Suchergebnisse

Questa ricerca si propone di ricostruire l'evoluzione della politica di sicurezza della Repubblica Federale Tedesca durante il periodo generalmente definito di "distensione internazionale" (o détente). Si è deciso di condurre l'analisi intorno ad alcune questioni che sono state individuate come centrali per lo sviluppo della politica di sicurezza dell'Alleanza Atlantica, nelle quali la Germania occidentale ha avuto un ruolo significativo cercando di avanzare propri specifici interessi nazionali. Le tematiche scelte sono: il cambiamento strategico avvenuto nell'ambito del sistema di sicurezza transatlantico, il dibattito intorno al Trattato di Non Proliferazione Nucleare, i negoziati per la Conferenza di Helsinki e quelli per la riduzione di armamenti convenzionali nel continente europeo (MBFR). Attraverso una ricostruzione della posizione tedesco‐occidentale nei dibattiti sopra citati si cercheranno di delineare le caratteristiche della politica di sicurezza che la classe politica di Bonn elaborò e portò avanti durante gli anni della distensione. Nella tesi verrà dato particolare risalto ai tentativi della Germania occidentale di cominciare a porsi nella comunità internazionale – a partire dalla metà degli anni '60 – come un attore ormai maturo e indipendente. Pur mantenendo uno stretto rapporto con gli alleati occidentali ed evitando accuratamente un rischioso isolamento internazionale, la Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD) manifestava infatti in quel periodo un'insofferenza piuttosto esplicita nei confronti di una gestione del contesto internazionale che essa giudicava eccessivamente improntata alle esigenze delle due superpotenze. Tale considerazione fu determinante nella decisione della Germania occidentale di voler partecipare attivamente alla distensione, senza subirla. Una manifestazione evidente di quest'approccio nella politica estera dei governi di Bonn fu senza dubbio la Neue Ostpolitik, ovvero l'innovativa politica portata avanti dalla Repubblica Federale Tedesca nei confronti degli stati del Patto di Varsavia. Negli stessi anni della nuova Ostpolitik (tra la fine degli anni '60 e l'inizio del decennio successivo) la BRD cercò di modificare ‐ almeno in parte ‐ anche il rapporto con gli alleati occidentali e dunque la propria Westpolitik, con l'intenzione di intraprendere una politica estera che fosse in ogni campo (dunque anche nel delicato settore della sicurezza) maggiormente in linea con i propri specifici interessi. Contesto temporale L'arco temporale che viene preso in esame nella tesi va dal 1967 al 1975. Si è scelto come termine iniziale il 1967, considerandolo un anno cruciale sia per le evoluzioni del sistema internazionale, sia per le novità che si presentarono nel contesto politico interno della Repubblica Federale Tedesca. Per quanto riguarda lo scenario internazionale, nel 1967 ebbero luogo due eventi che a nostro avviso permettono di ritenere tale anno uno spartiacque nella storia della Guerra Fredda, ovvero l'adozione da parte della NATO del "Rapporto Harmel" e il cambiamento di dottrina strategica della stessa alleanza occidentale. Mentre con il Rapporto Harmel gli stati membri del campo occidentale prendevano in considerazione il perseguimento di una politica – possibilmente comune e coordinata ‐ di distensione con il blocco comunista, con l'adozione della dottrina di "Risposta Flessibile" l'Alleanza Atlantica di fatto riconosceva il raggiungimento sovietico di una parità nucleare strategica con gli USA e cercava di adattare la propria strategia ai mutati equilibri internazionali. Anche dal punto di vista della storia della Germania occidentale il 1967 è una data che si può giudicare particolarmente rilevante al fine di stabilire un'utile periodizzazione. Nel dicembre del 1966 infatti ‐ a seguito della caduta del governo Erhard (CDU/CSU‐FDP) – nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca venne costituito un governo di Große Koalition, ovvero basato sull'alleanza dei partiti conservatori con i socialdemocratici dell'SPD. Tale coalizione di governo rappresentava una novità del tutto inedita nella storia politica della Germania occidentale. Sebbene infatti il Cancelliere ‐ nella persona di Kurt Kiesinger ‐ fosse ancora una volta espressione delle forze conservatrici della CDU, i socialdemocratici arrivavano per la prima volta al potere (con la nomina di Willy Brandt a capo dell'importante Ministero degli Esteri). L'azione politica di questa nuova alleanza di governo fu funzionale all'avvio di un "processo di emancipazione" della Repubblica Federale Tedesca, che la vedeva definire i suoi interessi in modo più autonomo dai propri alleati rispetto alla prima fase della propria esistenza politica. L'analisi della politica di sicurezza tedesco‐occidentale rappresenta dunque un interessante banco di prova per riscontrare i segni di tale evoluzione e individuare le caratteristiche di continuità e discontinuità rispetto agli anni precedenti. Come termine finale della ricerca si è scelto invece l'anno 1975, data comunemente considerata dagli storici come l'apice della distensione, a causa della conclusione della Conferenza di Helsinki e dell'emanazione del relativo Atto Finale. La seconda metà degli anni '70 rappresenta infatti una fase significativamente diversa dal periodo precedente, in cui i presupposti della distensione entrarono progressivamente in crisi e – con il cambiamento sia delle problematiche del contesto internazionale sia dei suoi principali protagonisti – si è ritenuto dunque opportuno non inserirla nella stessa trattazione. Fonti della ricerca Le fonti su cui si basa questa ricerca comprendono sia pubblicazioni di carattere storiografico e memorialistico, sia documenti d'archivio. Per quanto riguarda la letteratura, ci si è concentrati sulle opere fondamentali di storiografia relative alla Guerra Fredda e in particolare alla fase di distensione e su volumi e saggi sulla storia e l'analisi della politica estera e di sicurezza della Germania occidentale, tanto nel contesto generale del conflitto Est‐Ovest quanto nel periodo specifico che va dalla fine degli anni '60 alla metà del decennio successivo. Per l'approfondimento del tema specifico ci si è poi serviti ‐ oltre che di volumi storiografici, memorialistica e saggi in libri collettanei ‐ anche di articoli scientifici pubblicati in importanti riviste internazionali quali Cold War History, Diplomatic History, History & Memory, War in History, Contemporary European History, Bulletin of German Historical Institute (Washington D.C.), Journal of Cold War Studies e Journal of Transatlantic Studies, e alcune pubblicazioni tedesche tra cui Europa Archiv (edita dalla Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik ‐ DGAP), Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (pubblicata dall'Institut für Zeitgeschichte di Monaco‐Berlino) e Archiv für Sozialgeschichte. Per quanto riguarda poi i protagonisti degli eventi discussi, oltre alla lettura delle relative memorie e autobiografie, sono state di grande utilità le raccolte pubblicate di loro scritti, interviste e discorsi. Dal punto di vista dei documenti, una fonte particolarmente utile sono stati i documenti diplomatici tedeschi pubblicati nelle raccolte ufficiali degli "Akten zur Auswärtigen Politik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland" (AAPD), editi per il Ministero degli Esteri dall'Istituto di Storia Contemporanea di Monaco‐Berlino. Sempre nell'ambito dei documenti pubblicati ‐ tra le altre utili raccolte ‐ sono state fondamentali per questa ricerca soprattutto le trascrizioni delle sessioni di lavoro della Commissione Esteri del Bundestag ("Der Auswärtige Ausschuss des Deutschen Bundestages; Sitzungsprotokolle"), attraverso le quali si è potuto ricostruire con una certa precisione il dibattito parlamentare relativo ai temi affrontati. Il lavoro di ricerca in archivio si è focalizzato esclusivamente sulle fonti tedesco‐occidentali. Per quanto riguarda le fonti provenienti dal Ministero degli Esteri si è fatto ampio uso dei fondi reperiti presso il "Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts" (PA AA) situato a Berlino. Un altro archivio fondamentale per realizzare questa ricerca è stato l'Archivio del Partito Socialdemocratico che si trova a Bonn‐Bad Godesberg, all'interno della "Friedrich Ebert Stiftung" (Fondazione politica dell'SPD). Nella Fondazione sono consultabili gli archivi personali dei principali protagonisti della classe politica socialdemocratica della BRD, tra cui l'Archivio Willy Brandt, il Deposito Egon Bahr e l'Archivio Helmut Schmidt. Un terzo archivio consultato è stato il "Bundesarchiv" (Archivio Federale) di Koblenz, presso il quale si è potuto analizzare il fondo dei documenti relativi all'Ufficio della Cancelleria. Un'altra fonte d'archivio – seppure d'importanza minore per questa ricerca (a causa dell'arco temporale solo in parte coincidente con il tema scelto) ‐ è stata poi rappresentata dal materiale del "Nuclear History Program" (NHP), una collezione di documenti declassificati provenienti dal Ministero della Difesa della Repubblica Federale Tedesca e di altre fonti raccolte sempre nell'ambito del NHP (quali atti di convegni e produzioni di storia orale). Il fondo relativo al progetto NHP è conservato attualmente al "Militärgeschichtliches Forschnungsamt" (Istituto di ricerca per la storia militare) di Potsdam. Poiché la tesi privilegia lo studio degli aspetti politici della sicurezza rispetto alla dimensione più propriamente militare, non sono state invece consultate le fonti primarie del Ministero della Difesa tedesco, salvo il suddetto fondo "NHP". Stato dell'arte, metodologia e obiettivi Nella tesi ci si propone di analizzare l'evoluzione della politica di sicurezza della Repubblica Federale Tedesca durante il periodo della distensione, ponendo una particolare attenzione all'istanza di emancipazione della stessa BRD nei confronti dei propri alleati. Una domanda alla quale si è cercato di rispondere è pertanto in che misura si possa per quel periodo parlare da una parte di una continuità della politica tedesco‐occidentale rispetto al passato e dall'altra parte di un progressivo scostamento, anche radicale, dallo stallo politico interno e internazionale in cui Bonn aveva finito per trovarsi a metà degli anni '60. L'analisi del periodo 1967‐1975 si pone anche come un imprescindibile punto di partenza per tentare di individuare la formazione di un'autonoma identità di sicurezza tedesca, il cui impatto divenne poi più evidente tra la metà degli anni '70 e la fine della Guerra Fredda. Tale aspetto ci sembra particolarmente utile anche ai fini di poter ampliare un quadro interpretativo storiografico circa le più generali relazioni transatlantiche nell'ultima fase del conflitto Est‐Ovest, in cui si può registrare una certa divergenza politico‐strategica tra l'Europa occidentale e l'alleato statunitense, derivante in larga misura da diverse valutazioni e percezioni delle minacce presentate dal contesto internazionale. Per quanto riguarda la storiografia disponibile sul tema di questa ricerca, si deve constatare come sia pressoché ancora assente uno studio completo sulla politica di sicurezza della Repubblica Federale Tedesca durante gli anni della distensione. Se infatti non mancano pubblicazioni "generali" degne di nota, 7 relative alla storia politica della BRD durante tutto il periodo della sua esistenza (di Helga Haftendorn, Timothy Garton Ash e Wolfram Hanrieder),1 o studi che si focalizzano su aspetti specifici della politica estera di Bonn (come quelli di Mary Elise Sarotte sulla Ostpolitik, William Glenn Gray sulla Dottrina Hallstein e la sua crisi, Petri Hakkarainen sulla CSCE e Arne Hofmann sul pensiero politico di Brandt)2, il panorama relativo alla politica di sicurezza appare più lacunoso e frammentario. Alcuni contributi – seppure utili – appaiono inoltre piuttosto datati e pertanto non si sono potuti avvalere delle fonti primarie d'archivio resesi nel frattempo disponibili. Tra essi si devono ad esempio menzionare il volume di Martin Müller sui negoziati MBFR e quello di Catherine Kelleher sul nucleare.3 Vi è poi un altro gruppo di autori che ha affrontato – in modo rigoroso e utilizzando anche fonti primarie – temi di politica di sicurezza tedescooccidentale, concentrandosi tuttavia su un arco temporale precedente a quello che si è scelto in questa ricerca. Le loro analisi sono estremamente interessanti e offrono importanti spunti per approfondire il campo di ricerca in questione. Fanno parte di questa serie le ricerche pubblicate nell'ambito del "Nuclear History Program" (NHP), progetto di ricerca internazionale attivo soprattutto negli anni '90, tra cui spiccano i volumi di Axel Gablik, Christoph Hoppe e Christian Tuschhoff, tutti focalizzati sul periodo compreso tra gli anni '50 e la metà degli anni '60.4 Il tentativo di Barry Blechman e Cathleen Fisher (dello statunitense Institute for Defense Analyses) di indagare le diverse attitudini dei vari partiti politici tedesco‐occidentali relativamente al tema del controllo degli armamenti ‐ nonostante sia privo di un solido inquadramento storico (avvalendosi esclusivamente del contributo di analisti politici) e risulti spesso frammentario ‐ suggerisce altresì interessanti piste di ricerca.5 Utili elementi relativi alla politica di sicurezza tedesca si trovano anche in due pubblicazioni in cui l'analisi della storia della Germania è affiancata a quella di Gran Bretagna e Francia, al fine di metterne in luce similitudini e divergenze, ovvero il volume di Beatrice Heuser sulle strategie nucleari europee6 e quello di Daniel Möckli sul tentativo di politica estera comune sperimentato dall'Europa occidentale tra la fine degli anni '60 e l'inizio degli anni '70.7 Le pubblicazioni più autorevoli nell'ambito della politica di sicurezza della BRD sono probabilmente quelle risultanti dalle molteplici ricerche compiute da Christoph Bluth e da Helga Haftendorn. Bluth ha dedicato un libro all'analisi della strategia nucleare della BRD e della Gran Bretagna durante tutta la Guerra Fredda e un altro volume invece alla dimensione convenzionale della sicurezza, analizzata dalla prospettiva di Bonn.8 Se si esclude il volume della Haftendorn9, peraltro datato e con un orizzonte temporale limitato al 1955‐1973, avente ad oggetto l'analisi della politica tedesco‐occidentale nel processo di disarmo e controllo degli armamenti in tutte le sue diverse sfaccettature, si deve constatare come manchi ancora ad oggi una ricerca sulla politica di sicurezza della Repubblica Federale Tedesca che riesca (esaminando in modo soddisfacente le singole tematiche comprese) a coprire tutto il periodo della détente. Vanno a colmare – almeno parzialmente – le lacune presenti nella storiografia sulla politica di sicurezza di Bonn, numerosi articoli dedicati alla Germania presenti in volumi collettanei di più ampio respiro, tra i quali si devono ricordare quelli di Oliver Bange e Gottfried Niedhart, e di Andreas Wenger, Vojtech Mastny e Christian Neunlist sulla CSCE;10 quelli di Wilfried Loth e Georges‐Henri Soutou, e di Piers Ludlow dedicati alla dimensione europea11 e quello di Carole Fink e Bernd Schaefer sulla Ostpolitik.12 A questi si devono aggiungere infine alcuni volumi relativi alle relazioni di Bonn con i propri alleati occidentali, tra cui si ricordano qui quello curato da Detlef