земель Фонду сільськогосподарського призначення та прийняття регламенту 1925 р. Автор наводить приклади неузгоджених дій королівської диктатури на місцях, що в подальшому призвели до занепаду Фонду. Дослідник висвітлює хід окупації Буковини та плановий процес асиміляції населення. Висвітлені події, що відображають настрої жителів Буковини та представників духовенства в дискусії з владними представниками на Конгресі.

This book presents a series of essays, drawing on the twm concepts of ecosystem management and landscape approaches, to elucidate and reflect on the present situation and future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This publication brings together contributions from Mediterranean individuals, non-Mediterranean individuals, islanders and non-islanders there is, after all, no geographical limit on who and what we can learn from. The essays presented here each contribute a specific perspective on the future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This book presents a series of essays, drawing on the twin concepts of ecosystem management and landscape approaches, to elucidate and reflect on the present situation and future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This publication brings together contributions from Mediterranean individuals, non-Mediterranean individuals, islanders and non-islanders; there is, after all, no geographical limit on who and what we can learn from. The essays presented here each contribute a specific perspective on the future evolution of Mediterranean islands. Following this introductory chapter, the first section of the book focuses on the contributions that can be made by the discipline of landscape ecology. loannis Vogiatzakis and Geoffrey Griffiths first explain the concepts and relevance of landscape ecology, also presenting and discussing a range of applied tools that can facilitate landscape planning in Mediterranean islands. Louis F. Cassar then reviews the 'offshoot' discipline of restoration ecology, making a strong case for offsetting the environmental damage inflicted on natural ecosystems over millennia of human occupation, with constructive efforts to effectively restore and/or rehabilitate ecosystems. The two following chapters bring the socio-economic dimension into the discussion. Godfrey Baldacchino first presents two contrasting paradigms for the development of island territories, reviewing the dual influences of ecological and economic factors, and exploring ways in which the two can be brought together in successful development strategies. Gordon Cordina and Nadia Farrugia then address the demographic dimension of development, presenting a model to explain the economic costs of high population densities on islands. The third block of chapters expands on the relevance of social and cultural dynamics to the management of Mediterranean Islands. Isil Cakcï, Nur Belkayali and Ilkden Tazebay explain the evolution of the concept of a 'cultural landscape', focusing on the challenges of managing change in landscapes with strong heritage values. The chapter concludes with a case study on the Turkish island of Gökçeada (lmbros), which is experiencing major challenges in balancing the conservation of a cultural landscape on the one hand, and the management of inevitable change, on the other. Elisabeth Conrad then discusses the role of social capital in managing the landscape resources of Mediterranean islands, reviewing the potential for this intangible social fabric to facilitate or impede the sustainable evolution of island territories. The fourth section includes four chapters, each of which addresses a different aspect relevant to policy development and implementation in Mediterranean islands. Salvino Busuttil presents an essay outlining the political influences on the management of coastal landscapes, the latter so relevant to Mediterranean island territories. The essay derives from the author's professional experience in various policy-related institutions for environmental management within the Mediterranean region. Maggie Roe then reflects on issues of landscape sustainability, focusing on the neglected aspect of intelligence. She discusses ways in which landscape research, knowledge and understanding can feed directly into frameworks for 'sustainable' landscape planning. In the subsequent chapter, Adrian Phillips takes from his substantial experience with international landscape policy, reviewing the gradual emergence of international and national landscape 'tools', to draw out lessons for application in Mediterranean islands. In the final chapter of this section, Riccardo Priore and Damiano Galla present a comprehensive discussion of the European Landscape Convention, the first international instrument to focus exclusively on landscape. The authors explain the innovative character of this convention, and discuss its potential implementation in Mediterranean islands. The publication concludes with a series of case studies, highlighting specific constraints, experiences and opportunities in different Mediterranean islands. Theano Terkenli explores the landscapes of tourism in Mediterranean islands - perhaps no other industry has played such a fundamental role in shaping the evolution of Mediterranean landscapes in recent years. The author reviews the theoretical relationship between landscape and tourism across Mediterranean islands, before focusing on the specific case of the Greek Cycladic islands. In the following chapter, Alex Camilleri, Isabella Colombini and Lorenzo Chelazzi present an in-depth review of the context and challenges being faced on a number of minor Mediterranean islands, namely those of the Tuscan archipelago (Elba, Giglio, Capraia, Montecristo, Pianosa, Gorgona and Giannutri), and Comino, the latter forming part of the Maltese archipelago. The comparison between these various islands enables an appreciation of both commonalities across these islands, as well as considerations that are specific to the context of each in dividual island. JeremyBoissevain then adopts an anthropological lens to review the cautionary tale of landscape change in Malta, exploring underlying causes of landscape destruction and limited civil engagement. In the subsequent chapter, Jala Makhzoumi outlines the richness of Mediterranean islands' rural landscapes, focusing on olive landscapes in Cyprus. Her research demonstrates the economic and ecological robustness of various olive cultivation practices, and whilst warning of several threats to such sustainable regimes, she outlines strategies for reconfiguring our approach to rural heritage, in order to integrate such assets into sustainable development strategies. Finally, Stephen Morse concludes the section with an evaluation of sustainable development indicators, and the contribution that these can make towards enhancing the management of Mediterranean island territories. He illustrates his arguments with reference to the two island states of Malta and Cyprus. To conclude, in the final chapter of this publication, we review key insights emerging from the various chapters, and summarize considerations for ecosystem management and sustainable development in Mediterranean Islands. We truly hope that this publication makes some contribution towards safeguarding the "magic' of Mediterranean islands, whilst embracing their dynamic characteristics. ; Published under the patronage of UNESCO and with the support of the Maltese National Commission for UNESCO ; peer-reviewed

In line with the national government goal of alleviating the poverty in the country, regional sectors have made plans to meet the targets and objectives set. Cabuyao, being one of the municipalities in Laguna under Region IV-A CALABARZON, in the course of its vision of uplifting the quality of lives of its people, supported the said primary aim. The Cabuyao Investment and Development Authority (CIDA) was subsequently established to promote entrepreneurship among the citizens of the town. In order to do so, there is a need to assess the entrepreneurial potential and business assistance needs of different types of organizations. Operating cooperatives within the area were identified as one. CIDA was the direct response of the Municipal Government of Cabuyao to exercise its corporate power in accordance with Section 15 of RA 7160 or the Political and Corporate Nature of Local Government Units under the Local Government Code of 1991. Data obtained from the Cooperative Development Authority (CDA) revealed that since 1991 up to present there were already 75 registered cooperatives in Cabuyao. However, only 25 were considered operating. Given this condition suggests that these cooperatives to be placed under research study. The study was conducted to assess the entrepreneurial potential and business assistance needs of the cooperatives in Cabuyao, Laguna. Specifically, it aimed to present the profile of the cooperatives of the study, identify common problems encountered by the cooperatives, assess the Municipal Cooperative and Livelihood Development Office (MCLDO) in its program and services to the cooperatives, present the identified specific business assistance needs of the cooperatives that can be provided by the Cabuyao Investment and Development Authority (CIDA) in its business support service offerings, and assess the capacity of the cooperatives to engage in entrepreneurship. Twenty three out of the 25 operating cooperatives or 92% were included in the study. Respondents of the study were primarily officers of the cooperatives. The study employed descriptive design to answer the research problems and objectives posed at the beginning of the study. Primary data consisted of the answers of the respondents through the survey and self-rating questionnaires. Interviews were done to determine in-depth pieces of information pertaining to the activities and management of cooperatives. A survey questionnaire, test of organizational and managerial efficiency, and Personal Entrepreneurial Competency (PEC) self-rating questionnaire were used as research instruments. On the other hand, secondary data were sourced from the Municipal Planning and Development Office (MPDO) and the Municipal Cooperative and Livelihood Development Office (MCLDO). The Cooperative Development Authority (CDA) was the one that provided the list of operating cooperatives. Preliminary studies related to CIDA were also used. The study also