Suchergebnisse

One of the major principles of national security in every modern democratic state is the rule of law. This implies the definition of standards relating to vital state and national values, but also the existence of mechanisms and organizations which take care of security (the establishment, jurisdiction, tasks, powers, responsibility, and control thereof). This includes national law (constitution, laws and bylaws), but also international law (conventions, resolutions, charters, covenants, recommendations, court rulings, decisions of international courts, commissions, and arbitration bodies, etc.). Generally, in democracies, national law is based on international law. In this sense, it is possible to speak about international legal foundations of national security which set the framework for the proclamation, regulation and protection of state and national values and interests. In this context, the paper gives an overview of some major international sources of law pertaining to national security. ; U radu je učinjen osvrt na značajnije međunarodne izvore prava nacionalne bezbednosti. Ovo je, svakako, izvod iz nekolicine međunarodnih dokumenata kojima se, između ostalog, daje i međunarodnopravni osnov pojedinih komponenti organizacije i funkcije nacionalne bezbednosti. Nacionalna bezbednost danas obuhvata bezbednost društva (bez obzira na etničko, versko, rasno i ideološko opredeljenje njegovih članova) i bezbednost države, ali i njihovo participiranje u međunarodnoj i globalnoj bezbednosti. Reč je o izvesnom stanju zaštićenosti njihovih vitalnih vrednosti i interesa koje se optimizuje funkcijom vojnog i civilnog, državnog i nedržavnog sektora nacionalnog sistema bezbednosti, uz oslanjanje na vidove međunarodne saradnje u bezbednosti i na brojne međunarodne (nevladine i međuvladine) aktere. U zaštiti nacionalne bezbednosti učestvuju subjekti svih nivoa bezbednosti: pojedinci, društvo, država, međunarodna zajednica. Jedno od bitnijih načela post-Vestfalskog modela nacionalne bezbednosti jeste i zakonitost. To podrazumeva normiranost vitalnih državnih i nacionalnih vrednosti, ali i mehanizama i organizacija koje se staraju o bezbednosti (njihovo osnivanje, nadležnost, poslove, ovlašćenja, odgovornost i kontrolu). Reč je o nacionalnom pravu (ustav, zakoni i podzakonski propisi), ali i o međunarodnom pravu (konvencije, rezolucije, povelje, paktovi, preporuke, presude i odluke međunarodnih sudova). Načelno, nacionalno pravo bi trebalo da bude zasnovano na međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu, moguće je govoriti i o međunarodnopravnim osnovama nacionalne bezbednosti S razvojem društava i međunarodne zajednice, razvija se i međunarodno pravo. Kako je sve više pravne materije posvećeno oblasti bezbednosti, to će se vremenom verovatno izdiferencirati oblast tzv. međunarodnog prava bezbednosti, a na nacionalnim nivoima i - oblast prava nacionalne bezbednosti. Međunarodno pravo bezbednosti je generalno progresivno koncipirano. Njegova problem je u tome što se često zlonamerno tumači i selektivno primenjuje, ili se uopšte ne primenjuje. Javno pravo često se zamenjuje pravom jačeg koji ga tendenciozno tumače i kontrolišu međunarodne organizacije. U prilog ovoj tezi ide i činjenica krize Ujedinjenih nacija, jedine univerzalne međunarodne organizacije kolektivne bezbednosti. Iako moderno organizovana, sa izuzetno progresivnim rešenjima zaštite mira i bezbednosti čovečanstva za vreme u kojem je nastala, ovoj organizaciji je preko potrebna reforma Međutim, i pored svega, nesporan je značaj postojanja međunarodnopravnih standarda u oblasti nacionalne bezbednosti. Time se stvara osnov da bezbednost demokratskih država bude uređena na sličan način. To u mnogome doprinosi stvaranju agende zajedničkih vrednosti i interesa prosvećenih naroda, te olakšava međunarodnu saradnju u sferi bezbednosti.

The theory of the goals of sharia (Maqasid al-Shari'a) is today one of the key and most popular concepts among Muslim jurists. Almost all modern well-known Muslim reformers offer to reform the methodology of Islamic law, as well as the economic, cultural and political structures of Muslim societies, using precisely the provisions of this theory. Studies by a Muslim jurist and thinker Jasser Auda are an important milestone in the development of the theory of the aims of Islamic law. Through the use of a systematic approach and system analysis, he is trying to update the theory of Islamic law and increase the role of the theory of the goals of Sharia in Islamic law. ; Теория целей шариата (макасид аш-шари'а) является сегодня одной из ключевых и наиболее популярных концепций среди мусульманских правоведов. Почти все современные известные мусульманские реформаторы предлагают реформировать методологию исламского права, а также экономические, культурные и политические структуры мусульманских обществ, используя именно положения данной теории. Исследования мусульманского правоведа и мыслителя Джассера Ауды являются важной вехой в развитии теории о целях исламского права. Cпомощью применения системного подхода и системного анализа, он пытается обновить теорию исламского права и увеличить роль теории целей шариата в исламском законоведении.

