Suchergebnisse

The pyromaniac fireman -- Early Belgrade days -- Close encounter with the Bosnian serbs : the three Ks -- A first private meeting with Milošević -- Meeting General Mladić -- Point man for the contact group -- The UN hostage crisis -- Srebrenica -- The end of the Krajina Serbs and NATO bombing -- Dayton from the sidelines -- Independent media and the opposition -- The high representative's delegate -- The winter of discontent -- Bildt's farewell and the B92 saga -- Kosovo -- Final days -- Secret emissary -- Aftermath -- Conclusions

1. Inheritance -- 2. Entering the fray : 1903-14 -- 3. Changing focus, 1914-19? -- 4. The origins of the League of Nations, 1916-18 -- 5. Paris Peace Conference, 1919 -- 6. Disarmament and first challenges to League authority, 1919-24 -- 7. The European security debate and the League Council crisis, 1924-26 -- 8. Land and air disarmament negotiations, 1925-27 -- 9. Naval disarmament and the Geneva Naval Conference, 1925-27 -- 10. International disarmament and crisis in the Far East, 1928-34 -- 11. The peace ballot and the rise of fascism in Europe, 1934-39 -- 12. The Second World War, the United Nations and the Cold War, 1939-58.

A connection between Thatcherite and Reaganite domestic policy is often assumed by historians. The two political leaders are commonly viewed in the same 'New Right' context. Yet, although there was an alignment - and this study shows how the two administrations cited developments across the Atlantic in justification of their respective policy agendas - it is clear that this shared context was often only in terms of rhetoric and presentation rather than in policy. In this ground-breaking study, containing over thirty interviews with key protagonists, James Cooper explores a more complex relationship between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in the 1980s; he reveals the strengths and weaknesses of their political bonds, and shows that their fortunes, whilst in concurrent power, offered a crucial mutual validation as they sought to 'roll back the state'.

