Trendfragen Klima (Januar 2021): Mobilität
Die Studie untersucht quartalsweise die Einstellungen zum Klimaschutz und Bewertung politischer Maßnahmen zum Klimaschutz. Im 1. Quartal 2021 bildeten Fragen zur Mobilität einen thematischen Schwerpunkt.
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Die Studie untersucht quartalsweise die Einstellungen zum Klimaschutz und Bewertung politischer Maßnahmen zum Klimaschutz. Im 1. Quartal 2021 bildeten Fragen zur Mobilität einen thematischen Schwerpunkt.
GESIS
In: Soziopolis: Gesellschaft beobachten
The article examines the historical views of B. Mussolini in the initial period of the formation of the fascist regime in Italy. The source of the article was articles and speeches from 1923-1924. An attempt is made to determine the connection of the historical views of the head of the government of fascist Italy with previously existing theories of the historical process. The analysis is given qualification of the historical views of Mussolini and the attempt to explain them. ; В статье рассматриваются исторические воззрения Б. Муссолини в начальный период формирования фашистского режима в Италии. Источником публикации послужили статьи и речи 1923-1924 гг. Делается попытка определить связь исторических воззрений главы правительства фашистской Италии с ранее существовавшими теориями исторического процесса. В ходе анализа дается квалификация исторических воззрений Муссолини и делается попытка их объяснения.
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In: Forthcoming, American University Law Review, Vol. 70, 2021
SSRN
Working paper
Despite much commentary in the media and the popular assumption that the banking industry exerts undue influence on government policy-making, the academic literature on the role of the banks since the 2008 financial crisis remains theoretically and empirically under-specified. In particular, we argue that different forms of financial power are often conflated, while favorable policy outcomes are too-readily assumed to be evidence of regulatory capture. In short, we still know relatively little about how bank influence varies over time and in different national contexts, the extent to which banking interests are unified or divided, and the conditions under which banks are capable of producing meaningful variation in policy outcomes. This article has three objectives: 1) to explain why the debate on bank influence matters; 2) to examine the evidence of bank influence since the international financial crisis; and 3) to set out a range of conceptual tools for thinking about bank power.
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The unexpected death this summer of the front-runner in the upcoming elections and incumbent President Ouattara's contested move to run for a third term in office have increased the risk of electoral violence in the ethnically divided Côte d'Ivoire. The threat of a return to armed conflict, as we saw after the 2010 elections, should not be excluded.
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In: Belarus-Analysen, Band 52, S. 10-13
ISSN: 2192-1350
World Affairs Online
In: Post-soviet affairs, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 246-267
ISSN: 1060-586X
World Affairs Online
D'évidence, les mesures de déradicalisation (ou plutôt de désengagement) doivent opérer essentiellement dans les champs sociologique, éducationnel, idéologique et psychosociologique. Aussi, nous ne traiterons pas des mesures coercitives qui opèrent dans le cadre policier et militaire, quand bien même les porosités existent comme dans le cas de certains militaires radicalisés
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Le discours du président Emmanuel Macron sur la strtégie de défense et de dissuasion devant les stagiaires de la 27ème promotion de l'Ecole de guerre le 7 février 2020 est un modèle du genre, assurément persuasif et pertinent au premier abord. Il part du constat d'un monde où les « équilibres dissuasifs entre puissances sont ainsi devenus plus instables », estimant que « certains pays optent sciemment pour des postures nucléaires opaques, voire agressives, incluant une dimension de chantage ou de recherche du fait accompli ».(…) « L'Europe elle-même est directement exposée aux conséquences de cette déconstruction. Depuis le début des années 2000, c'est en effet l'ensemble de l'architecture de sécurité en Europe, difficilement bâtie après 1945 durant la Guerre froide, qui s'est trouvé progressivement fissuré, puis sciemment déconstruit brique par brique. Après le blocage des négociations sur les armements conventionnels, la fin, en 2019, du traité sur les forces nucléaires intermédiaires est le symbole de ce délitement ». « Les Européens doivent aujourd'hui collectivement prendre conscience que, faute de cadre juridique, ils pourraient rapidement se trouver exposés à la reprise d'une course aux armements conventionnels, voire nucléaires, sur leur sol. Ils ne peuvent pas se cantonner à un rôle de spectateurs. Redevenir le terrain de la confrontation des puissances nucléaires non européennes ne serait pas acceptable ». Pour l'Elysée, la stabilité stratégique n'est plus garantie – à savoir « la recherche de l'équilibre des forces au plus bas niveau possible ». La sécurité de la France et de l'Europe sont en jeu derrière la crise actuelle des instruments de maîtrise des armements et de désarmement. Et de dénoncer de possibles débats sécuritaires impliquant une relation directe et exclusive entre les Etats- Unis, la Russie et la Chine.
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In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/47146
L'irruption du numérique bouleverse la conception et la conduite des opérations. L'infovalorisation arrive à maturité pour préparer le combat collaboratif, transformant les modes tactiques et accélérant le tempo opératif. Toutefois, la question des ressources humaines et capacitaires demeure essentielle pour parvenir à ce modèle.