Junker sui rapporti con gli USA e quello edito da Thomas Schwartz e Matthias Schulz più in generale sulle relazioni tra Europa e Stati Uniti.14 Se dunque la storiografia relativa alla politica estera della Germania occidentale è piuttosto ricca, si deve tuttavia notare come – in tale ambito ‐ l'analisi specifica della politica di sicurezza tedesco‐occidentale sia un campo ancora relativamente inesplorato dalla ricerca storica. La letteratura che prende in esame la storia della Repubblica Federale Tedesca durante gli anni della distensione si è infatti prevalentemente concentrata sulla Nuova Ostpolitik di Willy Brandt e sul suo impatto nel contesto internazionale, trascurando invece lo studio della politica di sicurezza e della posizione tedesco‐occidentale all'interno del contemporaneo vivace dibattito transatlantico su difesa, sicurezza e controllo degli armamenti. La maggior parte della storiografia (tedesca e internazionale) esistente sulla politica della BRD durante la distensione ha preso infatti in esame la straordinaria azione diplomatica dei governi tedesco‐occidentali nei confronti degli stati del blocco comunista e – nei casi in cui la storia tedesca è stata affrontata in un contesto più ampio – si è scelto di indagare principalmente come gli alleati di Bonn (e in primo luogo gli Stati Uniti) reagissero alla Ostpolitik attuata soprattutto a partire dal 1969 dal governo social‐liberale Brandt‐Scheel. Da quanto si riscontra nell'analisi del materiale bibliografico disponibile, la grande attenzione della storiografia nei confronti degli sviluppi della Ostpolitik non si è pertanto accompagnata ad una parallela analisi approfondita della Westpolitik tedesco‐occidentale dello stesso periodo. Si è deciso dunque di porre proprio tale tematica al centro di questa tesi, ritendendo che – negli stessi anni della celebre Ostpolitik – la politica estera della BRD presenti un'evoluzione particolarmente interessante anche a proposito delle relazioni con i propri alleati, soprattutto dal punto di vista dell'elaborazione strategica e della gestione della propria politica di sicurezza. Da un punto di vista concettuale la presente ricerca si colloca innanzitutto in quella tendenza storiografia che approfondisce lo studio della Guerra Fredda aggiungendo i punti di vista specifici di "junior partner", che consentano pertanto un superamento della tradizionale (e ormai decisamente in via di superamento) interpretazione strettamente bipolare del conflitto Est‐Ovest. Questo studio si prefigge dunque l'obiettivo di approfondire la conoscenza della politica di sicurezza della BRD tra gli anni '60 e '70 al fine sia di contribuire ad una migliore comprensione della specifica declinazione tedesco‐occidentale della strategia di distensione, sia di aggiungere al contempo un tassello alla storia dei rapporti transatlantici e in generale della politica occidentale durante tale fase della Guerra Fredda. Questo secondo obiettivo deriva dalla considerazione che la Repubblica Federale Tedesca tra la fine degli anni '60 e l'inizio del decennio successivo rappresentasse un attore chiave del contesto internazionale, passando rapidamente dall'essere il maggiore ostacolo per una distensione Est‐Ovest al rappresentarne il suo motore fondamentale. Tale cambio di approccio di Bonn nei confronti della propria questione nazionale e del più generale scenario europeo metteva in moto dinamiche per certi aspetti problematiche dal punto di vista degli stati del Patto di Varsavia e degli stessi alleati della BRD nel campo occidentale. La "questione tedesca" ‐ al centro della Guerra Fredda fin dalle origini del conflitto Est‐Ovest ‐ continuò probabilmente anche negli anni della distensione a rappresentare il fulcro degli sviluppi politici internazionali. Tutto ciò evidenzia pertanto come un'analisi critica della politica estera e di sicurezza della Repubblica Federale Tedesca possa contribuire in modo significativo ad un miglioramento della comprensione delle generali dinamiche di trasformazione in atto nel contesto storico della détente. In questa ricerca si è cercato di affrontare l'argomento scelto tenendo presente – oltre che il contesto tedesco – anche un quadro d'analisi d'insieme, che comprenda ad esempio il processo di elaborazione politico‐strategica dell'Alleanza Atlantica e le relazioni di Bonn con gli alleati europei e con la superpotenza egemone del campo occidentale. La politica del blocco occidentale è stata pertanto indagata da un punto vista sia multilaterale (dunque essenzialmente nel processo di integrazione europea e soprattutto nel contesto della NATO) sia – seppure in misura minore ‐ bilaterale (ovvero dei rapporti della Germania con i singoli alleati). L'obiettivo che ci si è posti è stato pertanto quello di contribuire ad un approfondimento della conoscenza della politica estera della BRD durante gli anni della distensione, collocando le strategie di Bonn nell'ambito delle politiche del campo occidentale e dei principali dibattiti in corso in quel periodo nel contesto delle relazioni transatlantiche. La scelta di prendere in esame un arco temporale piuttosto esteso (nove anni) e una molteplicità di tematiche – decisione peraltro necessaria per individuare i tratti di continuità e d'innovazione della politica di sicurezza della BRD rispetto al periodo precedente – non ha consentito tuttavia una ricostruzione esauriente e con un alto grado di dettaglio per ognuno degli argomenti affrontati (ciascuno dei quali sarebbe in se stesso degno e passibile di essere oggetto di una specifica tesi di dottorato). Se l'assenza di una trattazione più approfondita talvolta può apparire grave nella ricostruzione degli eventi, tuttavia l'obiettivo di ricostruire lo sviluppo della politica tedesco‐occidentale non avrebbe consentito altra scelta se non quella di analizzare appunto in modo congiunto alcuni snodi fondamentali di quel periodo e le principali questioni che – nell'ambito della sicurezza – impegnarono i governi di Bonn in tali anni, a discapito di un possibile maggiore approfondimento Struttura della tesi La tesi si compone di cinque capitoli e delle conclusioni. I primi due capitoli sono di carattere introduttivo per la trattazione dell'argomento centrale e sono serviti come strumenti per affrontare in modo rigoroso e documentato il tema scelto, inserendolo in un appropriato contesto storico e storiografico. Si è scelto infatti di dedicare un primo capitolo alla ricostruzione delle caratteristiche di quella fase della Guerra Fredda comunemente definita dagli studiosi come "distensione" e all'esame della principale storiografia esistente su tali anni, al fine di analizzare il contesto internazionale di cui ci si occuperà poi nello specifico dalla prospettiva tedesco‐occidentale. Considerata la complessità e l'eterogeneità del fenomeno della distensione internazionale, si è ritenuto infatti necessario dedicare all'inizio dell'esposizione un ampio spazio a tale tema, per comprenderne gli eventi centrali e le più rilevanti letture che ne hanno dato gli esperti. Prendendo in esame alcuni autori e le loro pubblicazioni, si è cercato perciò di presentare le principali interpretazioni relative al periodo della distensione, che presentano tra loro alcune analogie ma anche significative divergenze, sia per quanto riguarda il punto di vista scelto per affrontare l'argomento sia per le conclusioni che gli stessi storici ne hanno tratto. In questo primo capitolo si è dunque affrontata la distensione come tema generale e non circoscritto all'esperienza tedesca, reputando infatti imprescindibile rispetto al tema scelto un'analisi preliminare dell'intero contesto internazionale e delle dinamiche in atto negli anni '60 e '70. Dopo aver dunque esaminato e discusso la bibliografia fondamentale sulla distensione, si passa poi ad un'analisi della storia della Germania occidentale. Il secondo capitolo consiste infatti in una ricostruzione a grandi linee della storia politica della Repubblica Federale Tedesca dal dopoguerra (e dunque dalla sua fondazione) fino alla distensione e alla sua relativa crisi. Analizzando l'evoluzione della politica estera e di sicurezza della Germania occidentale in questo arco temporale, si è accordato ampio spazio allo sviluppo della Entspannungspolitik (politica di distensione) tedesca, riscontrando come tale esperienza sia stata centrale per una maturazione politica dello stato tedesco occidentale in direzione di una sempre più evidente emancipazione dalla stretta dipendenza dai propri alleati (e in parte anche dal proprio drammatico passato). A questi primi due capitoli, che hanno la funzione di definire il contesto internazionale della détente e le caratteristiche della politica tedesco‐occidentale in tale periodo, seguono i tre capitoli centrali della tesi. Il terzo capitolo si focalizza sul 1967, che ‐ come si è già accennato, rappresenta una data cruciale per la storia dell'Alleanza Atlantica e della stessa BRD, a causa dell'adozione del Rapporto Harmel, del cambiamento della dottrina strategica NATO e della formazione del governo di Große Koalition. Il quarto e il quinto capitolo sono invece di carattere tematico: ognuno di essi ricostruisce infatti ‐ durante tutto l'arco temporale scelto (1967‐1975) – il comportamento e il ruolo della Repubblica Federale Tedesca nell'ambito di due questioni centrali per la sicurezza tedesco‐occidentale quali, rispettivamente, il dibattito sugli armamenti nucleari e il tema dei negoziati multilaterali per una distensione politica (CSCE) e militare (MBFR) in Europa. Il terzo capitolo cerca pertanto di evidenziare quali fossero i presupposti per una distensione politica e militare, analizzando come l'Alleanza Atlantica cercava di affrontare il crescente problema della credibilità degli Stati Uniti nei confronti dei propri alleati e come la BRD reagiva ai cambiamenti in atto nel contesto politico‐strategico transatlantico. Il capitolo quarto, dopo aver delineato le principali tappe nell'evoluzione del rapporto della Germania occidentale con le armi nucleari, esamina in particolare il dibattito che si sviluppò a livello internazionale e nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca intorno al Trattato di Non Proliferazione Nucleare (TNP) del 1968. L'ultimo capitolo è poi dedicato all'intensa attività diplomatica svolta dal governo di Bonn nell'ambito della Conferenza di Helsinki (CSCE) e dei negoziati per un controllo degli armamenti convenzionali in Europa (MBFR). Si cercheranno infine di avanzare alcune conclusioni derivanti dall'analisi delle tematiche scelte in questa ricerca, nel tentativo di contribuire al dibattito più generale sul fenomeno della distensione internazionale e all'interpretazione storiografica riguardante la crescita politica della Repubblica Federale Tedesca durante gli anni '60 e '70.

.+ Cino del Duca built a French-Italian popular media empire, the fourth French press group in 1967. Autodidact and intuitive, nothing marked him out to became an editor and he started out as a representative. In the 1928, his first publishing house contributes to the creation of the Italian comic through the children's paper "L'intrepido" . His youth is activist and communist, but his commitment doesn't resist the rise of fascism. Persecuted by the political police, he emigrates to France in 1932.His first children's magazine "Hurrah!", is among « the comics of the golden age».Hard worker, he develops a very lucrative editorial structure of European dimension. The war doesn't undermine his pugnacity and he achieves to publish in the two zones until 1942. In 1947, he launches the photo romance and is consecrated king of the woman's press. Widely criticized for these sentimental magazines, he diversifies his activity in the publishing, cinema, printing and becomes the owner of a newspaper. His group, les Editions mondiales, operates in a fully integrated and independent manner.After his death, his wife sells the group to investors in 1979.Without heir, Simone Del Duca invests his fortune in a cultural and scientific foundation. Creator of Nous deux and Télé poche, producer of Touchez pas au grisbi and of L' Avventura, editor of Rois maudits, the prodigious itinerary of this press magnate illustrates the mutations of cultural enterprises in the 20th century. ; Cino del Duca a construit un empire médiatique populaire franco-italien, quatrième groupe de presse français en 1967. Autodidacte et intuitif, rien ne le prédestinait à devenir éditeur et il débute modestement comme représentant. En 1928, sa première maison d'édition contribue à la création de la bande dessinée italienne avec l'illustré "L'Intrépido". Sa jeunesse est militante et communiste mais son engagement ne résiste pas à la montée du fascisme. Pourchassé par la police politique, il émigre en France en 1932. Son premier magazine pour enfants Hurrah !, s'inscrit parmi « les illustrés de l'âge d'or». Travailleur acharné, il développe une structure éditoriale de dimension européenne très lucrative. La guerre n'entame pas sa pugnacité et il réussit le tour de force de publier dans les deux zones jusqu'en 1942. En 1947, il lance le roman-photo et est sacré roi de la presse du cœur. Largement critiqué pour ces magazines sentimentaux, il diversifie son activité dans l'édition, le cinéma, l'imprimerie et devient propriétaire d'un quotidien "Paris-Jour". Son groupe, les Editions mondiales, fonctionne de manière totalement intégrée et indépendante. Après son décès, son épouse le vend à des investisseurs en 1979. Sans héritier, Simone Del Duca investi sa fortune dans une fondation culturelle et scientifique. Créateur de "Nous deux" et "Télé poche", producteur de "Touchez pas au grisbi" et de "L'Avventura", éditeur des "Rois maudits", l'itinéraire de ce patron de presse illustre les mutations des entreprises culturelles au XXème siècle. ; + Cino del Duca ha costruito un impero mediatico popolare franco-italiano, quarto gruppo della stampa francese nel 1967. Autodidatta ed intuitivo, niente lo predestinava a divenire editore e debutta modestamente come rappresentante. Nel 1928, la sua prima casa editrice contribuisce alla creazione del fumetto italiano con il giornalino "l'Intrepido" .La sua gioventù è militante e comunista ma il suo impegno non resiste all'ascesa del fascismo. Perseguitato dalla polizia politica, emigra in Francia nel 1932. Il suo primo periodico per ragazzi "Hurrah!", s'iscrive tra « i giornalini del periodo d'oro ».Lavoratore accanito, sviluppa una struttura editoriale di dimensione europea molto lucrativa.La guerra non scalfisce il suo spirito battagliero e riesce nel tour de force di pubblicare nelle due zone fino al 1942. Nel 1947, lancia il fotoromanzo ed è consacrato re della stampa rosa. Ampiamente criticato per queste riviste sentimentali, diversifica la sua attività nell'editoria, nel cinema, nella tipografia, e diventa proprietario di un quotidiano. Il suo gruppo, les Editions mondiales , funziona in una maniera totalmente integrata ed indipendente. Dopo il decesso, sua moglie lo vende a degli investitori nel 1979 ed ora appartiene al gruppo Mondadori. Senza eredi, Simona del Duca investe la sua fortuna in una fondazione culturale e scientifica. Creatore di "Nous deux" e "Télé poche" , produttore di "Touchez pas au grisbi" e di "L'Avventura", l'itinerario di questo magnate della stampa illustra le mutazioni delle imprese culturali nel XX secolo.

