Suchergebnisse

Die Anschläge vom 11. September haben deutlich gemacht, dass kein Bürger der Welt weiter sicher in seinen Staatsgrenzen leben kann. Die neuen Bedrohungen für Europa (Terrorismus, die Verbreitung von Massenvernichtungswaffen und organisiertes Verbrechen) müssen mit den Mitteln einer globalen Strategie angegangen und bewältigt werden, die eher auf einem Sicherheitskonzept, das auf Menschen zentriert ist, basieren als auf traditionellen Formen der territorialen Verteidigung. Nach dem eigenen Selbstverständnis kann Europa nicht nur in der Demokratisierungspolitik, sondern auch in der globalen Sicherheitspolitik einen "Mehrwert" anbieten. Dies setzt aber, so argumentieren die Autorinnen, einen anderen Sicherheitsbegriff voraus, der den Schutz und das Leben individueller Personen ins Zentrum stellt. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen einer internationalen, auf Anregung von Javier Solana eingerichteten Arbeitsgruppe zeigen sie, dass eine solche Doktrin "menschlicher Sicherheit" weder utopisch noch idealistisch ist. Die EU sollte daher insgesamt auf multilaterales Engagement in Bezug auf internationales Recht und internationale Institutionen auf globalem Niveau setzen. (ICA)

This article, based on studies of nationalism, discusses identity formation in the European Union and compares it to the nation-state. The starting point is that for all its economic benefits and political innovation, the EU is failing to provide people with the sense of belonging and extract political loyalty. By exploring what function identity serves -- for the nation-state in the past and for the EU in the present -- it is argued that while there are limits to the EU's ability to project a meaningful European identity, there are also limits to the nation-state's ability to meet the political challenges of contemporary societies. One way, and possibly the only way out of this "battle for identity" is to acknowledge the real impact of the EU on the nation-state and open an honest debate by both European and national elites about which challenges of our time can be met by the EU and which are better kept at the national level. A better understanding of how people's national aspirations, concerns and political demands are mediated between different levels of governance may lead to adapting their identities accordingly -- loyalty and passion for the EU may follow too. Adapted from the source document.

Against a background of a generally perceived trend towards the politicization of humanitarian aid, this article reviews recent policies by the European Commission as one of the biggest donors of humanitarian aid worldwide. It aims to show how the European Union's (EU's) Comprehensive Approach and the Resilience Strategy, in particular, contribute to the politicization of humanitarian aid. Thereby the article focuses on contestation in policy-making about fundamental humanitarian principles: neutrality, impartiality and independence–. It challenges the common wisdom that the EU's humanitarian aid is void of any political or security interest. Contestation between different stakeholders reveals that humanitarian aid is being politicized, despite the EU's strong commitment to humanitarian principles, as its policies blur the lines between humanitarian aid, security and development cooperation. The article also highlights the role of Non-governmental Organizations (NGO) in challenging and influencing this particular part of EU foreign policy.

This book examines the link between political identity and legitimacy in the European Union. Stimulated by the crisis of legitimacy and identity suffered by the EU after the referenda on the Constitutional Treaty, the editors have developed a theoretical framework to examine the interplay between these two items in the problematic development of the EU into a fully-fledged political actor. The contributors to the volume seek to:Redefine the key notions in the rigorous way of political philosophy, thus avoiding the generic or imprecise language usage found in a large part o.

Investigates the socioeconomic structures of the member nations of the European Union (EU) using data on the agricultural, industrial, & services sectors gathered by various international organizations. Socioeconomic structure is defined as the social arrangements with respect to ownership & control of the means of production & their allocation in the production of goods & services. Results reveal a significant gap between the northern & southern states of the EU. In agriculture, the socioeconomic structures of the South, particularly in Portugal & Greece, more closely resemble those of developing than advanced countries. Further, while the North tends to specialize in human capital accumulation, the South focuses on intensive-resource products. This difference is exacerbated by the large gap in expenditures on social security between North & South. It is argued that the push toward uniformity of these structures will require either massive investment or the development of a preferential treatment program for the South. 2 Tables, 28 References. D. M. Smith

Cover -- The European Union and British Democracy -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Figures -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Chapter One Why Democracy? -- Chapter Two Pre-Blairite Democracy In Britain -- Chapter Three The Uk, The European Union And The Legitimacy Deficit -- Chapter Four Power And The European Parliament -- Chapter Five Democracy And The European Parliament -- Chapter Six The European Union -- Chapter Seven The European Union'S Options For Participatory Democracy -- Chapter Eight Towards Multi-Level Governance -- Chapter Nine Converging Democracy -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.

The European Union (EU) represents an emerging opportunity structure refining societal actors' chances to get access to and influence over policymaking. While research has mainly focused on lobbying within the legislative arena, we provide evidence that competition policy can also be understood as a venue of interest group politics by taking the case of European football. The specific institutional features of competition policy have the potential to increase probability of access and lower costs for political action for certain interest groups, but also to limit potential benefits from interest group politics. Professional football players and clubs in Europe have used competition policy procedures as an avenue to challenge the supremacy of governing bodies such as UEFA in the game's organizational structures. Whilst managing some impact in terms of policy, the challengers have attained only moderate influence in football's sectoral governance. Adapted from the source document.

The term anti-Americanism has become common in public and academic debate in the last decade. Yet we have only limited knowledge of those who hold such views. From 2003, 2005 and 2006 Eurobarometer data, almost 20% of EU respondents disapproved of USA policy in all five dimensions the surveys examined. Following the literature, this consistent opposition is defined as anti-American. Anti-Americans exhibit systematic differences in age, education, geographical location, policy preferences and nationality. In addition although anti-Americanism is associated with a preference for greater European independence, perhaps surprisingly it is also linked to a desire for a less federal and hence less powerful Europe. In both sets of attitudes, to the USA and to the EU, there is also a strong regional dimension within countries, which reinforces the view that it is too simplistic to describe a country as being anti-American or being pro European integration.

Abridged and translated papers presented at a conference, sponsored by International Affairs, Moscow, and other East European political science journals, on the major problems relating to the implementation of the Helsinki accord, as reached at a session of the Conference on security and cooperation in Europe.