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In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/46544
Third-country nationals migrate to the European Union for different reasons: economic migration, family reasons, studies, or in search of international protection. Some of these individuals stay in the territory of the Member States for a considerable number of years and develop attachments to the Member State. For this reason, integration of third-country nationals who are long-term residents in the Member States is considered as a key element in promoting economic and social cohesion in the European Union. One of the first pieces of EU legislation that was adopted dealing with immigration to the European Union was the Council Directive 2003/109/EC of 25 November 2003 concerning the status of third-country nationals who are long-term residents. While the Directive entered into force on 23 January 2006, the implementation of the Directive by Member States had not been uniform. This is the reason why EMN Luxembourg decided, at the request of the Luxembourgish authorities, to launch a study on this topic through the European Migration Network. As it was necessary to make a proper assessment of the implementation of the Directive, it was decided by the EMN Steering Board on 21 October 2019 that EMN Luxembourg would collect information through the EMN Ad-Hoc Query mechanism to establish the set out a state of play of the implementation of the Directive. The information for elaborating this Inform was collected through four EMN Ad-hoc queries highlighting specific elements of the long-term resident status in the EU.
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In: Soziale Bewegung und Protest Band 3
Die Konflikte um das Großprojekt "Stuttgart 21" verdeutlichen exemplarisch, wie Protestbewegungen das postdemokratische Zusammenspiel von Staat und Wirtschaft herausfordern. Bürgerbeteiligung und Kostentransparenz sind seither nahezu obligatorisch, dabei hat die Bewegung gegen "S21" ihr eigentliches Ziel, das Bahn- und Immobilienprojekt zu stoppen, verfehlt, trotz scheinbar positiver Ausgangslage. Anhand von Schlüsselereignissen im Konflikt um das Großprojekt rekonstruiert Julia von Staden die Dynamiken und Diskurse einer sozialen Bewegung, die in ihrer Art eine Neuheit in der Protest- und Bewegungsforschung darstellt und gleichzeitig ein Lehrstück für andere soziale Bewegungen wurde.
In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/39125
The outcome of the Brexit referendum has led to a highly mediatized battle of power between the British government and parliament over how much influence the latter can exert over the British position in the negotiations with the European Union (EU). At the same time, the role of parliaments in the remaining member states has received virtually no public attention, despite the fact that the stakes are also high for their publics. The aim of our chapter is to shed light on dynamics of parliamentary control of Brexit in the remaining member states through a comparative study of the German, Czech and Luxembourgish parliaments. Each of these member states has one or several key interests at stake in the negotiations, such as exports, the financial sector and future contributions to the EU budget (Germany, Luxembourg), or migration to the UK and the maintenance of EU policies and their budgetary health (Czech Republic). The three cases represent geographical diversity and differently sized countries, to take into account different levels of governmental influence over the Brexit negotiations. The study will focus on the formal powers of parliaments, their actual mobilization and the key dynamics that mark their scrutiny of the Brexit negotiations.
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In: http://orbilu.uni.lu/handle/10993/41021
The atrocities associated with the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s and the Rwandan genocide represent a critical period leading to the questioning of the relevance of Conflict Early Warning Systems (CEWS), which purpose consists in preventing violent conflicts. On the one hand, the supporters of these mechanisms are enthusiatic about the invaluable contributions of CEWS and the notion that these mechanisms are crucial in understanding the underlying causes and dynamics of violent conflicts in order to enable their prevention, resolution and peaceful transformation. The critics, on the other hand, believe that these mechanisms are incapable of fulfilling their assigned mission. Thus, in order to fully understand these mechanisms and to verify the validity of the argument supporting their modest contribution in the process of preventing violent conflicts, a large-scale literature review was undertaken. With regards to all generations of CEWS, from 1990 to 2016, the main objective consisted in identifying difficulties in the literature and recommendations for the improvement of these mechanisms. Considering that CEWS and response mechanisms interact constantly, identifying difficulties and recommendations related to response mechanisms for the same time period in the relevant literature was also a focus. In order to strengthen our investigation, a focus-group with CEWS practitioners was held in March 2018 in Senegal. With regard to the online literature review, a search strategy was set up. It allowed the exploration of several documents from a variety of sources. As for the focus-group, inclusion criteria for participant's selection were also defined. On the one hand, 14504 documents were explored, of which 259 thoroughly reviewed, of which 153 were selected. In addition, 20 other so-called mixed documents, focusing on the main concepts of the thesis (5 documents per concept) were selected. On the other hand, 5 participants took part in the focus-group. As for the online literature review's results, several types of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms were identified and divided into categories and sub-categories. Similarly, with regard to the focus-group's results, several types of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms were identified and dispatched into the corresponding categories and sub-categories. Consequently, a compendium of difficulties and recommendations related to CEWS and response mechanisms from 1990 to 2016 was established. By associating the Maxqda software to the document and content analysis methods, the two types of data (review and empirical) were valorized through the principal of inference. A cross-analysis of these two types of data made it possible to invalidate and confirm the existence of certain failures, but also to confirm the persistence of several difficulties that CEWS and response mechanisms face. A critical analysis of these mechanisms has demonstrated that, despite their contributions and progress, much work is still to be done, especially when it comes to the collection and management of information for early warning purposes. Indeed, the failure to take into account a number of technical issues could have negative effects on the whole Collection-Verification-Transmission-Analysis-Referal process (CVTAR) and on the management of intra- or inter-state conflicts. Thus, with regard to the later, the geopolitical and geostrategic game dictating the outcome of international mediation degrades its image by promoting a distorted and selfish culture of violent conflicts prevention. As a result, such flaws have prompted the formulation of alternative and relevant strategies with the aim of optimazing the effectiveness of violent conflict prevention and management. In addition to theoretical and practical contributions, the provision of a product, currently under conceptualization, to a federal structure of CEWS and response mechanisms at the national level, promises an invaluable contribution to social unrests and/ or violent conflicts prevention, but also a transparent management of public affairs and the promotion of good governance.
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