Throughout the past two decades there has been a resurgence of the concern with the rise of new great powers and its thematic cousin, American hegemony's challenges and challengers (a resurgence that must be seen, of course, as relative to the static preoccupations of Cold War/bipolar International Relations theory). However, scholarly production has not been particularly enlightening. Not because the subject there considered is unimportant. On the contrary, rises and declines –be it of states, empires, civilizations, inter alia- and the potential to restructure world politics inherent to preeminent or hegemonic political units are powerful engines in international relations. This is why a critique of the epistemological, methodological and empirical aspects of this literature and a quest for more productive avenues of research is necessary.Neither a comprehensive critique of the literature nor a complete proposal for an alternative research project can be the goal of the present short essay. For the time being it will suffice to open some paths of discussion by way of putting forward certain challenges to this literature and sketching some notes (in a not un-Gramscian way) on alternative paths of research.By now the reader might reasonably be wondering what does Gramsci has to do with all this. Gramsci's concept of hegemony, but also his ideas on war of position vs. war of movement and passive revolution could eventually be employed, I will argue, as one of the building-blocks of, as Gramsci would have expressed it himself, a counter-hegemonic narrative on the phenomenon of the rise and fall of great powers and international hegemony. (1) A note on the use of Gramsci: As with most of the work of the Italian Marxist, coming up with a circumscribed definition for these critical concepts and ideas is an arduous, and probably unfruitful exercise. The Prison Notebooks, (2) Gramsci's magnum opus, is in itself just notes; ideas dispersed in short chapters that do not claim to be a coherent project (at least in the way we tend to think the argumentative organization of books). Thus Gramsci's own work allows for a not rigidly structured use of his ideas (e.g. there is no need to follow him all the way down in his unorthodox Marxism). Even more, one of the central points of Gramscian thought centers around the notion of a pragmatic understanding of theory. In other words, the search for a "real theoretical truth" is not nearly as relevant as the search for a "useful truth". With this spirit is that I approach the issues of hegemony and rise and fall with the Prison Notebooks behind the arm.* * * * * * The most diffused argument on the rise and decline of the great powers (3) can be summarized, grosso modo –and avoiding existing differences between schools and theorists- as following: the international system, against what balance of power theorists would argue, tends to have a hegemonic power (Spain in the 16th centuries, Portugal in the 17th century, the Netherlands in the second half of the 18th century, Great Britain in the 19th and beginnings of the 20th century, and, from then on, the United States) that establishes a certain international order. But the system is not immutable, the difference in the rates of growth between states will generate competitors to the hegemon, which, if dissatisfied with the present order, will try to bring it down (4) -even if this entails the use of force (i.e. a hegemonic war, in the words of Raymond Aron). (5) Not surprisingly, and in some ways understandably, the literature has an obsession with transition periods and war. In social scientific terms then, the whole phenomenon of rising and declining ends up as the explanandum to explicate the explanans (i.e. transition and war). By doing this it obscures an array of phenomena that cannot be studied in a dichotomy of hegemon and challenger. Methodological and empirical issues (e.g. How do we measure power? Is economic rise a sufficient cause for a change in the system? How many cases are historically relevant? etc.) are part of the problem (more on these difficulties below). Moreover, this approach seems to be propelled by an anxiety generated by the prospect that there will be no huge transformations in the world. In the words of John Gray: "paranoia is a protest against unimportance." (6) In Gramscian vocabulary: people need to think they are living in changing "epochal" times (especially academics that make a living out of "explaining and predicting" these "epochal changes"). The result has been an anxious expectation for the arrival of a challenger to the hegemon and the plausibility of a hegemonic conflict in the process of transition. First came the USSR from the 1950s to the 1970s. When the Soviets proved to be a pathetic challenger, the time came for Japan, the "rising sun." Japan's challenge was dismissed before the end of the 20th century. However, this was not a cause of distress for students of power transitions, now they had China.As I have showed elsewhere, (7) serious contemplation cannot but conclude that there is little use for the kind of futurology contest that this literature has turned into. Of course, the central question then is: acknowledging that this is a topic that should be seriously studied, how can the discipline go forward?Diversifying the questions we have been asking is one way. For example, the problématique should be not so much what will happen when a state rises, or even which are the states currently rising, but why have so many states failed to rise -a necessary(!) counterpart to understand the deep reasons for "successful" rises. Working on the "rise of the West" in a comparative-civilizational line, Jack Goldstone comments on the tendency to uncritically accept a "winner" bias: "Because all too often, we view world history in terms of 'winners' and 'losers,' elevate to prominence much in the 'winners'' history, and obscure or lose sight of similar items in the history of retrospective 'losers'." (8) Until we have a good grasp of why the great-powers-that-could-have-been -or as I call it elsewhere, "failed rises"- (9) follow different trajectories from those considered "successful" rises (while sharing similar departure points) our understanding of rises, declines and hegemony will stay worryingly incomplete.On the other hand, increasing the complexity in the concept of hegemony (and thus, of power) promises to be a profitable enterprise. And here is where Gramsci enters the scene.The most convincing Gramscian in International Relations theory has defined the Italian's concept of hegemony in the following way:"Antonio Gramsci used the concept of hegemony to express a unity between objective material forces and ethico-political ideas in Marxian terms, a unity of structure and superstructure- in which power based on dominance over production is rationalized through an ideology incorporating compromise or consensus between dominant and subordinate groups…. A hegemonial structure of world order is one in which power takes a primarily consensual form…"(10) One of Gramsci's biggest challenges was how to devise the creation of a new hegemony in Western Europe –that is, an alternative to western capitalism/democracy. The classical methods of frontal and violent attack, essence of the Russian Revolution, or what Gramsci calls "war of movement," were of no use in the West. While it was just a government that the Bolsheviks had to overthrow in order to install a new regime, the proto-Modern Princes (i.e. Communist Parties) in Western Europe would have to confront a much more robust complex represented in the formula "civil society plus state." In this context a "war of position" would be the best option. The core of this notion is that, confronted to such a resilient organization, one must win the battle from within; create a new hegemony before taking power. According to Gramsci: "A social group can and indeed must, already 'lead' before winning governmental power (this indeed is one of the principal conditions for the winning of such power)"(p. 47, Prison Notebooks). A simple power battle -a new October 1917- was not enough. This is why Cox talks about a "consensual form" and the primacy of ideology.Going from mainstream IR "thin" to a "thicker" version of hegemony (using Geertzian concepts in a slightly unorthodox way) would problematize the issue of rises and declines in interesting ways.To begin with, the preeminent place currently occupied in the literature by rates of growth would seem laughable to Gramsci. (11) Both in the analysis/futurology of possible challengers to US hegemony and for the more general dynamics of rises and declines -see especially the libraries of (naïve?) scholarly and journalistic production on the so-called "BRICS". Even if these trajectories of growth could be accurately predicted (a dubious assumption), inferring a new international historic bloc or a new great powers configuration would depend on a leap of faith. Extrapolating Gramsci's historicism, it could be argued that an essentially material account of power might have been plausible during, let's say, Habsburg preeminence in the 16th and part of the 17th centuries. This has not been the case for a long time. Just as Gramsci devised a qualitative change in European politics, in which civil-society/state and ideas/material-forces were inevitably intertwined, there is case to make that the present international order is too complex to be seen just through ratios of economic growth and other material variables. (12) A counter-hegemon would need to do much more than surpass the US materially (however this is defined). But the point is also that the general phenomenon of the rise of great powers is likewise much more complex than devising future scenarios under the bewilderment generated by the BRIC's growth rates. Several paths follow the critique of "thin" hegemony. One is to give a more relevant place to discourse, recognition and legitimacy. Achieving great power status or building a hegemonic order is in many ways a discursive affair. In the 19th century recognition as a great power might have been identified by, inter alia, studying who participated in the diplomatic arena as a legitimate great power –e.g. who was sitting as a peer at the table during the Congress of Vienna. This discursive dynamic is probably more complex nowadays –e.g. who is identified in the cover of the Economist as "rising"- but is still an essential element and it should be studied carefully.(13) In a word, achieving a certain status in world politics is not the automatic effect of material variations but the recognition by an Other(s) that a political unit has become part of a particular club or class because, among other things, such a variation in material capabilities has occurred. This mutual empowerment aspect could also be useful in explaining the aforementioned phenomenon of "failed rises" (the development of this idea, however, must be saved for another occasion).It should be clear that this is also a call to historicize the sources of power. Since, as Gramsci assumed, hegemony –but any order in general- changes its basic attributes and dynamics with time, likewise the variables that explain how agents interact with those structures should also change. Social scientists tend to be weak against the temptation to over-generalize; a Gramscian outlook could work as an antidote to the follies inherent in the excesses committed in the name of social scientific "laws."Another interesting possibility lies in the elucidation of the resilience American hegemony seems to be presenting. Neorealism has been left in an uncomfortable place under the unwillingness of American preeminence to give place to a multipolar or bipolar world (since unipolarity is an anomaly for neorealist theory). A "thick" notion of hegemony would help explain this. Even if material change is continuously going on, "thick" hegemony, as explained before, does not depend exclusively on it. There is an ideological aspect that reinforces path dependence trajectories that might turn hegemony more resilient even when the US might be losing ground in terms of its material preeminence (this could be paired with neoliberalism's focus on institutions as central to an hegemon and its order). Hegemonic path dependence does not mean that we have arrived to the "end of History and the last Hegemony", to paraphrase an excessively well-known title. It is, however, an acknowledgment that change in international politics is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon.* * * * * * It is certainly possible that one day –probably a long time from now- China will replace the US as the most powerful state, eventually –but not necessarily- building a new international order. It is also possible that the "BRICS" (or any other creation from the armies of acronym-chasers) will rise to great power status conforming a multipolar world. The problem is that it is also very possible that 30 years from now no one will remember the "rise of China" or the "rise of the BRICS." These are unknowns we cannot escape. As with "Japan's rise" in the 1980s, the infinite paper, ink, and time wasted could end up in the most embarrassing dustbin in the history of the discipline. This should not be interpreted as a call to stop studying these dynamics, but as an emphatic request to critically think about the best way(s) to do this. Though engaging in futurology is definitely the correct approach if the goal is selling books and being published in well-known journals, I argue that the best way to do this if the purpose is building knowledge is: a) increasing the complexity in the use of variables and concepts such as power, hegemony, rise and decline, etc. b) avoiding a "winner bias" and understanding the cases of "failed rises", c) historicizing structural dynamics and properties and the sources that explain how agents interact with those structures, d) engaging with history in the search for clues on how to think about the present and not in an attempt to come up with historical "laws", e) finally, and probably the most important, accepting the complex nature of profound change in international politics instead of escaping to the triteness of futurology that rather than educating fosters misunderstanding. (1) This is not an unprecedented line of work. There is a substantive body of scholarly work on Gramscian IPE. It must be said, however, that I will not attempt to engage in a rigorous Gramscian analysis of international relations, but just use some of his ideas as building blocks.(2) Gramsci, Antonio, Selections From the Prison Notebooks, International Publishers, New York, 2010.(3) See: Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, 1981; Organski, A.F.K. and Jacek Kugler, The War Ledger, Chicago University Press, 1980; and Kennedy, Paul, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers, Vintage, 1989.(4) Though some argue that it is the fear of the hegemon to lose its current position that brings about hegemonic war.(5) Nota bene: Aron worked on the concept of hegemonic war as part of his studies on "total war", and not in the transition framework. This point is pertinent since he should not be included in the group of scholars conforming this literature –being his oeuvre of a sophistication and scope not matched by them.(6) Interview at The Browser, available online: http://thebrowser.com/interviews/john-gray-on-critiques-utopia-and-apocalypse(7) Castro, Guzmán, "Measuring the Future: Rises, Failed Power Transitions and the Problem of Systemic Change," unpublished manuscript, University of Pennsylvania, 2011.(8) Goldstone, Jack, "The Rise of the West – or Not? A Revision to Socio-economic History", Sociological Theory, 18:2, July 2000.(9) Castro, Guzmán, "The (Intellectual) Costs of Hegemony: Hegemonic Bias and the Poverty of the Theories of Systemic Change," unpublished manuscript, University of Pennsylvania, 2012.(10) Robert Cox cited in Keohane, After Hegemony, Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 44.(11) See here to laugh with Gramsci.(12) Gramsci is clear on this: "The analysis of these propositions tends, I think, to reinforce the conception of historic bloc in which precisely material forces are the content and ideologies are the form, though this disctintion between form and content has purely didactic value, since the material forces would be inconceivable historically without form and the ideologies would be individual fancies without the material forces" (p. 377).(13) There is some encouraging new work on the subject. See: Zarakol, Ayse, After Defeat: How the East Learned to Live with the West, Cambridge UP, 2011, and Suzuki Shogo, "Seeking 'Legitimate' Great Power Status in Post-Cold War International Society: China's and Japan's Participation in UNPKO," International Relations, 2008 22: 45.Sobre el autorProfessor, Ph.D. student.Department of Political ScienceUniversity of Pennsylvania.