made use of previous special problems and theses related to cooperatives conducted by undergraduate students in UPLB. Some articles published by the Agricultural Credit and Cooperatives Institute (ACCI) were utilized too. Also, electronic journals and articles were sourced from the Internet regarding entrepreneurship and business support services. It was noted that operating cooperatives were vulnerable to failures considering that most of them are still new together with MCLDO which was also regarded to be still young in handling cooperatives. Thus, given the conditions of the two wherein the former has to enhance its internal management while the latter has to complete its resources including competent staffs, business incubation program cannot be entirely embraced. However, even without the physical appearance of the business incubation program, its core features which are the business support services can still be pushed through. Based from the assessment of the entrepreneurial potential of the cooperatives, majority of them were remarked as weak considering the five criteria used. These were risk-taking, opportunity- seeking, and persuasion and networking, availability of capital, and members' participation. Out of the 23 cooperatives, only three surpassed all the criteria. This implied that majority of the operating cooperatives, at present, were not yet ready to promote entrepreneurship to their members. Recommended strategies to address the findings of the study with respect to the assessment of the business assistance needs include capability-building programs, diversification and market development, new product development, strategic alliance, and service development combined with basic entrepreneurship support, business development support, financing and networking services to be initiated by MCLDO. Some of the specific business support services include lectures with regards to cooperative management by either MCLDO or other institutions, seminars regarding risk management, persuasion and networking, debt management, human resource management, credit management, budget preparation and financial statement analysis, access to financial institution or modification of the loan program to solve the lack of operating capital, linkage to research institutions for possible technology transfer and identification of investment opportunities that engaged in agribusiness, conduct of supply chain analysis, establishing partnerships with manufacturing firms around the municipality, formation of federation among the operating cooperatives in Cabuyao and assistance to conduct community development programs. MCLDO is also suggested to have an annual recognition rite for outstanding operating cooperatives in Cabuyao to strengthen and promote the cooperative sector. Key success attributes were shown using the balanced scorecard which were classified in its four domains namely customer, financial, internal business process, and learning and growth perspectives. On the other hand, recommendations in terms of assessment of the entrepreneurial potential include reorienting the loan program of the MCLDO towards promoting entrepreneurship rather than economic activities of the cooperatives. Also, MCLDO should assist the Cabuyao-based cooperatives in forming strategic alliance either among them or to federations. Every cooperative to make their entrepreneurial endeavor a success should have a clear vision of improving the wealth of all the members in terms of earning more than what they received from interest on share capital and patronage refund for the patrons to support the entrepreneurial activity of the cooperative. Finally, it is suggested for the officers coming from cooperatives to undergo seminars, trainings and workshops related to enhancing their entrepreneurial capacity that can influence them in their decision-making and then eventually enabling them to encourage all the patrons to engage in an entrepreneurial activity.

Esta investigación tiene como objetivo principal la reconstrucción gráfica del desaparecido convento franciscano de San Lorenzo de Montilla (Córdoba), edificado bajo el patronazgo del marquesado de Priego durante los primeros años del siglo XVI, su puesta en valor y la recuperación de su memoria histórica. La práctica inexistencia de vestigios arquitectónicos, así como la ausencia de estudios previos, ha obligado a sustentar la presente tesis doctoral en la consulta de abundantes fuentes documentales ―manuscritas y gráficas fundamentalmente― a través de las cuales se ha realizado un riguroso análisis y desarrollo de la trayectoria histórica del mencionado convento. Para ello, como punto de partida, se ha hecho una revisión de conceptos relacionados con los orígenes, evolución y pensamiento de la orden franciscana, los cuales son imprescindibles para entender la configuración de la arquitectura seráfica, que ha sido analizada en sus planteamientos teóricos y técnicos. Seguidamente se atiende a todo lo referente al complejo proceso prefundacional y fundacional del convento de los franciscanos en Montilla, contextualizando los hechos acaecidos dentro del panorama político, social y religioso del momento, teniendo como telón de fondo el estado señorial de la Casa de Aguilar, elevado a marquesado de Priego desde 1501, y como protagonistas a algunos de sus componentes más destacados: Elvira de Herrera, Catalina Pacheco, Pedro Fernández de Córdoba ―I marqués de Priego― y su heredera Catalina Fernández de Córdoba, todos ellos partícipes en la puesta en marcha del cenobio que nos ocupa, que estaba destinado a acoger la capilla funeraria del linaje. Fundamental ha sido en esta investigación el estudio de los testamentos de los referidos personajes, los cuales han esclarecido numerosas dudas que, hasta el momento, se desconocían en el proceso prefundacional y fundacional. Además, la consulta de otros documentos ha permitido dilucidar importantes datos ignorados, como la fecha más próxima al inicio de las obras del primer convento de los franciscanos de la indicada localidad cordobesa durante el gobierno del I marqués de Priego. También se aborda el estudio de su arquitectura que, como se justifica en el desarrollo de esta tesis, en 1525 fue destinada a convento de clarisas bajo la aprobación de la II marquesa de Priego. Esa modificación obligó a la noble heredera a impulsar la edificación de un nuevo convento para los franciscanos, bajo la advocación de San Lorenzo, en cuya iglesia habría de ubicarse el mausoleo de los miembros del marquesado, tal y como quedaba recogido en los testamentos de sus comitentes. Las distintas circunstancias que rodearon la construcción de este cenobio con respecto al anterior han sido analizadas con el fin de contrastar las causas que determinaron las diferencias establecidas entre ambos proyectos arquitectónicos. Se ha profundizado en la trayectoria histórica del convento de San Lorenzo durante el tiempo en que estuvo en funcionamiento, entre 1530 y 1796. De esta forma se han destacando aspectos relacionados con las características de su ubicación y entorno natural, con los de la construcción del edificio monacal y, por su significación vinculante con la Casa de Aguilar, con la capilla funeraria. Asimismo se ha realizado un estudio de las obras artísticas que poseyó, elementos que se han abordado desde la óptica que identifica el franciscanismo de la rama observante. Con respecto a las aportaciones arquitectónicas y artísticas que advirtió el cenobio a lo largo de su existencia, se ha considerado oportuno analizarlas tanto desde el punto de vista formal como del mecenazgo ejercido por los miembros del marquesado de Priego, especialmente en lo que respecta a la portada plateresca y la enfermería ejecutada por Juan Antonio Camacho a principios del siglo XVIII. El abandono del convento de San Lorenzo por la comunidad de frailes en 1796 es otro asunto de interés para conocer las causas de su rápida desaparición a principios del siglo XIX. En efecto, su utilización con distintas funcionalidades, algunas de la cuales no pasaron de ser un esperanzador proyecto ―como el colegio de misioneros propuesto por fray Juan Duárez― así como hospital de contagiados, no contribuyeron a conservar la edificación conventual, que es considerada en estado de ruina varios lustros antes de que se aprobara la Ley de desamortización de bienes eclesiásticos en 1836, fecha en la que la parcela que ocupaba el convento de San Lorenzo es vendida y en la que finaliza su estudio. Los datos obtenidos de esta investigación histórica han sido primordiales para realizar la configuración arquitectónica y distribución espacial del conjunto constructivo, permitiendo representar gráficamente sus principales bloques de edificación conformados por la iglesia, el claustro con la concreción de sus dependencias adyacentes y el noviciado, elementos que hasta la realización del presente trabajo habían sido desconocidos. Asimismo, se ha tenido en cuenta el entorno natural de la parcela y sus cultivos como complemento del conjunto edificado. Al respecto hemos de señalar la importancia de un dibujo realizado por Juan Antonio Camacho en 1723 como principal fuente gráfica utilizada, el cual ha sido interpretado en función de la documentación manuscrita manejada. Como resultado de este trabajo de investigación se han diseñado diversas plantas y alzados del desaparecido convento, así como el levantamiento volumétrico en 3D de los enclaves más representativos del edificio conventual, en los que se han integrado las piezas artísticas que hubo de tener en su día. Además, debido a su excepcionalidad constructiva y documental, se ha realizado un minucioso estudio de la portada plateresca que daba acceso al recinto religioso, profundizando en su programa iconográfico como referente del ideal humanista del Renacimiento. Dado que el tema objeto de estudio había permanecido prácticamente inexplorado, las conclusiones a las que se ha llegado son de diversa índole y suponen novedosas aportaciones. De esta forma, se han descubierto nuevos e importantes datos históricos en cuanto a los orígenes del proceso fundacional, de los años en que el convento estuvo en funcionamiento y los que siguieron hasta la desamortización de 1836. En cuanto a su edificación, hemos de señalar que ésta coincide con la implantación de la más estricta observancia, factor que determinó las sobrias características arquitectónicas y materiales de este cenobio que