The doctoral dissertation with the title "Post-9/11 America: Poetic and Cultural Responses" examines the immediate responses that emerged in American media and poetry after the terrorist attacks on 11 September, 2001 in New York City and Washington, D.C. The research proceeds from the analysis of responses to 9/11 in several American printed media, to the reading of poetic works by contemporary American poets. Using the resources of the editorials in four major daily American newspapers (USA Today, The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Washington Times) and two leading weekly American magazines (The New Yorker and The Weekly Standard), the research employs the theoretical approach of content analysis to examine the rhetoric used. This method enables textual data analysis in selected editorials associated with the language of 9/11 to confirm the first variable of the thesis ; i.e. that the media reproduced the manner of the rhetoric of the then current government administration. Seeking to explain the rhetoric of the politicians and the media after 9/11, the analysis explores several parameters. This kind of rhetoric addressed the issues connected to 9/11, and employed a great deal of patriotism-related words as well as a language that could help instigate fear and paranoia in Americans and their culture. After the first hypothesis of the thesis has been established, the study turns towards the primary argument of the thesis. The main crux of the study is to show that the majority of the poets deviated from the prevalent rhetoric of the time, and did not resort to the language of fear and intense patriotism. This in-depth study of contemporary American poetry that came into existence as a response to the events of 9/11 focuses on poems published in several anthologies (Poetry after 9/11: An Anthology of New York Poets ; September 11, 2001 American Writers Respond ; An Eye for an Eye Makes the Whole World Blind ; September 11: West Coast Writers Approach Ground Zero ; 110 Stories), prominent American journals (such as The New Yorker and Michigan Quarterly Review), and poetry collections. Focusing on portraying the manifold poetic responses to 9/11, this study leans on thematic criticism as a comparative approach for creating a collectivity of poems that differ in metrics, style, tropes and figures of speech. Thematic criticism provides a foundation for organizing the poems into thematic clusters, not by determining unique thematic features of a specific poem, but by establishing attributes that unite several poems into a thematic cluster. The thesis divides the 9/11 poems into eight thematic clusters, which are then analyzed in detail. Additionally, the study uses another method to analyze individual poetic responses to 9/11, which is the formalist theoretical approach, New Criticism. This interpretive method of close reading enables an interpretation of a poem by analyzing its formal elements based on internal evidence. With the combination of the interpretive and comparative approach, the thesis has confirmed the main postulate and has established that most post-9/11 American poetry eschewed the prevalent patriotic rhetoric of the then current U.S. media. The study has shown that post-9/11 poetry is a marginal genre in comparison to the 9/11 novel when it comes to the critical examination of the post-9/11 literary responses. Hence, this study is novel in providing a substantial scholarly examination of post-9/11 poetry written by American poets. Chapter 2 investigates fear, patriotism and language issues in politics and the media after 9/11.Chapter 3 establishes the prevailing rhetoric in the immediate post 9/11 response of U.S. media with the help of the theoretical framework of content analysis. The pre-existing scholarly work on literary responses to 9/11 and the problems with representation of 9/11 in American culture occupy Chapter 4, while Chapter 5 sets out the selected methodology (Thematic Criticism and New Criticism) for studying post-9/11 American poetry. Chapter 6 deals extensively with thematic representations in post-9/11 American poetry. ; Namen doktorske disertacije z naslovom »Amerika po 11. septembru: odzivi v poeziji in kulturi« je analiza in sistematična razčlenitev takojšnjih odzivov v Ameriki na teroristične napade, ki so se zgodili 11. septembra 2001 v mestih New York in Washington D.C. Doktorska disertacija se giblje od analize odzivov ameriških tiskanih medijev do odzivov na te dogodke sodobnih ameriških pesnikov. Prvi del študije je tako namenjen podrobni analizi retorike dualizma, patriotskega jezika kot tudi elementov ustrahovanja v uredniških uvodnikih v izbranih ameriških tiskanih medijih (uvodniki v štirih dnevnih časopisih: USA Today, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Washington Times, ter dveh tednikih: The New Yorker in The Weekly Standard). Ker se doktorska disertacija osredotoča na takojšnje odzive na napade, zajema raziskava izbranih uredniških uvodnikov obdobje štirih tednov v dnevnem časopisju in osmih tednov v tednikih. Metodologija za dokazovanje, da je bila uporabljena retorika domoljubna, da je pomagala širiti strah in paranojo v ameriški družbi ter da je bila nadvse podobna bipolarni politični retoriki tistega časa, je kvantitativna analiza vsebine (content analysis). Ta pristop omogoča analizo besedilnih podatkov v izbranih uredniških uvodnikih s pomočjo računalniške programske opreme za raziskovanje večih parametrov in potrditev prve hipoteze: da so mediji v veliki meri sledili načinu retorike takratne politične administracije. Ko je bila dokazana prva spremenljivka doktorske disertacije glede prevladujoče retorike, se doktorska naloga usmeri proti glavnemu argumentu. Glavna hipoteza doktorske disertacije je, da je po teh dogodkih vzniknilo veliko poezije, ki izraža poetično ter popolnoma osebno stran krize in ki v veliki meri odstopa od javnih odzivov medijev in politikov, kar predstavlja tudi jedro te študije. Tako smo priča številnim antologijam s poezijo o dogodkih, povezanih z 11. septembrom, ki so se pojavile v prvih letih po napadih leta 2001. Disertacija obravnava poezijo po 11. septembru, ki je bila objavljena v teh antologijah (Poetry after 9/11: An Anthology of New York Poets, September 11, 2001 American Writers Respond, An Eye for an Eye Makes the Whole World Blind, September 11: West Coast Writers Approach Ground Zero, 110 Stories), posameznih pesniških zbirkah in prestižnih revijah, kot sta npr. The New Yorker in Michigan Quarterly Review. Študija ne vsebuje poetičnih odzivov, objavljenih na številnih spletnih straneh, saj so bili tisti odzivi v veliki meri napisani izpod peresa ne-pesnikov, ki so se odločili le uporabiti pesniško obliko za izraz svojih mnenj. Ta doktorska disertacija se osredotoča izključno na raziskovanje odzivov med že uveljavljenimi sodobnimi ameriškimi pesniki. S pomočjo tematske kritike doktorska disertacija pokaže, kako raznoliki, a hkrati podobni so bili odzivi ameriških pesnikov. Tematska kritika omogoča razdelitev pesmi v tematske sklope, ki se razlikujejo v slogu, retoričnih figurah in metaforiki. Še dodatno pa se doktorska disertacija opira na formalistični pristop natančnega branja. Ta novokritiška teorija omogoča interpretativno obravnavo posameznih pesmi in njihovih formalnih elementov, ki gradijo zgolj na zunanjih dokazih posamezne pesmi in ne upoštevajo ostalih kontekstov. S kombinacijo komparativnega (tematska kritika) in interpretativnega (nova kritika in natančno branje) pristopa doktorska disertacija analizira poezijo s formalističnega vidika, hkrati pa zaobjame tudi širši (zgodovinski) kontekst in variacije v odnosih v izbranih pesmih. Teza potrdi pričakovani rezultat, da so se sodobni ameriški pesniki v največji meri odmaknili od prevladujočega mnenja javnosti tedanjega časa o terorističnih napadih 11. septembra 2001. Poleg tega odzivi na 11. september v ameriški poeziji kot tudi odklon teh pesnikov od tedanje politike in njene propagande do sedaj še niso bili sistematično raziskani in obdelani, zato je tako zastavljeno delo inovativen prispevek k literarni vedi na področju ameriške književnosti in primerjalne književnosti. Sleherne značilnosti odzivov v ameriški poeziji, ki se nedvomno razlikujejo od odzivov celotne ameriške družbe, so opisane in pojasnjene v luči sodobne teorije.