The main focus of this thesis is the evaluation of crowdsourcing techniques to measure personalization on the Web. Overall, I apply my methodology in four different aspects on the Web. (1) First, I investigate price discrimination and how personal data can influence online pricing. (2) Then, I turn my attention on targeted web advertisements and investigate how targeted ads can be detected in real-time. (3) Next, I focus on web tracking and develop a methodology to measure the levels of compliance as defined by the new European Union General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) with respect to the physical location of the tracking servers. (4) Finally, I measure the extent of web tracking on sensitive topic websites as defined by the new EU GDPR regulation. Towards that end, I develop a methodology to identify specialized trackers that operate exclusively on such websites. (1) For the first aspect, related to price discrimination, I present the design, im- plementation, validation, and deployment of the Price $heriff, a highly distributed system for detecting various types of online price discrimination in e-commerce. The Price $heriff uses a peer-to-peer architecture, sandboxing, and secure multiparty com- putation to allow users to tunnel price check requests through the browsers of other peers without tainting their local or server-side browsing history and state. Having operated the Price $heriff for several months, with approximately one thousand real users, I identify several instances of cross-border price discrimination based on the country of origin. Even within national borders, I identify several retailers that re- turn different prices for the same product to different users. I examine whether the observed differences are due to personal-data-induced discrimination or A/B Testing, and conclude that it is the latter. (2) The second aspect is related to targeted ads on the Web. In more details, be- ing able to check whether an online advertisement has been targeted is essential for resolving privacy controversies and implementing in practice data protection regula- tions like GDPR, the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) and the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA). In this work, I describe the design, im- plementation, and deployment of an advertisement auditing system called eyeWnder that uses crowdsourcing to reveal in real-time whether a display advertisement has been targeted or not. Crowdsourcing simplifies targeted advertisement detection but expects users to report back encountered advertisements, thereby incurring privacy risks. I break the deadlock with a privacy preserving data sharing protocol that allows eyeWnder to compute global statistics required to detect targeting, while keeping the advertisements seen by users and their browsing history private. Using a total popu- lation of 100 users I show that eyeWnder permits end users to audit in real-time any advertisement that may appear on their browser, without jeopardizing their privacy. eyeWnder can even detect indirect targeting, i.e., marketing campaigns that promote a product or service whose description bears no semantic overlap with the targeted audience. (3) The third aspect is related to web tracking and the new EU GDPR. Towards that end, I define a tracking flow, as a flow between an end user and a web tracking service. I develop an extensive measurement methodology for quantifying at scale the amount of tracking flows that cross data protection borders, be it national or international, such as the EU28 border within which the GDPR applies. My methodology uses the eyeWnder browser extension to fully render advertising and tracking code, various lists and heuristics to extract well known trackers, passive DNS replication to get all the IP ranges of trackers, and state-of-the art geolocation. I employ my methodology on a dataset from 350 real users of the browser extension over a period of more than four months, and then generalize my results by analyzing billions of web tracking flows from more than 60 million broadband and mobile users from 4 large European ISPs. I show that the majority of tracking flows cross national borders in Europe but, unlike popular belief, are pretty well confined within the larger GDPR jurisdiction. Simple DNS redirection and PoP mirroring can increase national confinement while sealing almost all tracking flows within Europe. Last, I show that cross boarder tracking is prevalent even in sensitive and hence protected data categories and groups including health, sexual orientation, minors, and others. (4) Finally, the last aspect is related to sensitive categories as defined by the GDPR. In this work I turn my attention to the elephant in the room of data protection which is none other than the simple and obvious question "Who is tracking sensitive domains". Despite a fast growing amount of work on more complex facets of the interplay between privacy and the business models of the Web, the obvious question of who collects data on users in domains where they would rather not be seen, has been largely ignored. I develop a methodology for discovering the trackers operating at sensitive domains, both those collaborating directly with publishers, as well as those appearing implicitly through recursive inclusions. I identify several trackers that specialize on specific sensitive categories, such as sexual orientation in adult content websites. I also investigate if there is exchange of information between such specialized trackers and other more mainstream advertisers and marketers. ; Der Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit liegt auf der Evaluation von Crowdsourcing-Verfahren zur Messung von Personalisierung im Web. Wir wenden unsere Methodik auf vier ver- schiedene Aspekte im Internet an. (1) Erstens untersuchen wir Preisdiskriminierung und den Einfluss persönlicher Daten auf Online-Preissetzung. (2) Danach richten wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit auf zielgerichtete Werbung im Web und untersuchen, wie wir diese in Echtzeit erkennen können. (3) Im Anschluss daran legen wir den Schwerpunkt auf "Web Tracking" und entwickeln eine Methodik zur Messung der Einhaltung der Vorgaben der neuen EU Datenschutz-Grundverordnung (DS-GVO). Dies basiert auf der Ermittlung der physischen Standorte jener Server, die ein entsprechendes Tracking durchführen. (4) Zuletzt messen wir das Ausmaß von Web Tracking im Zusammen- hang von Webseiten, die gemäß der DS-GVO als sensibel ("sensitive topic websites") definiert wurden. Hierfür entwickeln wir eine Methodik um spezielle Tracker, die aus- schließlich auf entsprechenden Webseiten aktiv sind, zu identifizieren. (1) Im Rahmen des ersten Aspekts präsentieren wir im Bezug auf Preisdiskrimi- nierung Design, Implementierung, Validierung und Bereitstellung von Price $heriff, einem hochgradig verteilten System zur Erkennung verschiedenster Arten von Online- Preisdiskriminierung im E-Commerce. Das Price $heriff System basiert auf einer Peer- To-Peer Architektur, Sandboxing, und sicherer Mehrparteien-Berechnung. Auf diese Weise werden Nutzern Preisabfragen mittels Tunneln durch die Browser anderer Peers ermöglicht, ohne dass hierdurch deren lokale oder serverseitige Browsing-Verläufe be- einflusst werden. Nach mehrmonatigem Betrieb des Price $heriff Systems mit circa 1000 realen Nutzern stellen wir mehrere Fälle von grenzüberschreitender Preisdiskri- minierung auf der Basis des Ursprungslands fest. Selbst innerhalb nationaler Grenzen identifizieren wir mehrere Händler, die unterschiedlichen Nutzern unterschiedliche Preise für dieselben Produkte angeben. Wir untersuchen zudem, ob die beobachteten Preisunterschiede auf Diskriminierung auf der Basis personenbezogener Daten oder auf A/B Tests zurückzuführen sind. Wir folgern schließlich, dass es sich um Letzteres handelt. (2) Der zweite Aspekt bezieht sich auf gezielte Werbung im Web. Genauer gesagt, die Fähigkeit herauszufinden, ob Online-Werbung zielgerichtet erfolgt. Dies ist un- erlässlich um Kontroversen hinsichtlich der Privatsphäre aufzulösen und auch um Datenschutzregulierungen wie die DS-GVO, den "California Consumer Privacy Act" und den "Children's Online Privacy Protection Act" in der Praxis zu implemen- tieren. In dieser Arbeit beschreiben wir Design, Implementierung und Bereitstellung eines Revisionssystems für Online-Werbung namens "eyeWnder". Dieses System nutzt Crowdsourcing um in Echtzeit herauszufinden ob eine Werbung zielgerichtet ist oder nicht. Crowdsourcing erleichtert die Erkennung zielgerichteter Werbung, beruht je- doch darauf, dass Nutzer Bericht über aufgetretene Werbung erstatten. Hierdurch können Risikenfür die Privatsphäre der Nutzer entstehen. Durch ein Protokoll, das die gemeinsame Datennutzung unter Wahrung der Privatsphäre ermöglicht, finden wir einen Ausweg aus dieser Sackgasse. Das Protokoll erlaubt eyeWnder globale Sta- tistiken zu berechnen, die zur Erkennung von zielgerichteter Werbung notwendig sind, wobei gleichzeitig sichergestellt werden kann, dass die Werbeanzeigen der jeweiligen Nutzer und deren Browsing-Verläufe privat bleiben. Unter Rückgriff auf eine Po- pulation von 100 Nutzern zeigen wir, dass es eyeWnder Endnutzern ermöglicht in Echtzeit jegliche Werbung, die innerhalb ihres Browsers erscheint zu prüfen ohne dass dabei ihre Privatsphäre gefährdet wird. eyeWnder kann darüber hinaus sogar indirekt zielgerichtete Werbung (d.h. Marketingkampagnen, die ein Produkt oder ei- ne Dienstleistung bewerben deren Beschreibung keinerlei semantische Überlappung mit der Zielgruppe aufweist) erkennen. (3) Der dritte Aspekt bezieht sich auf Web Tracking und die neue EU DS-GVO. Hier- für definieren wir einen "Tracking Flow" als einen Flow zwischen einem Endnutzer und einem "Web Tracking" Dienst. Wir entwickeln eine umfangreiche Messmetho- dik um eine große Anzahl solcher "Tracking Flows", die sowohl nationale als auch internationale (z.B. den EU28 Raum innerhalb dessen die DS-GVO Anwendung fin- det) "Datenschutzgrenzen" überschreiten, quantitativ zu erfassen. Unsere Methodik verwendet die eyeWnder Browser-Erweiterung um Werbung und Tracking-Code voll- ständig auszuführen sowie verschiedene Listen und Heuristiken um bekannte Tracker zu identifizieren, passive DNS Replizierungen um alle relevante IP Adressbereiche der Tracker zu ermitteln, sowie neueste Ansätze zur Geolocation. Wir wenden unsere Methodik auf einen Datensatz bestehend aus 350 realen Nutzern der Browsererwei- terung über einen Zeitraum von über vier Monaten an. Wir verallgemeinern dann unsere Resultate durch die Analyse von Milliarden von Web Tracking Flows von mehr als 60 Millionen Breitband- und Mobilfunkkunden von vier großer europäischer ISPs. Wir zeigen, dass der Großteil der Tracking Flows nationale Grenzen in Europa überschreitet; entgegen weit verbreiteter Ansichten sind diese jedoch weitgehend auf den Geltungsbereich der DS-GVO beschränkt. Auf der Basis einfacher DNS Uml- weitungen und PoP Mirroring Mechanismen kann die Beschränkung auf nationale Grenzen erhöht und darüber hinaus fast alle Tracking Flows innerhalb von Europa gehalten werden. Schließlich zeigen wir, dass grenzüberschreitendes Tracking selbst in sensiblen und daher geschützten Datenkategorien und -gruppen wie Gesundheit, sexuelle Orientierung, Minderjährige, etc. vorherrscht. (4) Abschließend bezieht sich der letzte Aspekt auf die durch die DS-GVO als sensibel definierten Kategorien. In dieser Arbeit richten wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit auf die größte Herausforderung des Datenschutzes welche keine geringere ist als die einfa- che und doch offensichtliche Frage "Wer trackt sensible Domains?". Trotz der rasant wachsenden Mengen an Arbeiten zu komplexeren Aspekten des Zusammenspiels zwi- schen Privatsphäre und webbasierten Geschäftsmodellen, wurde die offensichtliche Frage danach, wer Daten über Nutzer in Domains sammelt wo diese lieber nicht ge- sehen werden würden, weitgehend vernachlässigt. Wir entwickeln eine Methodik um Tracker die an sensiblen Domains arbeiten aufzuspüren; sowohl jene die direkt mit den Herausgebern kooperieren als auch jene die implizit durch rekursive Einbeziehung auftauchen. Wir identifizieren mehrere Tracker die auf speziellen Dienstkategorien wie sexuelle Orientierung auf nicht jugendfreien Webseiten spezialisiert sind. Wir unter- suchen zudem, ob es einen Austausch zwischen solchen spezialisierten Trackern und weiteren, eher dem "Mainstream" zuzuordnenden Werbetreibenden und Vermarktern, gibt. ; EC/FP7/607728/EU/Measurement for Europe: Training and Research for Internet Communications Science/METRICS ; EC/H2020/679158/EU/Resolving the Tussle in the Internet: Mapping, Architecture, and Policy Making/ResolutioNet

The article addresses the presentation of Lithuanian and Lithuania-related documents in the digital environment in 1992–2015. One of the key factors impacting presentation of Lithuania's published documents in the digital environment was the trans­formation of bibliographic control. This publication focuses on this transformation, which, after the establishment of the National Bibliographic Data Bank (hereafter NBDB, Nacionalinės bibliografijos duomenų bankas), provided more opportunities for access to Lithuanian and Lithuania-related docu­ments in the digital environment. By employing the European Commission's 2-3-6 concept for electronic publishing, the process management theory and the analysis of the qualitative content research publi­cations as well as recommendations by the European Commission, IFLA and UNESCO for national bibli­ographic agencies, we conceptualized processes of bibliographic control in Lithuania and set up a model for NBDB's content, products and added value. The qualitative analysis and the analysis of this model showed that the transformation of bibliographic control in Lithuania in 1991 determined the reali­zation of the added value of the processes of Content Creation, Complex Content Measures, Marketing, Data Transfer, Service Provision and Maintenance, and User Interface and Systems.1. The process of Content Creation has been realised by undertaking national bibliographic control, including its retrospective aspect and the additional function of current national bibliographic control. The implementation of the function of cur­rent national bibliographic control allowed creating the current national bibliographic, retrospective and authority electronic bibliographic records for Lithu­ania's documents. This, in turn, allowed libraries and other cultural institutions carrying out selection of Lithuanian and Lithuania-related documents to reuse extensive records for Lithuanian and Lithu­ania-related documents for their catalogues as well as to monitor authorship and publication history. At present, national bibliography is used not only by libraries, publishers and book commerce – it also lays the groundwork for the statistical analysis of Lithu­ania's publishing output, the Government's policy for education and culture programmes as wel as the calculation of the publishing production scope. The creation of NBDB also determined successful imple­mentation of additional functions of bibliographic control (bibliographic records printed in a book; standard ISBN, ISMN and ISSN numbers), which serve as significant tools for the universal access to Lithuania's published documents. The following standard identifiers are used within NBDB: the International Standard Text Code (ISTC), the Inter­national Standard Audiovisual Number (ISAN), the International Standard Musical Work Code (ISWC), the International Standard Record Code (ISRC), the International Standard Name Identifier (ISNI) and the National Bibliography Number (NBN). The use of these identifiers improves access to published documents and their component parts in the digital environment.2. The process of Content packaging with its key functions of setting the scope of the national bibliography, application of content standards, application of identification standards and authority control ensures submission of legal deposit, which forms the basis for bibliographic control; prepa­ration of descriptive and authority records; and identification of books, serial and music publications on the international level and providing better access to them. However, it has been proved that the Resolution of the Government of the Republic of Lithuania "On the Order of the Submission of Legal Deposit of Printed and Other Documents to Libraries" of 11 December 2006 does not sufficiently reflect all the aspects of the functionality of legal deposit within the complex system of bibliographic control and does not provide for fully implementing the main functions and remit of a legal deposit body (The new version of the document was published on 11 June 2016). Therefore, drafting a law on le­gal deposit remains of current interest. Such a law would clearly define the purpose of legal deposit as well as provide measures for ensuring the collection and registration of legal deposit and long-time preservation and access of the national publishing output; also, for identifying document types for legal deposit with a focus on the archiving of electronic documents and explicitly identifying measures for implementing the law.As of July 2016, the NBDB contained 3 097 144 thousand current and retrospective national bibliographic records for Lithuania related documents, 66 063 of which were retrospective records created during the process of retroconversion of bibliographic records or preparing such records within NBDB. Now records of the national retrospective bibliography are linked with the Virtual Electronic Heritage System (VEPS) containing digital copies of the documents. It meets the requirements for today's digital libraries as well as users' expectations to read publications online or on mobile devices.3. The Marketing process with its key functions of administrative management, service evaluation, distribution of products and services and cooperation with publishers provides opportunities to take res­ponsibility for preparation and access of the national bibliography; perform analysis of marketing and com­petition; participating at international and national fairs and conferences directly and online; provide paid or voluntary services regarding cooperation with publishers in sharing metadata and assigning inter­national standard numbers. Bibliographic records containing ISBN and ISMN are a reliable prerequisite for successful access to Lithuania's documents and book trade.4. The process of Data Transfer has the key functions of accessibility to networks and use of persistent identifiers. Within NBDB, these functions operate with the help of the Z.39.50, SRU/SRW and OAI-PMH protocols, and PURL identifiers. It ensures NBDB's interoperability on the national and international level and allows to send bibliographic and authority records to Lithuania's libraries and international networks. Data managers of LIBIS send initial data in the ISO 2709 format to NBDB from their local computers by means of automatic updating or export/import under agreements defining the purpose, provisions and order of data supply as well as their preservation and use. Copying NBDB records to local electronic catalogues by means of direct access is allowed for authorised clients.5. The process of Delivery support and Service process has the key functions of submitting infor­mation online and information transfer via OPAC. The databases of bibliographic records of electronic catalogues of LIBIS managers and managers of the LIBIS data are accessible to users from Lithuania and abroad via OPAC within the library or online. The publishers' database is accessible via the online public access catalogue (http://www.lnb.lt/leidejai). The publication of data is approved under agreements with publishers. The codes of natural individuals are not published online. 6. The process of User Interface and Systems has the functions of query formulation, visualization of results, provision of access points and interoperability. The linguistic supply of LIBIS adheres to the standards and protocols of ISO, IFLA and other international organisations; consequently, current and retrospective national bibliographic records, as well as authority records, satisfy all the requirements for current and retrospective national bibliography: records are extensive, multileveled and all the mandatory UNIMARC relation fields are employed, thus ensuring diverse search possibilities. When preparing analytical records, not only relation fields (linking a record for an article with the publication in which it appears) are used, but there is also an indication of its relation with the appropriate issue or volume. For personal and corporate names and uniform titles, access points (authority records) are provided, thus ensuring their control and effective access to them. The LIBIS software is based on the ORACLE system for database management and the unified system for script encoding (Unicode) used for cataloguing and information services. It allows to provide records for publications which are issued in the original script, thus making it convenient for multilingual users. The described qualities of NBDB ensure its interoperability on the national and inter­national level. NBDB records are reused for various purposes: selection of documents, collection develo­pment and maintenance as well as copy cataloguing. It also improves access to Lithuania's documents, which are a reflection of its nature, history, sports and political and civic life as well as narratives of the national identity. ; Straipsnio objektas – Lietuvos ir su Lietuva susijusių publikuotų dokumentų teikimo į skaitmeninę erdvę raida nuo 1992 iki 2016 metų. Pagrindiniai sisteminiai mūsų šalies publikuotų dokumentų pasklidimo skaitmeninėje erdvėje veiksniai buvo bibliografinės apskaitos pertvarka, sukūrusi efektyvesnės sklaidos priemones informacijai apie mūsų šalies istorinį, politinį, socialinį ir ekonominį gyvenimą bei kultūros paveldo skaitmeninimo, grindžiamo atminties institucijų sąveika, įgyvendinimas mūsų šalyje, sudaręs prielaidas kurti vientisą publikuotų dokumentų skaitmeninį turinį ir bendrą prieigą prie jo. Šioje publikacijoje pagrindinis dėmesys skiriamas bibliografinės apskaitos pertvarkai, sukūrus Nacionalinės bibliografijos duomenų banką (NBDB), kuris sudarė geresnes informacijos apie Lietuvos ir su Lietuva susijusius dokumentus sklaidos skaitmeninėje erdvėje galimybes. Publikacijoje panaudota Europos Komisijos elektroninės leidybos pridedamosios vertės grandinės koncepcija, procesų vadybos teorija bei kokybinė turinio analizės metodologija, kurios leidžia konceptualizuoti ir vertinti NBDB sukauptą turinį ir paslaugas. Sukūrus teorinį verčių kūrimo modelį, grįstą teisiniais dokumentais, aptariamos socialinio, kultūros, inovacijų ir finansinio kapitalo pridedamosios vertės. Kitam sisteminiam veiksniui, nulėmusiam publikuotų dokumentų atsiradimą skaitmeninėje erdvėje – dokumentų skaitmeninimui ir vieningos prieigos kūrimui, bus parengta atskira publikacija. Šiame straipsnyje remiamasi Nacionalinėje Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekoje įgyvendintų projektų, kuriems vadovavo šio straipsnio autorė, rezultatais.