lo hace prototipo de las construcciones franciscanas observantes del siglo XVI. ; This research has as main objective the graphic reconstruction of the disappeared Franciscan convent of San Lorenzo from Montilla (Córdoba), built under the patronage of the Priego Marquesado during the first years of the sixteenth century, its enhancement and the recovery of its historical memory. The practical absence of architectural vestiges, as well as the absence of previous studies, has forced to sustain the present doctoral thesis in the consultation of abundant documentary sources ―mainly handwritten and graphics― through which it has been carried out a rigorous analysis and a development of the historical trajectory of the mentioned convent. For this as a starting point, it has been made a review of concepts related to the origins, evolution and thought of the Franciscan order, which are essential to understand the configuration of the seraphic architecture, an analyzed in its theoric and technical approaches. Next, it is detailed everything related to the complex process of the pre-foundation and foundation of the Franciscan convent in Montilla, contextualizing the events that took place within the political, social and religious scene of the moment, having as backdrop the lordly state of the Casa de Aguilar, elevated to marquesado de Priego since 1501, and as protagonist to some of their outstanding components: Elvira de Herrera, Catalina Pacheco, Pedro Fernández de Córdoba ―firs marquis of Priego―, and the heiress Catalina Fernández de Córdoba, all of them participants in the start-up of the monastery that concerns as, that was intended to house the funeral chapel of the lineage. In this investigation, it has been carry out the study of the testaments of the mentioned characters who have clarified many doubts that, until now, were unknown the pre-foundational and foundational process. In addition, the consultation of other documents has made posible to elucidate important ignored data, such as the closest date to the beginning of the works of the first franciscan convent of the mentioned Cordovan town during the government of the first marquis of Priego. At the same time, it is approached the study of its architecture that, as it is justified in the development of this thesis, it was intended to Saint Clare Order under the approval of the second marchioness of Priego in 1525. This modification forced the noble heiress to promote the construction of a new convent for the Franciscans, under the name of San Lorenzo. In whose church, the mausoleum of the members of marquisate will be located, as it was registered in the testament of their patrons. The different circunstances that surrounded the construction of this monastery with respect to the previous one have been analyzed with the purpose of contrasting the causes that determined the differences established between both architectural projects. The historical trajectory of the convent of San Lorenzo has been deepened during the time it was in operation, between 153 and 1796. In this way, aspects related to the characteristics of its location and its natural environment has been highlighted with those of the construction of the monacal building and, because of its binding significance with the Casa de Aguilar, with the funeral chapel. Likewise, it has been carried out a study of the artistic works that possessed, elements that have been approached from the point of view that identifies the franciscanism of the observant branch. With respect to the architectural and artistic contributions that the monastery noticed throughout its existence, it has been considered appropriate to analyze them not only from the formal point of view but from the patronage exercised by the members of the marquesado de Priego, especially with regard to the plateresque cover and the infirmary executed by Juan Antonio Camacho at the beginning of the XIII century. The abandonment of San Lorenzo convent by the community of friars in 1796 is another matter of interest to know the causes of its rapid disappearance at the beginning of the XIX century. In fact, its use with different functionalities, some of which did not go beyond being a hopeful project ―like the missionary school proposed by Juan Duarez― as well as a hospital for infected people, did not contribute to conserve the conventual building, which is considered to be of ruin several decades before the Law of confiscation of ecclesiastical property was approved in 1836, data in which the plot occupied by the convent of San Lorenzo is sold and in which its study ends. The data obtained from this historical research have been essential to realize the architectural configuration and spatial distribution of the building, allowing to represent graphically its main building blocks formed by the church, the cloister with the concretion of its adjacent dependencias and the novitiate, elements that had been unknown until the completion of this work. Likewise, the natural environments of the plot and its crops have been taken into account as a complement of the build-up area. In this regard, it is important to detach the importance of a drawing made by Juan Antonio Camacho in 1723 as the main graphic source used, which has been interpreted according to the handled handwritten documentation. As a result of this research work, some plants and elevation of the disappeared convent have been designed, as well as the volumetric lifting in 3D of the most representative enclaves of the conventual building, in which the artistic pieces that had to have in its day, have been integrated. In addition, due to its constructive and documental exceptionality, a throrough study of the plateresque main front that gave access to the religious place has been made, deepening in its iconographic program as a reference of humanist ideal of the Renaissance. Given that the topic of this study had remained practically unexplored, the conclusions reached are various and involve novel contribution. In this way, new and important historical data have been discovered in terms of the origins of the founding process, or the year in which the convent was in operation and of those that continued until the confiscation in 1836. Regarding its construction, it must be pointed out that this coincided with the implementation of the most stricter observance, a factor that determined the sober architectural characteristic of this monastery that makes it a prototype of Franciscan buildings of the XVI century.

This year the United States Institute of Peace is 40 years old, and most Americans and U.S. government officials have little to no awareness that Congress funds an institute of peace or understand what it does. This lack of awareness about USIP and its anniversary this year reflects a larger problem in U.S. foreign policy: the U.S. government's strained relationship with peacemaking.As violent conflict increases and the rules-based international system continues to buckle, U.S. foreign policymakers must urgently reckon with their approach to peacemaking. Since the end of the Cold War, successive U.S. presidents have attempted their own spin on how to mitigate, prevent, or resolve violent conflicts. The U.S. government's investment in the military as a Swiss Army knife after 9/11 to solve global problems and promote U.S. (and Western) interests accelerated, while institutions devoted to the diplomatic arts faded into the background. As we enter a multipolar world, the U.S. government needs to reinvigorate its thinking and actions around peacemaking.From Cold War to the American unipolar momentThe push for a peace institute took off in the 1960s and 1970s as the U.S. reckoned with the country's role in the world and involvement in wars. Members of Congress and parts of the American public exerted pressure on the government to develop its capacity to resolve conflicts nonviolently. In response, Congress passed a law to study the creation of a peace academy. The 1981 report from the U.S. Commission on Proposals for the National Academy of Peace and Conflict Resolution served more as a meditation on the meaning of American democracy and the values the U.S. should project globally than just an exploration on whether the U.S. government should establish a peace academy.In an effort to ensure that the U.S. government would finally launch such an endeavor, supporters in Congress attached the bill creating the U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) to the National Defense Authorization Act for 1985. From its inception, USIP has operated with several challenging constraints that were built into its legislation and reflect the uphill battle in promoting nonviolent options to prevent or end wars.During the unipolar moment in American foreign policy after the Cold War, the U.S. government had a cadre of officials who actively participated in peacemaking activities from Northern Ireland to the Balkans and Israel and Palestine. Although those agreements had persistent shortcomings (see Israel and Palestine today), the U.S. government made use of its leverage to try to end conflicts while relying on organizations such as USIP to support civil society and governments on the ground to help with implementation. These efforts were at their height during the 1990s.The 'War on Terror' and beyond
The launch of the "war on terror" in the early 2000s tipped the scale in favor of military intervention and force firmly pushing nonviolent conflict resolution possibilities to the margins. It also ruptured the interconnections between U.S. peacemaking and peacebuilding from the 1990s. Instead, organizations such as USIP served to address the nation building aspects of the U.S. military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, but had nothing to do with resolving the wars through nonviolent options.

USIP actively supported the U.S. government in Iraq and Afghanistan after the invasions providing training to Iraqi government officials in truth and reconciliation, human rights, and dialogue. In Afghanistan, USIP awarded grants to civil society organizations to promote the inclusion of women, and conflict resolution.
But USIP's work did not move the needle nor did the increase in funding for USAID's development work. The war on terror was a juggernaut that led to the reorientation of U.S. diplomacy and development aid around counterterrorism, which did little to stop the war.