This book provides a comprehensive, multidisciplinary introduction to public policy and planning in the field of leisure and tourism. It includes theoretical perspectives and practical guidelines for the application of a range of analytical techniques. It is an updated edition of Leisure Policy and Planning (1994), now covering tourism as well as leisure and addressing such issues as citizens' rights, the implications of globalization, 'third way' politics, and 'best value' developments. Topics covered include: leisure and tourism needs, rights and citizenship; political ideologies and the role of the state; the market versus the state; public policy making; leisure and tourism plans and planning; forecasting leisure and tourism demand; economic evaluation methods; performance evaluation; and planning for different sectors (sport, outdoor recreation, tourism, and the arts) and groups (men and women, people with disabilities, ethnic groups, older people, and youth).

The problem of lands inhabited by German populations within the Czechoslovak state, called the Sudeten Germans, caused the fall of Czechoslovakia in 1938. The Germans had the right to demand ‒ under the principle of self-determination‒ the creation of an independent state. In 1921 there was in Czechoslovakia a substantial German minority of 23.4 percent, making it the second largest nationality in the republic. When determining new borderlines, the victorious powers of the Entente were able to prevent an unnecessary conflict which pushed Europe in 1938 on the threshold of a new world war. But they missed the opportunity for the lack of their political imagination. And it was Czechoslovakia who paid dearly for it. ; Summary in English. ; p. 197-204 ; Text eng. ; The problem of lands inhabited by German populations within the Czechoslovak state, called the Sudeten Germans, caused the fall of Czechoslovakia in 1938. The Germans had the right to demand ‒ under the principle of self-determination‒ the creation of an independent state. In 1921 there was in Czechoslovakia a substantial German minority of 23.4 percent, making it the second largest nationality in the republic. When determining new borderlines, the victorious powers of the Entente were able to prevent an unnecessary conflict which pushed Europe in 1938 on the threshold of a new world war. But they missed the opportunity for the lack of their political imagination. And it was Czechoslovakia who paid dearly for it. ; s. 197-204 ; Tekst ang. ; Stresz. ang.

Paper Sovereigns demonstrates that treaty making and breaking in the early North Atlantic world involved complex struggles and crosscultural systems of negotiation, establishing Native American treaties as a powerful influence on European colonization.