BILAVYCH Halyna – PhD hab. (Education), Professor of Primary Education Pedagogy Department, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 57 Shevchenko Str., Ivano-Frankivsk, 76018, Ukraine E-mail address: ifosuhcvas@gmail.com orcid:0000-0002-1555-0932ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/3192548/halyna-bilavych/BAHRIY Mariya – PhD (Philology), Doctoral Student of Pedagogy & Education Management of Bogdan Stuparyk Department, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 57 Shevchenko Str., Ivano-Frankivsk, 76018, UkraineE-mail address: myskiv.bagriy@gmail.comorcid:0000-0002-3506-9900To cite this article: Bilavych, H., & Bahriy, M. (2020). Periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in historical pedagogical aspect. Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 10/42, 87‒100. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.10/42.198799 Article historyReceived: January 16, 2020Received in revised form: February 20, 2020 Accepted: March 11, 2020Available online: April 28, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Authors. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). The article covers the problem of periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in the aspect of the history of pedagogy. It has been proved that the development of the literary process periodization of the studied period in the historical and pedagogical aspect requires a development of a special methodological program of interdisciplinary character, consisting of three main blocks: 1) literary studies; 2) educational and pedagogical; 3) constructing the periodization in the context of the problem under study. Each of these components is described in detail by the authors. It is noted that an analysis of representative research did not reveal a productive experience in the development of a holistic regional periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine, but the scholars have deeply studied its individual stages and trends, which creates the basis for the reconstruction of the dynamics of this phenomenon, which was transformed and modified under the influence of political regimes and the European and the Dnieper Ukrainian writers. In the context of the problem under investigation, the presented periodisations indicate that the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s was backed by a significant tradition of national writing and fits in with the overall scheme of its development. In the regional projection, it has its peculiarities caused by the well-known socio-historical and cultural factors, which become even more pronounced in Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia, Volhynia. It is stated that the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s, determined by various socio-political and cultural factors, was a complex, multidimensional, polystructural phenomenon that makes up a distinct vivid page in the history of Ukrainian culture and literature. Due to the integration of the writers' powerful intellectual potential, we consider it as a unique productive component of the development of the national pedagogical thought in Ukraine. In the historical pedagogical aspect five major periods of development of the Western Ukrainian literary process can be identified: 1) ecclesiastical educational (mid 1870s ‒ 1820s), divided into two stages: 1772‒1805 and 1806‒1820s.); 2) enlightenment (1830s ‒ first half of 1870's, divided into two stages, the turning point being 1848); 3) activation of the literary life in the second half of the 1870s ‒ 1914; 4) the war and revolutionary upheavals of 1914 ‒ 1919/20; 5) the interwar period of the twentieth century, divided into two stages – the 1920s and the 1930s. Each of these periods has its own features and peculiarities of ideological and artistic character, expressed in the artistic reflections of a wide range of problems of education, upbringing and personality development.Funding. The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. ; БІЛАВИЧ Галина – доктор педагогічних наук, професор кафедри педагогіки початкової освіти, Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника, вул. Шевченка, 57, Івано-Франківськ, 76018, УкраїнаE-mail address: ifosuhcvas@gmail.com orcid:0000-0002-1555-0932ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/3192548/halyna-bilavych/БАГРІЙ Марія – кандидат філологічних наук, докторант кафедри педагогіки та освітнього менеджменту імені Богдана Ступарика, Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника, вул. Шевченка, 57, Івано-Франківськ, 76018, УкраїнаE-mail address: myskiv.bagriy@gmail.comorcid:0000-0002-3506-9900To cite this article: Bilavych, H., & Bahriy, M. (2020). Periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in historical pedagogical aspect. Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 10/42, 87‒100. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.10/42.198799 Article historyReceived: January 16, 2020Received in revised form: February 20, 2020 Accepted: March 11, 2020Available online: April 28, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Authors. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). Стаття присвячена висвітленню проблеми періодизації літературного процесу в Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХХ ст. у вимірі історії педагогіки. Доведено, що розроблення періодизації літературного процесу досліджуваного періоду в історико-педагогічному вимірі вимагає випрацювання спеціальної методологічної програми міждисциплінарного характеру, що складається з трьох основних блоків: 1) літературознавчого; 2) освітньо-педагогічного; 3) конструювання періодизації у контексті досліджуваної проблеми. Кожен із цих компонентів докладно схарактеризований авторами. Зазначено, що результати аналізу репрезентативних студій не виявили продуктивного досвіду розробки цілісної регіональної періодизації літературного процесу в Західній Україні, але науковці досить глибоко дослідили його окремі етапи і тенденції, що створює підґрунтя для реконструкції динаміки розвитку цього феномену, який трансформувався, модифікувався під впливом ідеології панівних політичних режимів, європейського й українського письменства Наддніпрянщини. У контексті досліджуваної проблеми представлені періодизації свідчать, що літературний процес у Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХІХ ст. спирався на значну традицію розвитку національного письменства та загалом вписується у загальну схему його розвитку. У регіональній проекції він має свої, зумовлені відомими соціально-історичними і національно-культурними чинниками особливості, які стають ще виразнішими у вимірах Галичини, Буковини, Закарпаття, Волині. Констатовано, що детермінований різними чинниками суспільно-політичного і соціокультурного порядку літературний процес у Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХХ ст. є складним, багатоаспектним, поліструктурним явищем, що становить окрему яскраву сторінку в історії української культури і літератури. Завдяки інтеграції потужного інтелектуального потенціалу письменників розглядаємо його як унікальний продуктивний складник розвитку національної педагогічної думки України. В історико-педагогічному вимірі визначено п'ять основних періодів розвитку західноукраїнського літературного процесу: 1) церковно-освітній (середина 1870-х – 1820-ті рр.), що поділяється на два етапи: 1772–1805 рр. та 1806–1820 рр.; 2) будительсько-просвітницький – 1830-ті – перша половина 1870-х рр. – також має два етапи, які розмежовує 1848 р.; 3) піднесення літературного життя другої половини 1870-х рр. – 1914 рр.; 4) воєнно-революційних потрясінь 1914–1919/20 рр.; 5) міжвоєнний період ХХ ст., у якому відстежуються два етапи 1920-х та 1930-х рр. Кожен з цих періодів має свої риси й особливості ідейно-ціннісного та художньо-стильового характеру, увиразнені в художніх рефлексіях широкого комплексу проблем освіти, виховання і розвитку особистості.

BILAVYCH Halyna – PhD hab. (Education), Professor of Primary Education Pedagogy Department, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 57 Shevchenko Str., Ivano-Frankivsk, 76018, Ukraine E-mail address: ifosuhcvas@gmail.com orcid:0000-0002-1555-0932ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/3192548/halyna-bilavych/BAHRIY Mariya – PhD (Philology), Doctoral Student of Pedagogy & Education Management of Bogdan Stuparyk Department, Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, 57 Shevchenko Str., Ivano-Frankivsk, 76018, UkraineE-mail address: myskiv.bagriy@gmail.comorcid:0000-0002-3506-9900To cite this article: Bilavych, H., & Bahriy, M. (2020). Periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in historical pedagogical aspect. Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 10/42, 87‒100. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.10/42.198799 Article historyReceived: January 16, 2020Received in revised form: February 20, 2020 Accepted: March 11, 2020Available online: April 28, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Authors. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). The article covers the problem of periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in the aspect of the history of pedagogy. It has been proved that the development of the literary process periodization of the studied period in the historical and pedagogical aspect requires a development of a special methodological program of interdisciplinary character, consisting of three main blocks: 1) literary studies; 2) educational and pedagogical; 3) constructing the periodization in the context of the problem under study. Each of these components is described in detail by the authors. It is noted that an analysis of representative research did not reveal a productive experience in the development of a holistic regional periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine, but the scholars have deeply studied its individual stages and trends, which creates the basis for the reconstruction of the dynamics of this phenomenon, which was transformed and modified under the influence of political regimes and the European and the Dnieper Ukrainian writers. In the context of the problem under investigation, the presented periodisations indicate that the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s was backed by a significant tradition of national writing and fits in with the overall scheme of its development. In the regional projection, it has its peculiarities caused by the well-known socio-historical and cultural factors, which become even more pronounced in Galicia, Bukovina, Transcarpathia, Volhynia. It is stated that the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s, determined by various socio-political and cultural factors, was a complex, multidimensional, polystructural phenomenon that makes up a distinct vivid page in the history of Ukrainian culture and literature. Due to the integration of the writers' powerful intellectual potential, we consider it as a unique productive component of the development of the national pedagogical thought in Ukraine. In the historical pedagogical aspect five major periods of development of the Western Ukrainian literary process can be identified: 1) ecclesiastical educational (mid 1870s ‒ 1820s), divided into two stages: 1772‒1805 and 1806‒1820s.); 2) enlightenment (1830s ‒ first half of 1870's, divided into two stages, the turning point being 1848); 3) activation of the literary life in the second half of the 1870s ‒ 1914; 4) the war and revolutionary upheavals of 1914 ‒ 1919/20; 5) the interwar period of the twentieth century, divided into two stages – the 1920s and the 1930s. Each of these periods has its own features and peculiarities of ideological and artistic character, expressed in the artistic reflections of a wide range of problems of education, upbringing and personality development.Funding. The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. ; БІЛАВИЧ Галина – доктор педагогічних наук, професор кафедри педагогіки початкової освіти, Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника, вул. Шевченка, 57, Івано-Франківськ, 76018, УкраїнаE-mail address: ifosuhcvas@gmail.com orcid:0000-0002-1555-0932ResearcherID: https://publons.com/researcher/3192548/halyna-bilavych/БАГРІЙ Марія – кандидат філологічних наук, докторант кафедри педагогіки та освітнього менеджменту імені Богдана Ступарика, Прикарпатський національний університет імені Василя Стефаника, вул. Шевченка, 57, Івано-Франківськ, 76018, УкраїнаE-mail address: myskiv.bagriy@gmail.comorcid:0000-0002-3506-9900To cite this article: Bilavych, H., & Bahriy, M. (2020). Periodization of the literary process in Western Ukraine in the period from the late 18th century to the 1930s in historical pedagogical aspect. Human Studies. Series of Pedagogy, 10/42, 87‒100. doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2413-2039.10/42.198799 Article historyReceived: January 16, 2020Received in revised form: February 20, 2020 Accepted: March 11, 2020Available online: April 28, 2020Journal homepage:http://lssp.dspu.edu.ua/p-ISSN 2313-2094e-ISSN 2413-2039© 2020 The Authors. Human studies. Series of Pedagogy published by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University & Open Journal Systems. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/). Стаття присвячена висвітленню проблеми періодизації літературного процесу в Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХХ ст. у вимірі історії педагогіки. Доведено, що розроблення періодизації літературного процесу досліджуваного періоду в історико-педагогічному вимірі вимагає випрацювання спеціальної методологічної програми міждисциплінарного характеру, що складається з трьох основних блоків: 1) літературознавчого; 2) освітньо-педагогічного; 3) конструювання періодизації у контексті досліджуваної проблеми. Кожен із цих компонентів докладно схарактеризований авторами. Зазначено, що результати аналізу репрезентативних студій не виявили продуктивного досвіду розробки цілісної регіональної періодизації літературного процесу в Західній Україні, але науковці досить глибоко дослідили його окремі етапи і тенденції, що створює підґрунтя для реконструкції динаміки розвитку цього феномену, який трансформувався, модифікувався під впливом ідеології панівних політичних режимів, європейського й українського письменства Наддніпрянщини. У контексті досліджуваної проблеми представлені періодизації свідчать, що літературний процес у Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХІХ ст. спирався на значну традицію розвитку національного письменства та загалом вписується у загальну схему його розвитку. У регіональній проекції він має свої, зумовлені відомими соціально-історичними і національно-культурними чинниками особливості, які стають ще виразнішими у вимірах Галичини, Буковини, Закарпаття, Волині. Констатовано, що детермінований різними чинниками суспільно-політичного і соціокультурного порядку літературний процес у Західній Україні наприкінці XVIII – у 30-х рр. ХХ ст. є складним, багатоаспектним, поліструктурним явищем, що становить окрему яскраву сторінку в історії української культури і літератури. Завдяки інтеграції потужного інтелектуального потенціалу письменників розглядаємо його як унікальний продуктивний складник розвитку національної педагогічної думки України. В історико-педагогічному вимірі визначено п'ять основних періодів розвитку західноукраїнського літературного процесу: 1) церковно-освітній (середина 1870-х – 1820-ті рр.), що поділяється на два етапи: 1772–1805 рр. та 1806–1820 рр.; 2) будительсько-просвітницький – 1830-ті – перша половина 1870-х рр. – також має два етапи, які розмежовує 1848 р.; 3) піднесення літературного життя другої половини 1870-х рр. – 1914 рр.; 4) воєнно-революційних потрясінь 1914–1919/20 рр.; 5) міжвоєнний період ХХ ст., у якому відстежуються два етапи 1920-х та 1930-х рр. Кожен з цих періодів має свої риси й особливості ідейно-ціннісного та художньо-стильового характеру, увиразнені в художніх рефлексіях широкого комплексу проблем освіти, виховання і розвитку особистості.