The 2010s opened with the Arab Spring and debates about the extent of potential U.S. support for protestors, NATO's military campaign in Libya, and the acceleration of the U.S. government's drone program. USIP's activities reflected the U.S. foreign policy emphasis on the war on terror and addressing the security and societal challenges in Afghanistan and Iraq. Meanwhile, experts such as University of Exeter Professor David Lewis referred to the rise of competing thinking among autocratic or democratic backsliding countries as an example of an illiberal form of peacebuilding which "seeks to establish political order through top-down, state-centric methods, including the use of violence, while tactics of co-optation, corruption, and patronage are used to encourage compliance."A peace agenda for US foreign policyA peace agenda for U.S. foreign policy would not break the bank and could span whichever party is in power in the presidency or Congress. One easy structural action a presidential administration could take is creating an office under the National Security Council to coordinate U.S. government efforts around peacemaking. It would not return the U.S. government to nation-building, but would focus on countries where there are U.S. interests and offer nonviolent negotiation and mediation options to resolve conflicts by working across the federal government, USIP, and relevant conflict prevention and resolution organizations.There is a plethora of U.S.-based organizations to assist such as Search for Common Ground and Mercy Corps. Congress will need to increase USIP's budget, which with even tens of millions of more dollars is still significantly small in comparison to funding for USAID, the State Department, and the Pentagon. The institute should become a prominent hub within U.S. foreign policy focused on nonviolent options for conflict resolution. Although the State Department's Conflict and Stabilization Office is supposed to provide these services, the complexity of the current violent conflict landscape requires the U.S. government to invest more.Congress should adjust USIP's legislation to require Senate confirmation of its leaders, not just its Board. By not requiring Senate confirmation of the USIP president or senior leaders like other government funded agencies, the American people are not able to have the opportunity for these professionals to outline and articulate a vision and would enable the institute's peace work to be more visible to the American public.As foreign policy experts note, active or potential wars pose challenges for the U.S. and its allies and their ability to respond. There is a need for the U.S. government to rethink how and where it becomes involved, especially in the use of its military or support for force. Peacemaking offers a potentially useful tool the U.S. government could employ. This could reduce the scale of the U.S. government's reliance on the military or use of force.

Les quatre articles de ce volume viennent conclure un double numéro spécial de la Revue d'Économie Politique (REP), dédié au rôle joué par les séminaires, les conférences et les workshops au sein de l'histoire de la pensée économique. En introduction au premier volume (Cherrier et Saïdi [2021]), nous plaidions pour que ces événements scientifiques qui, à de rares exceptions, servent d'arrière-plan aux photographies proposées par les historiens – qu'elles mettent en scène les travaux d'un auteur, la dynamique d'une communauté intellectuelle, ou encore l'émergence d'un sous-champ disciplinaire –, fassent leur retour au premier plan. Nous les exhortions à allonger la focale afin d'opérer le nécessaire recadrage qui fera, de ce qui était autrefois l'un des éléments constitutifs du fond, un élément contributif de fond, soit l'un des principaux protagonistes de l'œuvre finale. Ces rencontres scientifiques sont le plus souvent présentées comme des chantiers de construction, des fabriques, au sein desquels les idées sont échangées et confrontées, débouchant sur l'élaboration de concepts, de théories, mais également d'outils, de pratiques, de standards, voire de programmes politiques. Pour autant, ces manifestations contribuent rarement à produire du consensus à partir de positions divergentes, préalablement articulées. Elles cherchent, avant tout, à planter un décor, une atmosphère, mettant en scène les accords et désaccords des participants, structurant le champ disciplinaire en un maillage de réseaux, de communautés, et même de hiérarchies, que les économistes aiment à représenter sous la forme d'une partition d'approches concurrentes. Au sein de ces réseaux, positionnements et dynamiques se matérialisent au travers de détails anodins (le menu du dîner de gala, le plan de table, l'ordre des prises de parole, la fréquentation des sessions, etc.), que les historiens tendent à ignorer pour se focaliser sur l'essentiel. Pourtant, ces détails trahissent les structures profondes qui régissent à la fois notre discipline et ses acteurs. Leur étude approfondie, nous le pensons, doit permettre de donner du sens à ces signifiants « insignifiants ». Ces rencontres sont aussi utilisées comme des « armes de diffusion massive », destinées à propager des visions épistémiques différentes, dont chacune prétend définir les contours de ce qu'est une « bonne » science et de sa place dans la société. Il s'agit, pour leurs défenseurs comme pour leurs détracteurs, de convaincre ou de discréditer, de légitimer ou de contester, d'imposer ou de remettre en cause, etc. Aussi, les séminaires, conférences et workshops permettent-ils de mieux comprendre les rapports de force, en présence comme au sein du champ de l'économie, et d'expliquer les antagonismes (sociaux, intellectuels, culturels, éducatifs, de genre, etc.) qui favorisent ou entravent la dissémination des idées, leur émergence réussie ou leur lente disparition, l'exclusion ou la marginalisation d'une littérature. Ils rendent visibles, alimentent, perpétuent ces antagonismes, et reflètent la manière dont le champ a évolué et s'est institutionnalisé au cours du temps. De manière indissociable, ils fédèrent (les membres d'une même communauté) autant qu'ils divisent (les communautés entre elles), agrègent (les idées) autant qu'ils (les) éparpillent, participent activement à la formation, la déformation, et la transformation des réseaux. En scrutant quelques-uns des séminaires, workshops ou conférences qui se sont tenus ces dernières décennies, le second volume de ce numéro spécial se propose de dresser le portrait de quatre figures tutélaires qui ont marqué de leur emprunte l'histoire de la pensée : James Buchanan, Friedrich Hayek, Alfred Cowles et Diego Gambetta. Le volume s'ouvre sur deux anciens présidents de la société du Mont Pèlerin, Buchanan et Hayek. Ils sont croqués, respectivement, par Boettke et al. [2021] et Innset [2021], au travers de leur implication dans l'animation des événements scientifiques de la Virginia Political Economy (VPE) pour le premier, et dans l'organisation de la conférence fondatrice du Mont Pèlerin pour le second. Ces deux contributions montrent, l'une comme l'autre, bien qu'avec des regards très divergents, les forces à la fois centrifuges et centripètes exercées par ce type de rencontres. Innset souligne combien l'homogénéité idéologique d'une communauté de pensée a pu être affectée par une part (même marginale) d'hétérogénéité sociale. Il donne également à voir des dynamiques de genre, caractéristiques du milieu du XX e siècle. De leur côté, si Boettke, Marciano et Stein ont la volonté de mettre en avant la capacité de Buchanan à uniformiser et fédérer autour de lui les membres de la VPE, ils n'en laissent pas moins entrevoir, en filigrane, les possibles effets exclusifs (ou sectaires) que ce leadership a pu imposer à celles et ceux qui n'en acceptaient pas les termes. Outre la question du leadership, nous avions conclu dans l'introduction à ce double volume que l'esprit d'entreprise revêtait, sans nul doute, une importance capitale dans la capacité de ce type d'événements à cimenter une communauté. Les Cowles Summer Research Conferences, scrutées par Dimand [2021], en offrent un bon exemple. Ces rencontres, organisées sous le haut patronage d'Alfred Cowles, visent à promouvoir l'économie théorique et mathématique. Cowles, qui n'était pas lui-même un économiste (bien que souhaitant se faire un nom au sein de la discipline) sinon un véritable homme d'affaires, pèse moins sur le programme des conférences que sur leur organisation pratique. Le leadership intellectuel est laissé à ceux qui, à l'image de Irving Fisher, Trygve Haavelmo ou Paul Samuelson, présentent, plusieurs jours durant, théories nouvelles et outils quantitatifs. L'exemple de Cowles montre que la soutien financier est au moins aussi importante que la créativité intellectuelle dans le succès de ce type de manifestations. Certaines figures parviennent cependant à cumuler des qualités de leader et d'entrepreneur. C'est, en substance, le point de vue défendu par Camilotto [2021], qui souligne la capacité de Gambetta, jeune sociologue de Cambridge, à rassembler et unir, autour du concept de « confiance », économistes, sociologues et philosophes, dans le cadre d'un séminaire interdisciplinaire en 1985-1986. Camilotto montre les échanges qui peuvent s'opérer au sein d'un tel creuset, de même que les productions qui en résultent : un intérêt affirmé des économistes pour un objet initialement confiné à la sociologie, une adhésion des sociologues aux outils proposés par la théorie des jeux et l'économie expérimentale. Prises conjointement, les contributions de ces deux numéros donnent à voir la diversité des productions façonnées tout au long de ces séminaires, conférences et workshops, et la multiplicité des rôles qu'ils tiennent – explicitement ou implicitement – dans l'histoire de la discipline économique. Elles constituent, nous l'espérons, un plaidoyer qui convaincra nos collègues historien.ne.s de la nécessité de prendre en compte, plus systématiquement, ces aspects, souvent considérés comme anecdotiques, de l'histoire des sciences, ainsi que nos collègues économistes de réfléchir aux dynamiques, parfois cachées, que nourrissent les séminaires, conférences et workshops qu'ils.elles organisent et auxquels ils.elles participent au quotidien.