Intro -- David Hume, Essays Moral, Political, and Literary -- Front Matter -- Title Page -- Copyright Details -- Table of Contents, p. vii -- Foreword, p. xi -- Editor's Note, p. xix -- Note to the Revised Edition, p. xxviii -- The Life of David Hume, p. xxix -- Letter from Adam Smith, LL.D. To William Strahan, Esq., p. xliii -- Essays Moral, Political, and Literary -- Part I -- I. Of the Delicacy of Taste and Passion, p. 3 -- II. Of the Liberty of the Press, p. 9 -- III. That Politics May be Reduced to a Science, p. 14 -- IV. Of the First Principles of Government, p. 32 -- V. Of the Origin of Government, p. 37 -- VI. Of the Independency of Parliament, p. 42 -- VII. Whether the British Government Inclines More to Absolute Monarchy, or to a Republic, p. 47 -- VIII. Of Parties In General, p. 54 -- IX. Of the Parties of Great Britain, p. 64 -- X. Of Superstition and Enthusiasm, p. 73 -- XI. Of the Dignity or Meanness of Human Nature, p. 80 -- XII. Of Civil Liberty, p. 87 -- XIII. Of Eloquence, p. 97 -- XIV. Of the Rise and Progress of the Arts and Sciences, p. 111 -- XV. The Epicurean, p. 138 -- XVI. The Stoic, p. 146 -- XVII. The Platonist, p. 155 -- XVIII. The Sceptic, p. 159 -- XIX. Of Polygamy and Divorces, p. 181 -- XX. Of Simplicity and Refinement in Writing, p. 191 -- XXI. Of National Characters, p. 197 -- XXII. Of Tragedy, p. 216 -- XXIII. Of the Standard of Taste, p. 226 -- Part II -- I. Of Commerce, p. 253 -- II. Of Refinement in the Arts, p. 268 -- III. Of Money, p. 281 -- IV. Of Interest, p. 295 -- V. Of the Balance of Trade, p. 308 -- VI. Of the Jealousy of Trade, p. 327 -- VII. Of the Balance of Power, p. 332 -- VIII. Of Taxes, p. 342 -- IX. Of Public Credit, p. 349 -- X. Of Some Remarkable Customs, p. 366 -- XI. Of the Populousness of Ancient Nations, p. 377 -- XII. Of the Original Contract, p. 465.

"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

CLARKSON, STEPHEN. Uncle Sam and US: Globalization, Neoconservatism, and the
Canadian State. By W. Andy Knight 899WALLOT, JEAN-PIERRE, sous la direction de. La Commission Pepin-Robarts quelque
vingt ans aprés. Le débat qui n'a pas eu lieu. Par Simon Langois 900MARTIN, MICHEL, dir. Andrée Ferretti : La passion de l'engagement. Discours et textes
(1964-2001). Par Denyse Côté 902ABU-LABAN, YASMEEN and CHRISTINA GABRIEL. Selling Diversity: Immigration, Multiculturalism,
Employment Equity, and Globalization. By Leslie A. Pal 905HALE, GEOFFREY, The Politics of Taxation in Canada. By Michael J. Prince 906NOLIN, PIERRE CLAUDE, Président. Le cannabis. Rapport du Comité spécial du Sénat
sur les drogues illicites. Par Line Beauchesne 907TARDY, ÉVELYNE. Les femmes et les conseils municipaux du Québec. Par Jocelyne
Praud 909PERL, ANTHONY. New Departures: Rethinking Rail Passenger Policy in the Twenty-
First Century. By Dan Madar 912FREITAG, MICHEL, avec la collaboration d'Yves Bonny. L'oubli de la société : Pour une
théorie critique de la postmodernité. Par Ulric Deschênes 913BERNSTEIN, STEVEN. The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism. By Matthew
Paterson 915LEISS, WILLIAM. In the Chamber of Risks: Understanding Risk Controversies. By
James Tansey 916THÉRET, BRUNO. Protection sociale et fédéralisme. L'Europe dans le miroir de
l'Amérique du Nord. Par Daniel Béland 917DELWIT, PASCAL, dir. Libéralismes et partis libéraux en Europe. Par Vincent Lemieux
920DRIVER, STEPHEN AND LUKE MARTELL. Blair's Britain. By Alexandra Dobrowolsky
921PALIER, BRUNO. Gouverner la Sécurité sociale. Par Jacinthe Michaud 922HOOK, GLENN D., JULIE GILSON, CHRISTOPHERW. HUGHES AND HUGO DOBSON. Japan's
International Relations: Politics, Economics and Security. By Tsuyoshi Kawasaki
927CHAPPELL, LOUISE A. Gendering Government: Feminist Engagement with the State in
Australia and Canada. By Jill Vickers 929BALDEZ, LISA. Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile. By Susan
Franceschet 930HAYES, MICHAEL T. The Limits of Policy Change: Incrementalism, Worldview, and the
Rule of Law. By Andrea Migone 931GAGNON, BERNARD. La philosophie morale et politique de Charles Taylor. Par Benoît
Dubreuil 933MOSCHONAS, GERASSIMOS, Trans. GREGORY ELLIOT. In the Name of Social Democracy:
The Great Transformation: 1945 to the Present; and PIERSON, CHRISTOPHER. Hard
Choices: Social Democracy in the 21st Century. By David Laycock 935STANKIEWICZ, W. J. The Essential Stankiewicz: On the Importance of Political Theory.
By Herminio Meireles Teixeira 937BLATTBERG, CHARLES. From Pluralist to Patriotic Politics: Putting Practice First. By
Simone Chambers 940JANARA, LAURA, Democracy Growing Up: Authority, Autonomy, and Passion in Tocqueville's
Democracy in America. By Catherine A. Holland 941