In the context of the great socio-economic, technological and environmental upheavals of agricultural revolutions, mountain areas are often considered as favorable to biodiversity and environmentally friendly agricultural practices. However, these territories are under real anthropic pressure via agriculture or forestry leading to one of the fundamental questions of the coming century on the alteration of natural resources, not human activities. These new farming systems have led to the emergence or increase in abundance of species that have become agricultural pests. Due to loss of food production, chemical control and damage to non-target fauna, reservoirs of zoonoses they represent or as an essential link in food webs, micro-mammals and their outbreaks represent an area of study of primary importance in ecology. Agricultural policies that have led to a specialization of agricultural practices towards grassland production have contributed to the emergence of outbreaks of prairie voles (ground vole and field vole) through increased crop production and homogenization of the agricultural landscape. in the Jurassic Massif and the Massif Central. While some predators like small mustelids specialize in the consumption of these micro-mammals. Other predators, considered as generalists, present a functional food response by adapting their diet to the availability of the resource. This functional response may be at the origin of a postponement of predation on prey alternatives to micro-mammals. Of all these species, hunting and heritage small-scale wildlife presently represent marked management and conservation issues. The purpose of this thesis is to compare two geographical zones (Upper Romans valley and Upper Jurassic mountains) with a priori different degree of knowledge about prairie volcano outbreak systems. Through this work, we compared the phenomenon of outbreaks observed in Haute-Romanche with current knowledge of the Jurassian Massif. We also, through the analysis of long-term monitoring data and the implementation of field experiments, tried to provide information on the relations between prey and predators in a meadow vole breeding system in a temperate environment. . The objective is to try to make a comparison as much as possible between the two geographical areas to improve the management of these ecosystems. Our first work was to analyze the data collected between 1998 and 2010 to characterize the spatio-temporal functioning of the ground vole in Haute-Romanche. We also compared these data to the agricultural history of the valley between 1810 and 2003 at the plot scale. Firstly, we found that the agricultural historical scenario was similar between this valley of Haute-Romanche and other European mountain areas, with a specialization on grassland production and as a direct effect the virtual disappearance of plowed areas, the cantonment of mowing areas in the valley bottoms and extension of grazing areas to the rest of the areas used for agriculture. Based on these data, we were able to highlight a correlative link at the plot scale between the current land use and the intensity of the vole's overgrowth. Grazing areas had a lower vole abundance than mowed areas. The current agricultural occupation being directly dependent on the agricultural history of the valley, it seems likely that the agricultural specialization towards grassland production in this valley is, as in the Jura, the origin ; Dans le contexte des grands bouleversements socio-économiques, technologiques et environnementaux des révolutions agricoles, les zones de montagnes sont souvent considérées comme favorables à la biodiversité et à des pratiques agricoles respectueuses de l'environnement. Pourtant, ces territoires subissent une pression anthropique réelle via l'agriculture ou la sylviculture menant à une des questions fondamentales du siècle à venir sur l'altération des ressources naturelles pas les activités anthropiques. Ces nouveaux systèmes agricoles ont entraîné l'émergence ou l'augmentation d'abondance d'espèces devenues des pestes agricoles. En raison des pertes de productions alimentaires, de la lutte chimique et des dégâts sur la faune non-cible, des réservoirs de zoonoses qu'ils représentent ou comme maillon essentiel des réseaux trophiques, les micro-mammifères et leurs pullulations représentent un domaine d'étude de première importance en écologie. Les politiques agricoles qui ont mené à une spécialisation des pratiques agricoles vers la production herbagère ont contribué à favoriser l'apparition des pullulations de campagnols prairiaux (campagnol terrestre et campagnol des champs) via l'augmentation de la production végétale et une homogénéisation du paysage agricole dans le Massif Jurassien et le Massif Central. Tandis que certains prédateurs comme les petits mustélidés se spécialisent dans la consommation de ces micro-mammifères. D'autres prédateurs, considérés comme généralistes, présentent une réponse fonctionnelle alimentaire en adaptant leur alimentation à la disponibilité de la ressource. Cette réponse fonctionnelle peut être à l'origine d'un report de prédation sur des proies alternatives aux micro-mammifères. Parmi toutes ces espèces, la petite faune chassable et patrimoniale représente à l'heure actuelle des enjeux de gestion et de conservation marqués.Cette thèse a pour but de comparer deux zones géographiques (vallée alpine de la Haute-Romanche et Massif Jurassien) présentant un degré a priori différent de connaissances sur les systèmes de pullulations de campagnols prairiaux. Nous avons, au travers de ce travail, comparé le phénomène de pullulation observé en Haute-Romanche avec les connaissances actuelles du Massif Jurassien. Nous avons également, par l'analyse de données de monitoring à long terme et la mise en place d'expérimentations de terrain, essayé d'apporter des informations quant aux relations entre proies et prédateurs dans un système de pullulation de campagnol prairiaux en milieu tempéré. L'objectif est de tenter une comparaison tant que faire se peut entre les deux zones géographiques pour améliorer la gestion de ces écosystèmes.Notre premier travail fut d'analyser les données récoltées entre 1998 et 2010 pour caractériser le fonctionnement spatio-temporel du campagnol terrestre en Haute-Romanche. Nous avons également confronté ces données à l'histoire agricole de la vallée entre 1810 et 2003 à l'échelle parcellaire. Dans un premier temps, nous avons constaté que le scénario historique agricole était similaire entre cette vallée de la Haute-Romanche et d'autres zones montagnardes européennes, avec une spécialisation sur la production herbagère et comme effet direct la disparition virtuelle des zones labourées, le cantonnement des zones de fauches dans les fonds de vallée et l'extension des zones de pâtures au reste des zones exploitées pour l'agriculture. En se basant sur ces données, nous avons pu mettre en évidence un lien corrélatif à l'échelle parcellaire entre l'occupation du sol actuelle et l'intensité de la pullulation du campagnol terrestre. Les zones pâturées ont présenté une amplitude de l'abondance en campagnol terrestre moins importante que les zones fauchées. L'occupation agricole actuelle étant directement dépendant de l'histoire agricole de la vallée, il apparaît vraisemblable que la spécialisation agricole vers la production herbagère dans cette vallée est, comme dans le Jura, à l'origine

The aim of my thesis was to offer a detailed study of an area which, if regularly used for the extension of Archaeology and History, has never been so far the subject of a specific study, according to our knowledge. Archaeological and historical reconstruction is nevertheless a phenomenon, especially in the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian countries, that plays a key role in both scientific research and release of heritage to the general public. Articles and books that are interested in this or that method of reconstruction are frequently published in France.This research work is divided in three parts: the first one is devoted to a historic of reconstruction and representations of the past, through space and time. From antiquity to today, we will study the evolution of staging and set images on events, buildings and figures in history, as well as values and taboos associated to these representations of the past. Give a picture, realistic or symbolic of the past and not only allude to it by spoken or written means, is a desire that seems to have been present among men in all ages and in all civilizations. Mirrors of the eras that created them and perceptions of the men of their own society and those who preceded them, ancient historical and archaeological reconstructions are important testimony. The second part is based on the analysis of three examples of archaeological and historical representation made in France and on European sites. They were chosen for their paradigm and their respective places in the advanced techniques and expectations of scientists as well as the public supposed to watch them. The third and last part goes to the heart of the subject and, in particular, from the examples discussed above, offers an interrogation upon the limits and the challenges of archaeological and historical reconstructions. This issue is particularly topical in the late twentieth and early twenty-First century. For three reasons: the development of cultural tourism and the development of interactive archaeological parks, the amplification of heritage policies, the increase in the public educated in image reading which is waiting not only for the researcher's result of a hypothesis but also its justification. So the reconstruction issues are crucial. A sign of it is that more and more doctoral thesis of archeological sites offers reconstructions. The archaeological authorities of many countries now stipulate that a significant proportion of the budget of the search must be devoted to subsequent promotion, of which the center is reconstruction. The latter therefore falls outside the strict framework of museums and now requires a variety of actors who were only superficially interested in these issues. The explosion in use of reconstructions appears as an ambiguous triumph. Indeed, the various actors who use the reconstruction are not aiming the same goals: between those who experience a working hypothesis and those who are expecting pedagogical resource as teaching tools, or those looking for an image to generate a sentimental investment of a place, the common denominator is very difficult, if not impossible, to find. In addition, a major limitation of archaeological and historical reconstructions lies mainly in the ephemeral nature of their scientific validity, even if their life is sometimes very long. An historiography of these achievements is necessary, because they reflect the context of their building as much as the era they are supposed to bring back to life. ; L'objectif de ma thèse est de proposer une étude approfondie d'un domaine qui, s'il est régulièrement employé pour la vulgarisation de l'Archéologie et de l'Histoire, n'a jamais fait jusqu'à présent à notre connaissance l'objet d'une étude spécifique. La restitution archéologique et historique est pourtant un phénomène qui, en particulier dans les pays anglo-Saxons et nordiques, joue un rôle-Clé à la fois dans la recherche scientifique et dans la diffusion du patrimoine auprès du grand-Public. Des articles et des ouvrages qui s'intéressent à telle ou telle méthode de restitution sont fréquemment publiés en France. Ce travail de recherche se développe en trois parties : la première est consacrée à une Histoire de la restitution et des représentations du passé, à travers l'espace et le temps. De l'Antiquité à aujourd'hui, nous étudierons ainsi l'évolution des mises en scène et des mises en images des évènements, édifices et figures marquantes de l'Histoire, de même que des valeurs et des interdits rattachés à ces représentations du passé. Donner une image, réaliste ou symbolique, du passé et ne pas seulement l'évoquer par la parole ou par l'écrit, est un désir qui semble avoir été présent chez les hommes à toutes les époques et dans toutes les civilisations. Miroir des époques qui les ont créées et de la perception qu'ont les hommes de leur société et de celles qui les ont précédés, les restitutions historiques et archéologiques anciennes sont des témoignages importants. La seconde partie repose sur l'analyse de trois exemples de restitutions archéologiques et historiques réalisées en France et sur des sites européens. Ils ont été choisis pour leur caractère paradigmatique et leurs places respectives dans l'avancée des techniques et des attentes des scientifiques comme du public destiné à les regarder. Enfin, la troisième et dernière partie va au cœur du sujet et, en particulier, à partir des exemples analysés précédemment, propose une interrogation sur les limites et les enjeux de la restitution archéologique et historique. Cette mise en question revêt une particulière actualité à la fin du XXème et au début du XXIème siècle. Cela pour trois raisons : le développement du tourisme culturel et le développement des parcs archéologiques interactifs, l'amplification des politiques du patrimoine, l'accroissement d'un public formé à la lecture de l'image qui n'attend plus seulement du chercheur le résultat d'une hypothèse mais aussi sa justification. Les enjeux de la restitution sont donc cruciaux. Un signe en est que de plus en plus de thèses d'archéologie sur des études de sites proposent des restitutions. Les autorités archéologiques de nombreux pays stipulent désormais qu'une part conséquente du budget de la fouille doit être consacrée à la valorisation postérieure, au centre de laquelle se trouve la restitution. Cette dernière sort donc du cadre strict de la muséographie et s'impose désormais à des acteurs très divers, qui n'ont été que superficiellement intéressés à ces problématiques. L'explosion du recours à la restitution apparaît comme un triomphe ambigu. En effet, les divers acteurs qui utilisent la restitution ne poursuivent pas les mêmes buts : entre ceux qui expérimentent une hypothèse de travail et ceux qui attendent un support pédagogique pour instruire, voire ceux qui recherchent une image destinée à susciter l'investissement sentimental du lieu, le dénominateur commun est très difficile, voire impossible, à trouver. En outre une des limites majeures des restitutions archéologiques et historiques réside principalement dans à leur caractère éphémère de leur validité scientifique, alors que leur durée de vie est parfois très longue. Une historiographie de ces réalisations est nécessaire en ce qu'elles reflètent au moins autant leur contexte de construction que l'époque qu'elles sont supposées faire revivre.

abstract: In 1937, the Catalogue of the Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism exhibition in the New York Museum of Modern Art (MOMA), edited by Alfred H. Barr Jr, with an essay by Georges Hugnet, appears the image of a painting by David Alfaro Siqueiros: Collective Suicide,1936, under subject 13 of the exhibition Guide, as part of a group of works selected under the title "Creation of Evocative Chaos," together with other works by Klee, Dominguez, Tanguy, Cheval and Schwitters. The photo of the painting is inscribed in a chapter called "Artists independent of the Dada-Surrealist movements." Arranged alphabetically it includes works by Blume, Calder, Castellón, Disney, Dove, Evans, Merrild, Feitelson, Gonzales, Lewis, O'Keeffe, Roy, Putnam, Smith, Goldberg, Thurber, Tonny and Beall.* *A group of paintings and sculptures by American artists as varied and different as can be. Today at the Tate Modern Museum in London, the permanent exhibition of Surrealism includes another work by Siqueiros under the title "Cosmos and Disaster." Both paintings by Siqueiros are apocalyptic visions of the approaching Civil War in Spain and of the Second World War. Although Siqueiros is better known as one of the three greatest realist Mexican muralists of the 20th Century, it is strange, although indicative, that two works of his are recognized in both different moments of the history of modern art, as surrealist expressions, in the 1930s and in the first decade of the new Century. Indicative, as one can not forget the fundamental involvement of historical Surrealism with Communism during that period, as well as with the concept of art as a revolutionary endeavor in itself. To be a militant of the Communist Party during the thirties was quite a different thing than before or after. Siqueiros´ militancy at the time, had to do with the idea that the world can be changed, but also, that art is a testimony of horrors and a therapy of self esteem in the midst of it. Siqueiros founded the "Siqueiros Experimental Workshop" at # 5 of Fourteenth Street, New York, at the beginning of 1936, after the International Conference of Artists, organized by artists members of the USA Communist Party, as part of the International policy of the Communist Party's "Open Popular Front" against fascism and war. And before Siqueiros became himself a soldier in Spain. In this workshop Siqueiros directed a group of young American and Latin American artists that came together in order to participate with the party in its antifascist, antiwar propaganda. The International Communist Front allowed non communists to participate with them united by their antifascist positions. The center of their creative work became Siqueiros´ concept of art seen not only as a revolutionary weapon against Franco, Hitler, Mussolini and others like Hearst and other European, Mexican and American tycoons, but as a revolutionary activity in itself. It is well known that among the young members of this workshop was young Jackson Pollock. The style of the two paintings I am referring to can be defined with the same type of language then used by Surrealism, and specifically by the curators of this exhibit. Both works are almost abstract, they were made with experimental materials, generated strange forms, and developed new techniques. Collective Suicide is integrated with pieces of wood, like in a collage and the many tiny, not more than one inch sized figures that are depicted in it were added with stencils. Both works are Siqueiros own version of automatism, which he named "Controlled Accidents." He started painting them on the floor, throwing into the canvas new industrial color –explosive pyroxiline- directly from the cans, on to which he also added different kinds of foreign materials like nails, fragments of wood and sand, creating a thick texture and a mysterious space. They both give the impression of an explosive Cosmos, a sensation of chaos. Collective Suicide is almost abstract, yet an absolutely representative testimony of the Spanish Civil War, in which many citizens were ready to die fighting for their democratic rights. Like in many other occasions' of World history one or all four Horses of Apocalypse mark the Time of individuals. It is the same nightmare, which inspired one year later Picasso's Guernica. In Siqueiros picture many men and women, as well as their children and grandchildren, take the horrible decision to commit massive suicide because their life becomes an impossible existence. To take their own lives for the cause of Liberty, Fraternity and equal Rights. The decision to fight against authoritarianism, misery, sickness, and lack of freedom. Always a fight for life in a world lead by diverse utopical visions and ideals of humankind. The sacred engagement with life, understood as dedication, path and sense. Siqueiros is at that moment a militant and partisan, but also –while he prepares for warfare- he is dedicated to express this spirit artistically, with an open mind, appropriating all what Western art traditions offer, and assuming as well, all what the universe of science and technology was discovering, especially in America. In 1936 Siqueiros continued the explorations of his first stay in the United States in Los Angeles 1932, through an experimental research of new significants and devises to express this ideals, not only convincing the audience by arguments, but by moving their sensitive and emotional side, competing with very powerful new mass media, as cinema. The painting at the Tate Collection is practically abstract, only a little flame in the middle of the dark canvas remains after the great explosion. A few lines of force center the flame in the composition. The darkness of the painted full space, reminds the blackness surrounding the ones in Van Dyke portraits. But it is constructed over the floor, juxtaposing layers of paint that combine over the canvas, making strange, unexpected forms. Maybe with the same spirit of Ernst's frottage (Maybe that is why the painting hangs at the side of Max Ernst's Dadaville, 1924). Cosmos and Disaster is the subject of the picture, painted at the same year of another of his impressive apocalyptic paintings: The End of the World, in which there is only one human survival left among the buildings on fire. Siqueiros paintings of 1936 are a reminder of the mystery of human horror. In my text I plan to work more on Siqueiros' concept of the accidental, or the unconscious, in his art and on his Siqueiros Experimental Workshop, with the information taken from diverse recorded and written materials researched at the Smithsonian archive in New York, at the Pollock/Krasner house and Study Center, other documents recommended by Ellen Landau and the Siqueiros Archives in Mexico, and at the Getty Research Institute in LA, which I published as part of my book Siqueiros. Del Paraíso a la Utopía , 2004.