In 1914, sport was not widely practiced in France. On the contrary, gymnastics, shooting and military preparation societies were very numerous. Their main purpose was to train healthy young men and good soldiers. The goal was also to offer "healthy" leisure activities, creating republican structures of control between school time and army. At the same time, Catholics developed their own militarised associative network. More than 6000 associations were approved by the government on the eve of the First World War. "Conscriptive practices", according to Pierre Arnaud's expression, were also present in schools. The "preparatory" movement did not disappear in the inter-war period, despite the growth of sports. At least 3,000 associations were actively involved in military training in the late 1930s.This thesis aims to complete the rich historiography about those activities, by offering a national level study, on the whole period of the Third Republic. The "Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France" directed by Adolphe Chéron is specifically analysed. The specific study of military preparation policy underlines how the growing institutionalisation of training practices largely influenced early sports policies. But the careful observation of the daily life in the societies, looked at mainly from associative sources, also shows the porosity between conscriptive practices and sports until the 1930s. This study, carried out in several geographical areas, revisits the history of physical and sporting activities in interwar France. Finally, an outline of comparisons taking place at the European level situates this French dynamic in a broader perspective.The history of these associations also provides a contribution to the First World War history, thanks to a chronological shift. 50,000 young men received the "brevet de préparation militaire", introduced in 1908. Teachers were also part of this preparatory movement. Despite the small numerical importance of the movement, it suggests a militarisation of society, including youth entertainment. In that sense, elements of a military culture were diffused, both ideologically and practically, for example by shooting training. This military culture, built up over several decades, could thus function as a repertoire for the emergence of war cultures in 1914. Nevertheless, the relatively small size of the preparatory movement puts this idea of militarisation into perspective, by highlighting resistance to these social control attempts. Conscriptive practices turn out afterwards to be much more ambiguous than they might appear at first sight.Finally, military training societies show the rise of the associative form at the end of the 19th century, especially in rural areas. A sociological study of these groups reveals the desire of the middle and upper classes to manage the leisure activities of young working class men. Teachers were also essential participants in the dissemination of these groups. It can be seen as an attempt to social control, using the concepts developed by Michel Foucault. But these groups were fundamentally places of new sociability, beyond the military aspect. Association as a modern technology of social power also revealed its limits. Gymnasts appear unruly, undisciplined, and the attempt to control their leisure time was generally unsuccessful. ; Si le sport reste une pratique peu diffusée dans la France de 1914, les sociétés de gymnastique, de tir et de préparation militaire y sont au contraire très nombreuses. Elles visent essentiellement à former des jeunes hommes en bonne santé, en amont de leur service militaire, pour en faire de bons soldats. Il s'agit aussi de leur proposer des loisirs « sains ». Ces structures républicaines d'encadrement du temps libre entre l'école et l'armée permettent aussi de concurrencer les catholiques, qui développent leur propre réseau de patronages. Plus de 6000 associations sont ainsi agréées par le gouvernement à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Les sociétés « conscriptives », selon l'expression de Pierre Arnaud, ne disparaissent pas dans l'entre-deux-guerres, malgré l'essor du sport et du pacifisme. Au moins 3000 associations pratiquent encore la préparation militaire à la fin des années 1930.Cette thèse vise donc à prolonger une historiographie déjà riche, en proposant une étude au niveau national, sur toute la période de la Troisième République. L'Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France, dirigée par Adophe Chéron, a fait l'objet d'une attention particulière. La politique de préparation militaire mise en œuvre laisse voir comment l'institutionnalisation croissante des pratiques conscriptives a largement influencé les premières politiques sportives. L'observation au plus près de la réalité locale des sociétés, notamment grâce à l'étude de sources associatives, fait apparaître la porosité entre les pratiques conscriptives et sportives jusque dans les années 1930. Cette étude menée dans plusieurs départements éclaire ainsi d'un jour nouveau l'histoire des activités physiques et sportives de la France de l'entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, une ébauche de comparatisme au niveau européen permet de replacer cette dynamique française dans une perspective plus large.L'étude de ces associations permet également, par un pas de côté chronologique, d'apporter une contribution à l'histoire de la Première Guerre mondiale. Leur développement, même s'il est limité numériquement, révèle une large militarisation de la société, jusque dans les loisirs juvéniles. 50 000 jeunes hommes reçoivent en effet le « brevet de préparation militaire », mis en place en 1908. Ainsi, des éléments d'une culture militaire sont diffusés, à la fois sur le plan idéologique et sur le plan pratique, avec par exemple l'essor de l'entrainement au tir. Cette culture militaire, construite durant plusieurs décennies, peut fonctionner comme un répertoire pour l'émergence des cultures de guerre, dès la mobilisation de 1914. Dans le même temps, les effectifs malgré tout assez réduits du mouvement préparatiste permettent de relativiser cette idée de militarisation, en soulignant les résistances à ces tentatives d'encadrement. Les pratiques conscriptives se révèlent alors beaucoup plus ambigües que ce qui pourrait apparaître au premier abord.Plus globalement, les sociétés de préparation militaire sont aussi une manifestation de l'essor de l'associationnisme à la fin du XIXe siècle, en particulier dans les campagnes. La sociologie de ces groupes fait apparaître la volonté des classes moyennes et supérieures d'encadrer les loisirs de jeunes hommes des classes populaires salariées. Les instituteurs sont des acteurs essentiels de la diffusion de cette forme associative. Ainsi, au-delà de leur aspect militaire, ces associations sont fondamentalement des espaces de sociabilités réinventées. On peut y lire une tentative de contrôle social, en s'appuyant notamment sur les travaux de Michel Foucault. Néanmoins, cette technologie de pouvoir révèle ses limites : les gymnastes paraissent indisciplinés, indociles, et la tentative d'encadrer leurs loisirs se solde globalement par un échec.