Presents evidence that Ba'athists were deliberately restored to power, and demonstrates that this was not a war for disarmament, or for 'regime change', but a war for power. [back cover]

1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Banning the work by Charles II. ; Order to print signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. ; Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

La política cultural puede definirse como aquello que los gobiernos hacen específicamente para el ámbito o sector de la cultura general o, en los términos de Fernández Prado (1999:18), considerar una política cultural como un conjunto estructurado de intervenciones conscientes de uno o varios organismos públicos en la vida cultural. En cuanto a la forma de asumir la institucionalidad cultural, la intervención pública puede ser directa cuando es dirigida por un sector integrado directamente con la administración o indirecta, cuando opera a través de "agencias para la cultura", son públicas y mantienen cierta autonomía respecto a la administración misma (Bodo, 2004: 1). Esta distinción revive la cuestión en torno de dos modelos emblemáticos: vía Ministerio de Cultura y el indirecto, como el Arts Council of Great Britain (Mejía Arango, 2009: 114). En la práctica existen otras figuras: un esquema de coexistencia entre una Subsecretaria de Cultura y un Fondo Nacional de las Artes creado en Argentina hacia 1958. Esta iniciativa de institucionalización del área de Cultura, a nivel estatal, comenzó a partir de los años treinta en los que la política se convirtió en una de las grandes organizadoras de la intervención cultural. El objetivo inicial de este trabajo es analizar, la creación del Fondo Nacional de las Artes destinado a otorgar créditos para el estímulo, desarrollo, salvaguarda y premio a las actividades artísticas y literarias. Las futuras líneas de investigación, que son objetos de interés, se relacionan con la evolución histórica de dicha institución de manera que permita evaluar la situación actual. ; Cultural policy can be defined as the actions governments carry out specifically for the field or sector of general culture or, in the terms of Fernández Prado (1999: 18), a cultural policy can be considered as a structured set of interventions conscious of one or several public organizations in cultural life. As for the way in which governments assume cultural institutionality, public intervention can be direct, when led by a sector directly integrated with the administration, or indirectly, when it operates through "agencies for culture", they are public and maintain certain autonomy with respect to the administration itself (Bodo, 2004: 1). This distinction brings back the issue around two emblematic models: the direct one, via the Ministry of Culture; and the indirect one, such as the Arts Council of Great Britain (Mejía Arango, 2009: 114). In practice there is another figure: a scheme of coexistence between a Undersecretary of Culture and a National Fund for the Arts created in Argentina around 1958. This initiative to institutionalize the area of Culture, at the state level, began in the thirties, when politics became one of the great organizers of cultural intervention. The initial objective of this work is to analyze the creation of the Fondo Nacional de las Artes, an organization destined to grant credits for the stimulation, development, safeguarding and awarding for artistic and literary activities. ; A política cultural pode ser definida como aquilo que os governos fazem especificamente para o âmbito ou setor da cultura geral ou, nos termos de Fernández Prado (1999:18), considerar uma política cultural como um conjunto estruturado de intervenções conscientes de um ou vários organismos públicos na vida cultural. Quanto à forma de assumir a institucionalidade cultural, a intervenção pública pode ser direta quando é dirigida por um setor integrado diretamente com a administração ou indireta quando opera através de "agências para a cultura", são públicas e mantêm certa autonomia em relação à própria administração (Bodo, 2004: 1). Esta distinção revive a questão em torno de dois modelos emblemáticos: o direto, pelo Ministério da Cultura e o indireto, como o Arts Council of Great Britain (Mejía Arango, 2009: 114). Na prática existem outras figuras: um esquema de coexistência entre uma subsecretária de Cultura e um Fundo Nacional das Artes criado na Argentina para 1958. Esta iniciativa de institucionalização da área de Cultura, a nível estatal, começou a partir dos anos trinta em que a política se tornou uma das grandes organizadoras da intervenção cultural. O objetivo inicial deste trabalho é analisar a criação do Fundo Nacional das Artes, destinado a conceder créditos para o estímulo, desenvolvimento e salvaguarda dàs atividades artísticas e literárias.