Die Kirche in Lateinamerika hat für die Profilbildung wissenschaftlicher Theologie im 20. Jahrhun-dert eine Reihe von theoretischen Entwürfen vorgelegt, die für die Programmatik der Theologie ins-gesamt grundlegend und richtungweisend sind. In der europäischen Rezeption wird jedoch zu wenig beachtet, dass sich hinter dem Sammelbegriff "Theologie der Befreiung" eine Reihe sehr differenzier-ter Konzeptionen verbergen, die in je unterschiedlichen kulturellen Kontexten die Evangelisierung thematisieren. Der Fokus der vorliegenden Arbeit richtet sich auf die andine Region Nordperus und insbesondere die Diözese Cajamarca unter der Amtszeit des Bischofs José Dammert Bellido (1962-1992). Die vorliegende Arbeit von Wilhelm Knecht ist im Rahmen eines Gesamtprojekts "Partner-schaftsarbeit der Kirche in Deutschland und in Peru. 30 Jahre Pastoral in Cajamarca", das von 1997-1999 von den Bistümern Bamberg, Eichstätt und Würzburg und anschließend bis 2002 von der DFG gefördert wurde, entstanden. Ziel dieses Projekts war es, die wechselseitige Bedeutung von Partner-schaften zwischen Deutschland und Peru exemplarisch herauszuarbeiten, ihre Entstehungsgeschichte nach dem Konzil zu dokumentieren und die Veränderungsprozesse zu analysieren. Einschneidende Zäsur war hierbei der altersbedingte Amtsrücktritt von Bischof Dammert 1992 und die theologische und kirchliche Neuorientierung seines Nachfolgers. Literarische Grundlage der vorliegenden Arbeit ist neben den vor allem kirchengeschichtlichen Publikationen Bischofs Dammerts, umfangreiches unveröffentlichtes Archivmaterial sowie von Knecht durchgeführte Umfragen. Der wissenschaftliche Anspruch dieser Arbeit und deren Bedeutung besteht darin, dass sie eine au-thentische Dokumentation des kirchlichen Aufbruchs in Lateinamerika seit 1962 ist. Sie dokumentiert einen Prozess der Befreiung und der danach folgenden Theologie der Befreiung. Dies wird am kon-kreten Beispiel einer Diözese gezeigt – ausgehend von der Praxis und den handelnden Personen. Kapitel II "Cajamarca – eine Diözese in den Anden" erstellt eine Situationsanalyse des Bistums Ca-jamarca unter Einbeziehung geografischer, historischer, politischer, ökonomischer und kirchlichen Gegebenheiten. Kapitel III "Der Glaube und die Kultur der Menschen von Cajamarca" behandelt die andine vorchrist-liche Kosmovision, deren fundamentales Charakteristikum die Relationalität aller Wirklichkeit bildet, in die auch der Mensch eingebunden ist. Volksreligiosität und andine Kosmovision konnten zur Legi-timierung politischer und kirchlicher Herrschaft dienen und sich wechselseitig stützen. Kapitel IV behandelt "Die soziale und pastorale Arbeit von Bischof Dammert". Dammert steht exem-plarisch für die kirchliche Erneuerung in Peru und Lateinamerika nach dem Konzil überhaupt. Er war maßgebend an der Konferenz von Medellín beteiligt und Präsident der peruanischen Bischofskonfe-renz. Kapitel V "Das Evangelium der Campesinos von Bambamarca" behandelt die Umsetzung des neuen Pastoralkonzepts in der Pfarrei San Carlos de Bambamarca. Sie hatte Vorbildfunktion und war das Vorzeigeprojekt der Diözese. Erstmals seit 400 Jahren lag der Schwerpunkt pastoraler Tätigkeit bei der einheimischen Landbevölkerung, die von den Kolonialherren und ihren Nachfahren seit eh und je vernachlässigt war. Der erste Pastoralkurs 1963 ist der Beginn einer Befreiungsgeschichte. Die Neu-evangelisierung verändert das soziale Ordnung der Campesinos, den Umgang der Generationen und nicht zuletzt auch das Verhältnis der Geschlechter. Publizistisch findet dieser Aufbruch in der Zeitung "El Despertar de los Campesinos". International Aufsehen erregte das von den Campesinos verfasste Glaubensbuch "Vamos Caminando". Eine weite-re Neuerung stellt die Institution der Ronda dar, die sich zu einer Instanz demokratischer Selbstver-waltung der Comunidad entwickelte. Die vorliegende Dissertation von Knecht wird ihrer Zielsetzung, eine authentische Dokumentation der nachkonziliaren Neuevangelisierung in der Diözese Cajamarca zu leisten, in hervorragendem Maße gerecht. Die aufgeführten Detailinformationen sind äußerst umfangreich und belegen sachhaltig und kenntnisreich die Tragweite des Pastoralkonzepts von Bischof Dammert. Dessen Bedeutung wird nicht zuletzt dadurch belegt, dass Gustavo Gutiérrez diese befreiende Pastoral vor Augen hatte, als er die "Theologie der Befreiung" verfasste. Knecht gelingt es hervorragend, die Differenz zwischen der ersten und zweiten Evangelisierung anschaulich zu beschreiben. Die Vielfältigkeit des von ihm he-rangezogenen Materials ist beeindruckend. Hier wird insgesamt das spezifische Profil einer auf andi-ner Grundlage verfassten Ortskirche zur Sprache gebracht. Die kirchengeschichtliche Bedeutung Bi-schof Dammerts nicht nur für Peru, sondern für ganz Lateinamerika ist eindrucksvoll dargelegt. Die von Knecht hervorgehobene eigenständige Praxis der andinen Basisgemeinschaften ist in dieser Aus-führlichkeit bisher nicht behandelt worden. ; The church in Latin America submitted a set of theoretical drafts for the profile formation of scientific theology in the 20th century, which are fundamental and indicative for the programmability of theology as a whole. In the European reception, however, it is barely considered that behind the comprehensive term "theology of liberation" a number of very differentiated conceptions hide, which make the evangelization a subject of discussion in particularly different cultural contexts. The focus of this dissertation is directed towards the andine region of North Peru and in particular the diocese Cajamarca at the office of bishop José Dammert Bellido (1962-1992). The present work of Wilhelm Knecht was developped in the context of an overall project "partnership of the church in Germany and in Peru - 30 years Pastoral in Cajamarca", which was promoted from 1997-1999 by the dioceses Bamberg, Eichstätt and Würzburg and afterwards until 2002 by the DFG. The goal of this project was the exemplary work-out of the mutual meaning of partnerships between Germany and Peru, the documentation of their history after the council and the analyzation of the processes of changes. A drastic break was here the age-related office resignation of bishop Dammert in 1992 and his successor's theological and clerical re-orientation. The literary basis of the present work, besides the clerical -historical publications of bishop Dammert, is an extensive unpublished archives material, particularly from Dammert's blank archive at the Instituto Bartolomé de las Casas in Lima, as well as inquiries accomplished by Knecht. The scientific requirement of this work and its meaning consist of the fact that it is an authentic documentation of the clerical departure in Latin America since 1962. It documents a process of liberation and the following theology of liberation. This is shown by the concrete example of a diocese - on the basis of practice and the acting persons. Chapter II "Cajamarca - a diocese in the Andes" provides a situation analysis of the diocese Cajamarca created in 1908 including geographical, historical, political, economic and clerical conditions. Chapter III "The faith and the culture of the people of Cajamarca" treats the andine pre-christian cosmovision, whose fundamental characteristic forms the relationality of all reality, into which also the man is merged. Popular religiosity and andine cosmovision could serve to legitimate political and clerical rule and they could support themselves mutually. Chapter IV treats "The social and pastoral work of bishop Dammert". He was the charismatic figure of the second evangelization in Cajamarca. Dammert, however, stands also exemplary for the clerical renewal in Peru and Latin America after the council at all. He was considerably involved in the conference of Medellín and he was president of the Peruvian bishop conference Chapter V "The gospel of the Campesinos of Bambamarca" treats the conversion of the new pastoral concept in the parish San Carlos de Bambamarca. It had an example function and was the pilot project of the diocese. For the first time for 400 years the emphasis of pastoral activity has been focused on the native Campesinos, who have always been neclected by the conquistadors and their descendants. The first pastoral class in 1963 was the beginning of a liberation history. The re-evangelization changed the social order of the Campesinos. This departure can be found journalistically in the newspaper "El Despertar de los Campesinos". The faith book "Vamos Caminando" written by the Campesinos made internationally a great stir. A further innovation represented the institution of the Ronda. The present dissertation of Knecht fulfils its objective to accomplish an authentic documentation of the post-council re-evangelization in the diocese Cajamarca in an excellent way. The specified detailed informations are extremely extensive and they prove objectively and experienced the consequence of the pastoral concept by bishop Dammert. His importance is not proven at least by the fact that Gustavo Gutiérrez took this liberating pastoral as the basis for his work "The theology of liberation". Knecht succeeds brilliantly to describe descriptively the difference between the first and second evangelization. The variety of the material he consulted is impressing. In spite of a clear positioning, the difficulties and conflicts are also focussed. The clerical-historical meaning of bishop Dammert not only for Peru, but for completely Latin America is impressively stated. The independent practice of the andine basis communities emphasized by Knecht was so far not treated in this detailedness.