In 1914, sport was not widely practiced in France. On the contrary, gymnastics, shooting and military preparation societies were very numerous. Their main purpose was to train healthy young men and good soldiers. The goal was also to offer "healthy" leisure activities, creating republican structures of control between school time and army. At the same time, Catholics developed their own militarised associative network. More than 6000 associations were approved by the government on the eve of the First World War. "Conscriptive practices", according to Pierre Arnaud's expression, were also present in schools. The "preparatory" movement did not disappear in the inter-war period, despite the growth of sports. At least 3,000 associations were actively involved in military training in the late 1930s.This thesis aims to complete the rich historiography about those activities, by offering a national level study, on the whole period of the Third Republic. The "Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France" directed by Adolphe Chéron is specifically analysed. The specific study of military preparation policy underlines how the growing institutionalisation of training practices largely influenced early sports policies. But the careful observation of the daily life in the societies, looked at mainly from associative sources, also shows the porosity between conscriptive practices and sports until the 1930s. This study, carried out in several geographical areas, revisits the history of physical and sporting activities in interwar France. Finally, an outline of comparisons taking place at the European level situates this French dynamic in a broader perspective.The history of these associations also provides a contribution to the First World War history, thanks to a chronological shift. 50,000 young men received the "brevet de préparation militaire", introduced in 1908. Teachers were also part of this preparatory movement. Despite the small numerical importance of the movement, it suggests a militarisation of society, including youth entertainment. In that sense, elements of a military culture were diffused, both ideologically and practically, for example by shooting training. This military culture, built up over several decades, could thus function as a repertoire for the emergence of war cultures in 1914. Nevertheless, the relatively small size of the preparatory movement puts this idea of militarisation into perspective, by highlighting resistance to these social control attempts. Conscriptive practices turn out afterwards to be much more ambiguous than they might appear at first sight.Finally, military training societies show the rise of the associative form at the end of the 19th century, especially in rural areas. A sociological study of these groups reveals the desire of the middle and upper classes to manage the leisure activities of young working class men. Teachers were also essential participants in the dissemination of these groups. It can be seen as an attempt to social control, using the concepts developed by Michel Foucault. But these groups were fundamentally places of new sociability, beyond the military aspect. Association as a modern technology of social power also revealed its limits. Gymnasts appear unruly, undisciplined, and the attempt to control their leisure time was generally unsuccessful. ; Si le sport reste une pratique peu diffusée dans la France de 1914, les sociétés de gymnastique, de tir et de préparation militaire y sont au contraire très nombreuses. Elles visent essentiellement à former des jeunes hommes en bonne santé, en amont de leur service militaire, pour en faire de bons soldats. Il s'agit aussi de leur proposer des loisirs « sains ». Ces structures républicaines d'encadrement du temps libre entre l'école et l'armée permettent aussi de concurrencer les catholiques, qui développent leur propre réseau de patronages. Plus de 6000 associations sont ainsi agréées par le gouvernement à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Les sociétés « conscriptives », selon l'expression de Pierre Arnaud, ne disparaissent pas dans l'entre-deux-guerres, malgré l'essor du sport et du pacifisme. Au moins 3000 associations pratiquent encore la préparation militaire à la fin des années 1930.Cette thèse vise donc à prolonger une historiographie déjà riche, en proposant une étude au niveau national, sur toute la période de la Troisième République. L'Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France, dirigée par Adophe Chéron, a fait l'objet d'une attention particulière. La politique de préparation militaire mise en œuvre laisse voir comment l'institutionnalisation croissante des pratiques conscriptives a largement influencé les premières politiques sportives. L'observation au plus près de la réalité locale des sociétés, notamment grâce à l'étude de sources associatives, fait apparaître la porosité entre les pratiques conscriptives et sportives jusque dans les années 1930. Cette étude menée dans plusieurs départements éclaire ainsi d'un jour nouveau l'histoire des activités physiques et sportives de la France de l'entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, une ébauche de comparatisme au niveau européen permet de replacer cette dynamique française dans une perspective plus large.L'étude de ces associations permet également, par un pas de côté chronologique, d'apporter une contribution à l'histoire de la Première Guerre mondiale. Leur développement, même s'il est limité numériquement, révèle une large militarisation de la société, jusque dans les loisirs juvéniles. 50 000 jeunes hommes reçoivent en effet le « brevet de préparation militaire », mis en place en 1908. Ainsi, des éléments d'une culture militaire sont diffusés, à la fois sur le plan idéologique et sur le plan pratique, avec par exemple l'essor de l'entrainement au tir. Cette culture militaire, construite durant plusieurs décennies, peut fonctionner comme un répertoire pour l'émergence des cultures de guerre, dès la mobilisation de 1914. Dans le même temps, les effectifs malgré tout assez réduits du mouvement préparatiste permettent de relativiser cette idée de militarisation, en soulignant les résistances à ces tentatives d'encadrement. Les pratiques conscriptives se révèlent alors beaucoup plus ambigües que ce qui pourrait apparaître au premier abord.Plus globalement, les sociétés de préparation militaire sont aussi une manifestation de l'essor de l'associationnisme à la fin du XIXe siècle, en particulier dans les campagnes. La sociologie de ces groupes fait apparaître la volonté des classes moyennes et supérieures d'encadrer les loisirs de jeunes hommes des classes populaires salariées. Les instituteurs sont des acteurs essentiels de la diffusion de cette forme associative. Ainsi, au-delà de leur aspect militaire, ces associations sont fondamentalement des espaces de sociabilités réinventées. On peut y lire une tentative de contrôle social, en s'appuyant notamment sur les travaux de Michel Foucault. Néanmoins, cette technologie de pouvoir révèle ses limites : les gymnastes paraissent indisciplinés, indociles, et la tentative d'encadrer leurs loisirs se solde globalement par un échec.

The mass housing estates – apat'u tanji in Korean – that were developed in Seoul during the second half of the twentieth century are the most characteristic spatial practice of the South Korean modernization project. They are not just a passive outcome of economic and urbanization processes, but an active political means of introducing new economic and social structures within the modernizing project of the developmental regime, with a radical impact on the transformation of the city and society. Thus, they function at two interrelated levels: as the building blocks of a modern project of city-making in physical terms (an urbanizing mechanism), and as a means of constructing a modern urban society and way of life (a socializing mechanism). Mass housing estates have been instrumental in shaping all the settings of everyday life, from the urban scale to residential neighborhoods and domestic habitats. Although an estimated 53% of the population of Seoul lives in mass housing estates, they are not considered a disciplinary subject. They are largely disregarded as banal by the architectural community and often criticized from a sociological, economic or policy perspective. This research questions that assumed banality and inquiries into the spatial and organizational logics behind the apparent normality of these estates. The thesis approaches them as an architectural topic and proposes a methodology to identify, describe, interpret and criticize them from a disciplinary stance at different scales: the scale of the city, the scale of the housing estate and the scale of the building type or residential unit. These three scales determine the basic structure of the research. The findings demonstrate that the implementation of mass housing in Seoul has not been a homogeneous process. Instead, it has followed different rationales over the study period. The housing problem was understood at urban scale simply as the quantitative provision of housing units. The complexes did not contribute to the formation and organization of urban space and remained as isolated fragments that are partially coordinated with other processes of urban growth, the existing city and the natural context. Nevertheless, the systematization of planning processes and formal models for the provision of housing units at a massive scale were consolidated into a technology that normalized the construction of entire urban fragments. At the scale of the housing estate, relevant innovations were produced for a brief period with the introduction of site planning strategies based on residential clusters. The development of a standardized unit type also yielded an innovative modern layout which hybridizes global housing models with local understanding of domesticity, privacy, posture and comfort. The thesis evidences how, ultimately, the shift to private development at the end of the 1980s prevented further development of the mass housing model. Today, apat'u tanji have become spatial organizational protocols that standardize the built environment at different scales. Site planning strategies and unit types developed earlier under the patronage of the public housing authority were captured by the market and pressed into service without their original community-building agendas or theoretical bases. ; Els polígons residencials -o apat'u tanji en coreà- construïts