ÖZETBu çalışma, 1980 sonrası Mısır'ında sivil toplum kavramının yeşerdiği ortamın temel dinamiklerinin neler olduğunu, bireysel özgürlüklere dayanan sivil toplum anlayışının demokratikleşmeyi nasıl etkilediğini araştırma amacıyla seçilmiştir. Bu inceleme, sivil toplum kavramının tarihsel ve terminolojik gelişiminden yola çıkarak, Ortadoğu toplumlarının sivil toplumu ve kurumlarını oluşturmadaki kriterlerini tartışmayı amaçlar. Genelde Ortadoğu, özelde ise Mısır toplumu ve kültürü tartışmanın eksenine oturtularak, bu kültürün meydana gelen gelişmeler karşısındaki temel özellikleri gözler önüne serilmeye çalışılmıştır. Sivil toplum anlayışı salt bireyin öyküsünden filizlenen bir kavramdır. Mısır olgusu mercek altına alındığı zaman ise, burada sivil toplum anlayışının fertlerin tek tek kendilerini mensup hissettikleri yapılardan kaynaklandığı görülür. Mensubiyetlerden de birey değil, grup, aşiret, cemaat, kitle ve taraftar olguları vurgulanır. Bu itibarla kendini bir yere ve/veya yerlere ait kabul etme üzerine kurulu sivil toplum kavramının ortaya çıkmasındaki güçlükler son derece açıktır. Bu ülkede sivil toplum daha çok gruplar, kitleler ve cemaatler tarafından savunulmuştur. Bu sebeple de ortaya çıkma aşamasında bazı güçlüklerle karşılaşılmıştır. Özellikle de Mısır'daki İslami cemaatler ve gruplar bunun öncülüğünü yapmıştır.Seksenli yıllarda Doğu Avrupa'da gerçekleşen değişimler, Ortadoğu'nun otoriter devletlerinde demokratik bir değişime yönelik umutları canlandırdı. Ancak liberalleşme bölgenin birkaç devletinde, o da basın sansürünün gevşetilmesi, yarım yamalak serbest seçimler yapılmasının ötesine geçemedi. Bununla birlikte sivil toplum örgütleri iyiden iyiye kıpırdanmaya başladı.Bu araştırmada, Mısır devletinin sosyo - kültürel yapısı ve geçirdiği siyasi süreçler incelendi. Sivil toplum örgütlenmesinin tezahür biçimleri analiz edilerek sivil toplumun demokratikleşme sürecindeki rolünün ne olduğu ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışıldı. Aynı zamanda bir sivil toplumun ortaya çıkışını hangi faktörlerin engellediği araştırıldı. "İslamcılık" ve "Kökten Dincilik" in sivil toplumun gelişimine etkisi anlatılmaya çalışıldı ve bu eksende İslami cemaatler yoğun olarak ele alındı.İki bölümden meydana gelen bu incelemenin birinci bölümünde, ana konuya destek niteliğindeki diğer alt konular da yer almaktadır. Burada sivil toplumun terminolojik ve tarihsel geçmişinden bahsedilmekte, sivil toplumun dünyada, Avrupa'da, Ortadoğu ve Türkiye'deki gelişimlerine kısaca değinildikten sonra araştırmanın temel konusunu teşkil eden, Mısır'da Sivil Toplum bölümüne geçilmiştir.İkinci bölümde ise Mısır toplumunun tarihsel ve sosyo - kültürel açıdan tanıtılması amacıyla, Mısır tarihine yer verilmiş ve bu bölümde kısaca bugünkü Mısır'ın tarihine değinilmiştir. Daha sonra araştırmamızın temelini teşkil eden Mısır'da sivil toplum konusuna girilmiştir. Mısır'daki sivil toplum gelişmelerini daha iyi anlayabilmek için öncelikle Arap Körfezindeki ya da Ortadoğu'daki sivil toplumu irdelemeye çalıştık. Buradaki ekonomik, politik ve sosyal organizasyonların hangi boyutlarda gerçekleştiğine değindikten sonra, Ortadoğu'da sivil toplum tartışmaları adı altında Laik Tartışma, Liberal Sivil Toplum Modeli Tartışmaları, Arap Sol Milliyetçilerinin Sivil Toplum Tartışmaları, İslamcılar ve Sivil Toplum konuları ele alınmıştır. Mısır'da Sivil Toplum, Devlet ve Ekonomi başlığıyla sivil toplum örgütlerinin devlet yönetimi ile ilişkisi, Sivil Toplum - Ordu İkilemi başlığıyla da asker sivil ilişkilerinin hangi boyutlarda olduğu, sivil gücün artırılması için neler yapılabileceği araştırılmaya çalışıldı. Üçüncü bölümün sonunda ise Mısır'da Demokrasi, Sivil Toplum ve İslam başlığı adı altında ise, Mısır'daki demokrasi anlayışı ve liberal demokratikleşme, sivil toplum ve İslam, İslami cemaatler ve bunlar içinde özellikle Müslüman Kardeşler örgütü incelenmeye, araştırılmaya çalışılmıştır.ABSTRACTTHE SOCİAL CHANGİNG AND CİVİL SOCİETY İN EGYPT AFTER 1980This study has been chosen in order to understand the basic dynamics of the environment in which the concept of civil society emerged, and to examine how the mentality of civil society, which is based on individual freedom, influenced the process of the democratization of the Egyptian people after the year of 1980. Depending on the historical and terminological evolution of the concept of civil society, this study is aimed to discuss the criterions of the Middle Eastern societies in their establishment of civil societies and their institutions. The discussion is concentrated on the societies and cultures of Middle East in general, and of Egypt in particular. This investigation is directed to evaluate how these societies and cultures reacted to new social and cultural developments that are originated in other parts of the world.The concept of civil society stems from the idea of individualism. As far as the case of Egypt is concerned, it is understood that the idea of civil society relies on the social structures that individuals feel themselves as members of these groups. The nature of membership is not based on individuals but on various tribal, religious, and political groups. Thus it is quite understandable that the emergence of the concept of civil society is fraught with many difficulties, for in its real sense the idea of civil society relies on individuals themselves rather than various oriented groups. In this country, the idea of civil society is defended by certain social and religious groups. For this reason, in its emergence and development, the concept faced with many difficulties. Especially Muslim religious groups in Egypt represented themselves as pioneer activists in favoring civil society.In the eighties, social and political changes emerged in the Eastern European countries inspired Middle Eastern society in order to make similar social and political changes in their autocratic governments in the direction of democratic developments. The strives of democratization, however, were limited to some improvements in the field of press to a certain extend, and some premature free political elections in a couple of Middle Eastern countries. Nevertheless, the civil society supporters of these communities began to play more significant roles in their countries.In this study, the socio-cultural structure and its historical developments in Egyptian state is examined. The organizations of civil society and their social consequences are analyzed, and the role of civil society in the course of democratization is investigated. At the same time, the factors that hindered the emergence of civil society are evaluated. The influence of the concepts "Islamism" and "fundamentalism" on the development of civil society is questioned and in this case Egyptian Muslim religious groups are investigated.The study consists of two main chapters. The first chapter includes subdivided complimentary arguments that support the main topic. In this part, terminological and historical background of the idea of civil society is mentioned. Then various civil society cases in the Europe, Middle East, Turkey and other countries are briefly introduced, and Egyptian civil society case, which is primary subject of this study is elaborated.In the second chapter, in order to understand the historical and socio-cultural background of the Egyptian society a general Egyptian history is summarized, and modern history of Egypt is briefly presented.Again in the second chapter, the primary topic of this study, Egyptian civil society experience is investigated. In order to present a more comprehensive analysis of civil society developments, other cases from other Arab and Middle Eastern countries are examined. Economic, political, and social organizations are explored. Next, in the Middle Eastern societies, the discussions on the concept of civil society are analyzed surrounding Secular Discussions, the discussions on Liberal Civil Society Model, civil society discussions of Arab Left Nationalists, and Islamists. Under the title of Civil Society; State and Economy in Egypt, the economic relationship between the civil society organizations and government is examined. Under the title of Civil Society Military Dilemma, the relationship between civil citizens and military is questioned and some suggestions to improve the influence of civil power are analyzed.At the end of the third chapter, under the title of Democracy, Civil Society, and Islam in Egypt, the Egyptian way of understanding democracy, liberal democratization, civil society and Islam, Muslim religious groups, and among them Muslim Brothers organization are examined.

As the foreign ministers of NATO member countries gathered this week in Brussels to celebrate the alliance's 75th anniversary, the war in Ukraine is at a crossroads.
On the one hand, despite incremental movement in recent weeks, the latest tranche of aid for Kyiv remains stalled in the U.S. Congress. And while Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky continues to urge Washington to approve the package, Ukrainian military officers are now acknowledging that even if that aid ever arrives, it is unlikely to shift battlefield dynamics that currently favor Russia.
"There's nothing that can help Ukraine now because there are no serious technologies able to compensate Ukraine for the large mass of troops Russia is likely to hurl at us," an anonymous military source told Politico this week. "We don't have those technologies, and the West doesn't have them as well in sufficient numbers."
So far, however, NATO appears unmoved by these realities. Instead of pivoting its strategy, the alliance is leaning into a military-only solution to the war. To mark the anniversary, the foreign ministers of France, Germany, and Poland co-authored an op-ed in Politico, celebrating NATO as "the most successful defense alliance in history" and playing up the stakes of the war in Ukraine.
"For Europe to be at peace, Russian imperialism must be stopped. We cannot allow for any 'gray zones' because Putin sees them as an invitation to undermine territorial integrity and sovereignty, draw imaginary lines on the map and, ultimately, use military force," the foreign ministers wrote. "His full-scale invasion of Ukraine has also proven that a policy of concessions vis-à-vis Russia, in the hopes that it could bring peace or stability back to the Continent, is naive."
Given the possibility that Donald Trump returns to the White House in 2025 — and considering his and many in his party's apparent skepticism to continuing funding Ukraine's war effort — NATO is planning for ways to overcome Washington potentially taking a step back on the issue.
"Under a proposal being discussed this week at the military alliance's headquarters, NATO would oversee the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, a group currently led by the United States that coordinates the donation and delivery of weapons to the battlefield," according to the New York Times. "Discussions are also underway about a plan floated by Jens Stoltenberg, the NATO secretary general, to secure an additional $100 billion from the alliance's 32 member states for Ukraine over five years."
The $100 billion fund has been described by other media outlets as a way to "Trump-proof" future aid for Ukraine. Sources close to NATO secretary general Jens Stoltenberg told the Financial Times that he had framed the proposal as a way to "to shield the mechanism against the winds of political change."
Both the long-term funding structure and the plan to shift the leadership of the Defense Contact Group are in their early stages and could run into roadblocks. Hungary, which was the lone hold out on a recent European Union long-term aid package for Kyiv before eventually acquiescing, is again expected to raise opposition to Stoltenberg's suggestion.
And the U.S. may not want to take a step back from its leadership role in coordinating military support for Kyiv. While the Biden administration has refused to comment directly on the proposal, U.S. officials "appeared dubious," according to the New York Times. Both Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and National Security Council spokesman John Kirby lauded the success of the group under Washington's leadership.
"The contact group has been very, very effective," said Kirby. "We're going to continue to lead and convene it. And we know that our leadership of that contact group is valued, it's important."
In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:
— Zelensky signed a law this week lowering his country's draft age from 27 to 25, bringing an end to a battle that started when the law was first passed last summer. "Discussion over who and how many people to mobilize has been divisive in a society that has otherwise been united by a common Russian foe," according to the The Washington Post. "Although support for the military is extremely high among Ukrainians, few people who haven't already volunteered to fight want to. Meanwhile, Ukrainian commanders have said they are in desperate need of reinforcements, especially in the forwardmost positions. Some soldiers have been fighting for more than two years with few breaks."
— In another sign of turmoil in Kyiv, Zelensky fired a number of aides last weekend. According to the Associated Press, Zelensky removed Serhiy Shefir from his post of first assistant, as well as three advisers and the presidential representatives in charge of volunteer activities and soldiers' rights.
— U.S. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-La.) pledged to address the Ukraine aid package quickly once Congress returns from a two-week recess on Monday. It remains unlikely that the House takes up the national security supplemental that passed the Senate in February that contains about $60 billion for Kyiv, with the Speaker instead saying he would propose alternatives with some "important innovations." In an interview with Fox News on Sunday, Johnson floated three possible innovations: sending aid to Kyiv in the form of a "loan" instead of a grant; using seized Russian assets as a way to fund Ukraine; and tying the passage of more aid to legislation that would end a hold on new exports liquefied natural gas. Whether any of these options will be able to get through a fractured House remains unclear.
—Russia's defense minister warned his French counterpart on Wednesday against sending French troops to Ukraine while also noting that Moscow was prepared to take part in negotiations, according to the Associated Press. This was the first time since October 2022 that the two defense ministers had spoken and came in response to comments from French President Emmanual Macron in February in which he did not rule out the possibility of NATO troops being sent to Ukraine. The Wall Street Journal published a profile of Macron on Wednesday that sought to explain how he had gone to one of the leading NATO proponents of having dialogue with Vladimir Putin to floating the possibility of having Western boots on the ground.
"In recent weeks, Macron has begun using dark rhetoric to prepare the French public for the possibility of a more direct confrontation with Moscow, warning that if Ukraine falls then a host of Central and Eastern European countries would be next," according to the Journal.
U.S. State Department news:
— In two press briefings held this week, State Department spokesman Matthew Miller fielded few questions on the war in Ukraine. In Monday's briefing, he was asked about an upcoming meeting between Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping.
"So we have made clear that we have concerns with the, I think, full-scale partnership – I'm going to get the words exactly wrong – that we have seen between Russia and China," Miller said. "We have made very clear that we don't want to see China do anything to help support Russia's aggression in Ukraine, and we will continue to make that clear."

The Korean War ended more than 70 years ago, and a tense peace has reigned ever since on the Korean peninsula. The two Koreas have exchanged artillery fire, battled in the economic and diplomatic arenas, and even covertly dispatched spies to each other's territory. But the threats of a resumption of conflict, disproportionately coming from North Korea in recent years, have been rhetorical. The firepower of the South Korean military, backed by a U.S. defense pact, has deterred Pyongyang; the sheer number of soldiers in the North Korean army, backed by a small but operational nuclear arsenal, has deterred Seoul.But borders don't seem quite as inviolable as they once did. Russia has invaded Ukraine, Israel has sent forces into Gaza, and even Venezuela recently seemed to contemplate an incursion into Guyana. The United States, meanwhile, has recently attacked various targets abroad, from the Houthis in the Red Sea to Iranian commanders in Syria.Against this geopolitical backdrop, are the latest threats emanating from Pyongyang still rhetorical?North Korean leader Kim Jong Un sounds more and more embattled and belligerent. In power since the death of his father at the end of 2011, he has been constrained by a hemorrhaging economy and uncompromising adversaries abroad. The growth rate of the North Korean economy wasn't too bad at the beginning of his tenure. Since 2017, however, the arrow has simply gone downward, with a devastating 4.1 percent contraction in 2018, followed by a further 4.5 percent decline during the pandemic year of 2020. International sanctions have made North Korea dangerously dependent on China for trade, which explains in part Kim Jong Un's current interest in covering his bets by improving relations with Russia.Meanwhile, the two leaders that promised some form of engagement with Pyongyang—South Korea's Moon Jae-in and Donald Trump—are no longer in office. South Korea's current government is very cool toward engagement. Joe Biden, focused on a raft of other foreign policy challenges from Ukraine to Gaza, has not expressed much interest in expending political capital on a risky venture like negotiating with Pyongyang.Washington's failure to remain engaged with North Korea is the primary reason that longtime North Korea watchers Robert Carlin and Siegfried Hecker believe that Kim Jong Un has abandoned the default approach of more-or-less peaceful coexistence in favor of launching an attack against South Korea. In some ways, Kim is following the logic of Hamas, an illiberal force also in charge of a largely failed entity. Kim, too, perceives his adversaries as complacent, uninterested in any real negotiations, and vulnerable to a surprise attack. Presiding over an "open air prison" in Gaza, Hamas decided it had nothing left to lose. The North Korean leadership, in charge of an impoverished country with a horrific human rights record, may well have decided that it also has run out of options."The literature on surprise attacks should make us wary of the comfortable assumptions that resonate in Washington's echo chamber but might not have purchase in Pyongyang," Carlin and Hecker write in 38North. "This might seem like madness, but history suggests those who have convinced themselves that they have no good options left will take the view that even the most dangerous game is worth the candle."Carlin and Hecker don't have what the Israeli intelligence community possessed a year before the October 7 attacks, namely a detailed description of preparations to launch a surprise attack. They are relying on official North Korean statements eschewing reunification of the peninsula and a constitutional change that now identifies South Korea as an adversary rather than as tanil minjok ("one people, one blood"). This week, reports based on satellite images showed the destruction of Pyongyang's iconic Monument to the Three Charters for National Reunification, also called the Arch of Reunification, which Kim earlier referred to as "an eyesore," and called for its demolition.North Korea has also recently conducted a rash of missile tests, including one with a hypersonic warhead, as well as military drills near the maritime border that seem designed to provoke a response from the South. As sober analysts, Carlin and Hecker are not given to overstatement, so their warnings must be taken seriously.At the same time, the usual North Korean approach has been to make wild threats to get the attention of an otherwise indifferent U.S. government in order to pave the way for a fresh round of negotiations. Missile launches, nuclear tests, and promises to turn South Korea into a "sea of fire" have all, in the past, signaled not an interest in war but, perversely, a determination to restart peace talks with newly attentive adversaries. Also, Kim might be eyeing elections in South Korea where the pro-engagement opposition party is hoping to increase its parliamentary majority in the April elections and in the United States where Donald Trump is now running even or better against Joe Biden in the polls. Trump has long boasted of the 27 "love letters" he exchanged with the North Korean leader. Perhaps, Kim strategizes, the love could continue if Trump is reelected.Beware wishful thinking. Most analysts misinterpreted Vladimir Putin's warlike rhetoric and military preparations at the end of 2021 as merely a bid for Western attention and a better bargaining position at the negotiations table. Conventional notions about the deterrence of superior force—Israel, NATO, South Korea—may not apply in a world of increasingly volatile leaders and increasingly violated borders.Kim's closer relationship with Putin may well prove pivotal in North Korean calculations. Beijing has traditionally attempted to rein in Pyongyang because an overly provocative neighbor is not good for the Chinese economy in addition to boosting U.S. military presence in the region. Moscow, on the other hand, might be sending different messages, given Putin's more confrontational approach to the West. Just as the war in Gaza has proven a boon to the Kremlin, in that it has distracted attention and military hardware away from the European theater of operations, a conflict on the Korean peninsula would be an even greater draw on U.S. and European resources.In the late 1940s, Stalin was skeptical about the advantages of North Korea attacking South Korea. Kim Jong Un's grandfather, Kim Il Sung, eventually convinced Stalin otherwise and won Soviet support for the attack on the south that took place on June 25, 1950. Vladimir Putin, meanwhile, has indicated that he will visit North Korea "at an early date," his first trip there since 2000. Pundits and policymakers take note: Putin's visit might tip the balance one way or the other in North Korea's deliberations over war and peace.In the meantime, it's not too late for the United States and South Korea to offer Kim Jong Un an offramp from the conflict he has yet to initiate.