a Seül durant la segona meitat del segle XX són la pràctica espacial més característica del projecte modernitzador de Corea del Sud. No són només el subproducte passiu de processos econòmics i urbanitzadors, sinó una estratègia política activa amb l'objectiu d'introduir noves estructures econòmiques i socials dins del projecte modernitzador del règim desenvolupamentalista, i han tingut un impacte radical en la transformació de la ciutat i la societat. Així, operen a dos nivells interrelacionats: com a pilars del projecte modern de fer ciutat en termes físics (un mecanisme d'urbanització), i com a mitjà per a donar forma a una societat i un estil de vida urbans moderns (un mecanisme de socialització). Els polígons d'habitatge massiu han estat essencials per definir diferents àmbits de la vida quotidiana, des de l'escala urbana, passant per l'escala dels barris residencials, fins els hàbitats domèstics. Malgrat que es calcula que un 53% de la població de Seül viu en polígons residencials, no són considerats com un tema disciplinar per la comunitat arquitectònica. Són menystinguts per la seva percebuda banalitat i estudiats majoritàriament des d'una perspectiva sociològica, econòmica o política. La recerca posa en dubte aquesta suposada banalitat i s'interessa per les lògiques espacials i organitzatives ocultes darrere l'aparent normalitat dels polígons d'habitatge massiu. La tesi els aborda com un tema arquitectònic i proposa una metodologia per identificar-los, descriure'ls, interpretar-los i criticar-los des de la disciplina a diferents escales: a l'escala de la ciutat; a l'escala de la parcel·la; i a l'escala del tipus edificatori-unitat residencial. Aquests tres àmbits determinen l'estructura bàsica de la investigació. Els resultats de la recerca demostren que l'adopció de polígons d'habitatge massiu per respondre a la manca crònica d'habitatge durant gran part del segle XX no ha estat un procés homogeni. Els polígons han adoptat una varietat de papers urbans, s'han destinat a diversos públics i han seguit diferents lògiques de posicionament dins la ciutat durant el període d'estudi. El problema de l'habitatge va ser entès a escala urbana simplement com la provisió quantitativa d'unitats residencials, de manera que els polígons no han contribuït a la formació i l'Organització de l'espai urbà. Han romàs com a fragments urbans aïllats, només integrats de forma parcial amb altres processos de creixement urbà, amb la ciutat existent i amb el context natural. No obstant, la sistematització de processos de planificació i de models formals per a la provisió d'unitats d'habitatge a gran escala es va consolidar en una tecnologia que va normalitzar la construcció unitària de fragments urbans sencers. A l'escala del planejament dels polígons es van produir innovacions rellevants durant un breu període amb la introducció d'estratègies d'ordenació basades en clústers d'edificis residencials. El desenvolupament d'una unitat residencial estandarditzada també va donar lloc a una tipologia moderna i innovadora que hibrida models d'habitatge globals amb formes autòctones d'entendre la domesticitat, la comoditat, l'ús del pla del sòl i la privacitat. La tesi evidencia com la transició vers el desenvolupament privat a finals dels anys vuitanta va torbar l'evolució del model d'habitatge massiu a Corea del Sud. Avui dia, els apat'u tanji han esdevingut protocols d'organització espacial que estandarditzen l'entorn construït a diferents escales. Els sistemes d'ordenació i les tipologies residencials desenvolupats anteriorment sota la direcció de l'administració pública van ser apropiats pel mercat sense tenir en compte els objectius socials i els continguts teòrics originals. ; Postprint (published version)

Studying Confucian classics is commonly known as core activity in Chinese imperial education – at least for young men who sought a career as government official. When this learning technique reappeared in classrooms of privately-run so-called contemporary "academies" and "study halls", heated debates on the value of traditional education for contemporary Chinese society ensued in academia and society. Children who study the classics in a full-time approach receive education outside of China's system of compulsory education. Given that study halls and academies are usually not registered as schools, they can neither offer an officially recognized diploma nor an official school registration which is, for example, needed for participation in the secondary school and the university entrance examinations. The legal situation of reading the classics today as alternative to public education remains subject of negotiations between headmasters of the newly emerged facilities and local government officials. Nevertheless, parents take the risk to send their children to these facilities to receive education. In addition, parents are taking on a huge financial burden as study fees in these facilities are quite high. Despite all obstacles, many parents decide that their child(ren) should learn from China's ancient masters rather than from today's schoolbooks. In the continued trend of Confucian revival in China since the 1980s and 1990s, classics reading education appears as a project of retraditionalization on the level of the people (minjian). Originally developed by educator and Confucian scholar Wang Caigui, the educational approach of reading the classics has been translated into different forms of practice in individual educational facilities. Even though classics reading activities and initiatives are very diverse and far from forming a coherent movement, educational activists follow the common goal to make Chinese society more moral, civilized, and more Chinese again. Confucian idealism is projected into visions of a better future which highly influence activists in the classics reading movement (dujing yundong). Motivated (or repelled) by perceived lacks and deficiencies in Chinese society today, classics reading activists develop rich imaginaries of a better future; this utopian thought is attempted to be implemented into everyday routines and learners' lives in study halls and academies. Ideals and specific localized practice play key roles in classics reading education: ideals are implemented into daily practice, and daily practice takes place in a carefully designed environment which responds to these abstract ideals with corresponding ideal structures. The embodiment of abstract ideals and visions in locations and people's identities, behaviors and actions is a major concern in grounded utopian movements. The theory of grounded utopian movements is taken over as tool to make results of the study of the classics reading movement better understandable and to take them to another level of abstraction and comparability. Emerging in the research on nativistic movements in North and South America among native groups, grounded utopian movement theory explained what fell out of the grid of established social movement and new social movement theory – movements that could not respond well to the society-state relation assumed in Northern America and Europe in relation to their nation state building processes. Crucial for the introduction of this new theoretical framework is a history of foreign occupation and cultural oppression which influenced nation building processes in these countries. Considering China's turbulent conditions at the beginning of the 20th century, similarities in historical fates appear, especially in China's intellectual world and educational landscape which were both dominated by foreign thought and system for a long time. Different "lacks" in China's current society (inadequate public education, moral decline of society, shifting family values and lack of knowledge in child raising on parent's side) are linked to China's multiple disconnection with its own cultural tradition in the past (from Qing dynasty onwards but at the latest starting with the anti-traditional May Fourth Movement in 1919). Confucian activists take the responsibility for filling or counterbalancing these lacks with a rich cultural and moral education under the patronage of the sages of China's more distant and more glorious past. Interview and participant observation data from ethnographic field research carried out between October 2015 and July 2016 are the basis for this study. In 2015, information on the phenomenon of classics reading education which was taken directly from practice was scarce and largely related to studies which were not mainly concerned with education but, for example, with Confucian revival in general or the religious/ spiritual side of popular Confucian projects. In-depth interviews drew a vivid image of the classics reading world as imagined and lived by classics reading educators and parents. Field observation during the visits in class and naturally occurring talks with involved people revealed how difficult it is to drag such rich ideals into reality. The highest ideal to become a morally upright gentleman (junzi; the term is used gender-neutral and encompasses girls and women) who would influence and improve Chinese society requires time consuming daily recitation of Confucian (and "Western") classics over many years – a practice which is always the same and carried out in the same daily rhythms. Exceedingly few (parents of) children commit to the whole package of 20 years of classics reading education – and considering that the movement only picked up speed at the beginning of the 2000s, there can hardly be students who already went all the way. An assessment of possible outcomes of the movement can only have a preliminary character, but there are activists who critically examine their own actions and routines and see the price paid for sticking to ideals too strictly. In many cases, students' further development in higher education and/ or professional life remains a question mark. Utopia in practice looks less ideal than in theory. Nevertheless, the utopian movement of reading the classics teaches a lot about coping with caesuras in the past, changes in the present, and conceptualizations of the future. Active engagement in realizing these future concepts drives people to explore new paths – even in legally unclarified grey areas – and secure their own participation in (social) matters which are of concern for them. Even though the classics reading movement might be small and operating in the margins, the Chinese government has started to respond to people's own initiatives in their (educational) policies.

Mit der vorliegenden Dissertation wird erstmals ein zeitlich umfassender Überblick über die touristische Verlagskartographie in der DDR gegeben. Als "Leitverlag" steht der Landkartenverlag bzw. Tourist Verlag im Mittelpunkt der Arbeit, dessen Geschichte zugleich den Untersuchungszeitraum 1945–1994 vorgibt. Darüber hinaus werden weitere Verlage, kartographische Betriebe und Institutionen betrachtet, die im Osten Deutschlands mit der Herstellung und Herausgabe von touristischen Karten befasst waren. Das halbe Jahrhundert ostdeutscher Verlagsgeschichte lässt sich in fünf inhaltlich abgrenzbare Entwicklungsphasen einteilen. Phase 1 (1945–1952) war gekennzeichnet durch eine von der Besatzungsmacht UdSSR überwachte und im Aufbau befindliche Verlagslandschaft. In jenen Jahren gelang es nur dem von Kurt Schaffmann gegründeten Landkartenverlag, eine volle Sortimentsbreite touristischer Karten (Stadtpläne, Wanderkarten, Verkehrskarten) aufzubauen, jedoch vorerst noch regional eingeschränkt. In Phase 2 (1953–1965) wurde durch die Verstaatlichung von Verlagen und der sich anschließenden Konzentration der Herausgabe die Grundlage für ein staatlich kontrolliertes Verlagswesen geschaffen. Dabei war zugleich die Sortimentsvielzahl zugunsten einer klar formulierten Programmstruktur aufgegeben worden. Für Phase 3 (1966–1976) war die Herstellung und Herausgabe eines komplett neuen Verlagsprogramms prägend. Vorausgegangen waren Beratungen in Moskau und Ost-Berlin, die zu verschärften Sicherheitsmaßnahmen im Kartenwesen führten. Fortan wurden alle für die Öffentlichkeit bestimmten Karten nur noch mit verzerrten Maßstäben produziert. Phase 4 (1977–1989) beinhaltet die Tätigkeit des VEB Tourist Verlag Berlin/Leipzig, der neben Karten nun auch für touristische Literatur verantwortlich zeichnete. Bis auf Koeditionen mit Verlagen benachbarter sozialistischer Staaten stagnierte die Kartenherausgabe, denn zunehmend wurden Kapazitäten durch den Devisen bringenden Kartographieexport in die BRD gebunden. In der Phase 5 (1990–1994) gelang es dem Tourist Verlag nicht, eine gefestigte Stellung in der gesamtdeutschen Marktwirtschaft zu erringen. Durch den Verkauf seitens der Treuhandanstalt an J. Fink – Kümmerly + Frey ließ sich das Schicksal nur um wenige Jahre hinauszögern; am Ende stand die Liquidation des traditionsreichen Unternehmens. Damit wird zugleich der Schlusspunkt der Betrachtungen fixiert. Im Laufe ihrer Geschichte war die ostdeutsche Verlagskartographie verschiedensten Restriktionen unterworfen. Zensur in Form sogenannter Genehmigungsverfahren, Bevormundung durch staatliche Anleitung und Kontrolle sowie die Sicherheitsdoktrin der sowje-tischen Führungsriege gaben den Rahmen vor, in dem Karten für die Öffentlichkeit entstehen konnten. Seit Mitte der 1960er Jahre führte die ausschließliche Verwendung von verzerrten Kartengrundlagen zu Erzeugnissen, in denen das Ermitteln von exakten Streckenlängen unmöglich wurde. Zusammen mit diversen Tarnmaßnahmen für Grenzgebiete, Militärobjekte und Industrieanlagen sowie weiteren Manipulationen des Karteninhalts, entstand ein von Fachleuten und Nutzern oft kritisiertes Verlagsprogramm. Während in den ersten Jahren nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs noch zahlreiche Stadtpläne in den Handel gelangten, wurde ab Mitte der 1960er Jahre nur noch eine eingeschränkte Anzahl von Orten mit adäquatem Kartenmaterial bedacht. Zudem sind die Erzeugnisse fortan mit sogenannten "gleitenden Maßstäben" erstellt worden. Die Pläne genügten für die grobe Orientierung, touristischer Inhalt war sorgsam eingearbeitet. Als Ausgangsmaterial für Wander- und Touristenkarten in verschiedenen Maßstäben diente ab 1966 die von der staatlichen Kartographie eigens zur Verfügung gestellte, verzerrte Übersichtskarte im Maßstab 1 : 200 000. Fuß- und Radwanderer bekamen die daraus resultierenden Auswirkungen am meisten zu spüren. Da auch das Kartenbild recht grob war, genoss diese Kartengruppe einen allgemein schlechten Ruf. Bei den Verkehrskarten haben sich die Verzerrungen umso weniger bemerkbar gemacht, je länger die zu fahrenden Strecken waren. Wegen ihres Detailreichtums wurden die Karten sogar im Ausland geschätzt – Mairs Geographischer Verlag aus Stuttgart hatte die "Reise- und Verkehrskarte" in seine international bekannte Reihe der "Generalkarten" integriert. Somit ist insbesondere den touristischen Karten, die zwischen 1965 und 1989 produziert worden sind, eine unzureichende Note zu attestieren. Die differenzierte Betrachtung des Gesamtzeitraumes zeigt aber auch, dass Pauschalurteile über die touristische Kartographie in der DDR nicht angemessen sind. ; This doctoral dissertation provides the first general overview of tourist-oriented cartography publishing in the GDR. The thesis centres on the "Landkartenverlag" or "Tourist Verlag" as the "lead publishing houses", investigating their history from 1945 until 1994. Additionally, light is shed on other publishers, cartographic companies and institutions that were involved in the production and publication of tourist maps in Eastern Germany. Half a century of East German publishing history can be divided into five phases of development, defined according to content. Phase 1 (1945–1952) was characterized by a publishing landscape under the supervision of the occupying power, the USSR. In those years only the publishing house "Landkartenverlag" established by Kurt Schaffmann in Berlin managed to build up a full range of tourist maps (city maps, hiking maps, road maps), but which was regionally limited at the time. In Phase 2 (1953–1965), the nationalization of publishing houses and the subsequent concentration of publication created the basis for state-controlled publishing. At the same time, the variety of publications was given up in favour of a clearly formulated programme. Phase 3 (1966–1976) was defined by the production and publication of a completely new publishing catalogue. This was preceded by consultations in Moscow and East Berlin, which led to tightened security measures in cartography. From this point forward, all maps intended for the public were produced only with distorted scales. Phase 4 (1977–1989) includes the activities of the publishing house "Tourist Verlag" in Berlin and Leipzig, which, in addition to maps, also became responsible for travel literature. Except for collaborative editions with publishers of the neighbouring socialist states Poland and Czechoslovakia, map publication stagnated. This was due to the fact that their capacities were increasingly focused on lucrative cartography exports to the FRG. In Phase 5 (1990–1994), the "Tourist Verlag" was not able to achieve a stable position in the then-unified German market economy. With the state trust company's sale to the West German publishing house "J. Fink –Kümmerly + Frey", its fate could only be delayed for a few years. Finally, the company, with its rich tradition in the GDR, was liquidated. The end point of the present study aligns with the conclusion of its history. Throughout its history, East German publishing cartography has been subject to various restrictions. Censorship in the form of so-called approval procedures, patronage by state guidance and control, and the security doctrine of the Soviet leadership set the conditions in which maps could be made available to the public. Since the mid-1960s, the exclusive use of distorted maps has led to products in which it is not possible to measure exact track lengths. Together with various camouflage methods for state border areas, military objects and industrial facilities, as well as further manipulation of the content, the publishing programme became the target of frequent criticism from experts and users. While in the first years after the end of the Second World War many city maps were still introduced into the market, from the mid-1960s forward adequate map material was provided only for a limited number of cities. In addition, the products were from then on produced with so-called "sliding scales". The maps were sufficient for approximate orientation, but tourist content was carefully incorporated. Hiking and biking maps in different scales (from 1: 30,000 to 1: 120,000) were based on a distorted general map of state cartography from 1966, which was provided on a scale of 1: 200,000. Pedestrians and cyclists were most likely to feel the resulting negative effects. Because the map image was also quite rough, this group of maps had a generally poor reputation. In the case of road maps, the distortions became less noticeable the longer the distances to be travelled. Because of their wealth of detail, the maps were even appreciated abroad – the publishing house "Mairs Geographischer Verlag" from Stuttgart had integrated the "Reise- und Verkehrskarte" (travel and traffic map with a scale of 1: 200,000) into its internationally renowned series of the "Generalkarte". Thus, the tourist maps in particular, produced between 1965 and 1989, attest to an insufficient grade. However, a differentiated view of the entire period also shows that generalized assessments of tourist cartography in the GDR are not appropriate.

The challenges faced by Indonesia in creating a robust Public-Private Partnership (PPP) program are similar to those faced by many other middle-income countries. This paper provides a gap analysis for Indonesia's PPP framework based on lessons learned and good practice from countries with successful PPP programs. It identifies, in particular, the need for the government to: select good projects for PPP, rather than only complex ones that are less likely to attract private partners. Establish a list of projects by a limited cabinet meeting and stick to it-issuing different lists of projects and holding showcase summits with open agendas tends to confuse the market. Keep those projects on track for PPP-allowing the contracting agencies to develop prospective projects directly, or to award them without competition leads investors to question the commitment and resolve of the government to its own PPP process. Prepare projects well, using the Ministry of Finance to provide access to: 1) a team of PPP experts to help contracting agencies develop projects; 2) project preparation funding to help pay the high costs of preparation; and 3) viability gap funding to make projects more affordable and bankable by defraying some of the capital costs.