This research aims at investigating and describing the factors influencing the policy of legal protection implementation of the environmental crime (EC) victims, describing the factors influencing the policy of legal protection implementation of the EC victims done by corporate, creating the formula of legal protection for the victims of EC done by corporate in the future. To achieve the aims, the doctrinal and non-doctrinal researches were carried out. The secondary data were gathered through library research and documentary research in related institution. The primary data were gathered through interview with the victims and the corporate directors. The research result shows that: first, the factors influencing the law enforcement are the decree, the bureaucracy, politics, etc., which makes the law enforcement not effective. Second, in the implementation, the decree does not regulate about the legal protection for the victims, so there are many ways to give legal protection for the victims, such as; through the mediation between the victims which is mediated by the environment department, or file a civil lawsuit. In the future, the ideal concept of legal protection is that in determining the sanctions to the criminal, the responsibility of the doer to the victim should also be included, both factual and potential victims.

Corporatist regulation has a hybrid structure in that it covers state regulation, regulated self-regulation as well as private-public co-regulation. Notably diverging from the standard mode of state regulation, such arrangements required a higher degree of legitimation. Corporatist concepts flourished in the Weimar Republic. This paper deals with three legal scholars' considerations regarding how to legitimize corporatist models, namely Edgar Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum. Their institutional touchstone was the Imperial Economic Council, as provided for by article 165 of the Weimar Constitution. This article envisioned a multi-level system of economic councils ranging from regional economic councils up to the Imperial Economic Council and involving representatives of all occupational groups in the performance of state tasks. However, only a Provisional Imperial Economic Council, with a restricted consultative remit, was ever actually established. Based on this model, Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum conceptualized organizational structures aiming at the comprehensive inclusion of non-state actors. They were legitimized primarily with reference to their output; that is, these organizational forms were supposed to enable a more appropriate and efficient realization of public interests. The input-based argument was basically a question of participation, which implies considerable proximity to typical topoi of democratic legitimation. This similarity is perhaps counter-intuitive, given that corporatist concepts are traditionally associated with anti-democratic ideologies due to their anti-parliamentarian slant. The numerous points of convergence between corporatist and democratic thought simultaneously reflect the heterogeneity of democratic reasoning in the Weimar period and the openness for ideas that were sceptical of—or even hostile to—parliamentary democracy and the party-based state.

658Territory — Sovereignty — Laws applicable in territory — Aboriginal people living in territory of New South Wales — Applicability of criminal laws of New South Wales to aboriginals — Whether Commonwealth and State parliaments having legislative capacity with respect to aboriginals — Whether aboriginal consent to laws necessary — Whether new source of sovereignty residing in aboriginal people — Customary aboriginal criminal law — Whether surviving British settlement — Whether Australian criminal law accommodating parallel operation of customary criminal law — Effect of Mabo v. Queensland (No. 2) — The law of Australia

Pamela Neumann earned her M.A. in Latin American Studies and Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research interests include gender-based violence, social movements, and development in Latin America. Her current book project examines the politics of gender violence law and women's everyday experiences with the legal justice system in Nicaragua. Her work has been published in Gender & Society, Social Problems, and Social Forces. ; The killing and abuse of women remains one of the most serious problems confronting Latin American societies. Many countries have passed a variety of laws intended to address femicide and other forms of violence against women. Yet the implementation of these laws has been inconsistent at best. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua, which passed a comprehensive law on gender-based violence (Law 779) in 2012. While celebrated by local women's organizations, Law 779 was subsequently weakened through a series of legislative reforms and executive decrees. This article seeks to explain why state actors in Nicaragua initially supported Law 779 and later sought to undermine it. Despite the development of transnational governance structures over the last two decades, this article demonstrates how local political conditions remain central to explaining the trajectory of gender-violence legislation, particularly in contexts characterized by a high concentration of political power. Through an analysis of Law 779, this article contributes to broader debates about the nature of state legitimacy and the potential of legal advocacy to address violence against women. ; Law

Part I. Old evidence and core international crimes. 1. Placing old evidence and core international crimes on the agenda of the international discourse on international criminal justice for atrocities / by Morten Bergson and CHEAH Wui Ling -- 2. The passage of time, the vagaries of memory, and reaching judgment in mass atrocity cases / by David Cohen -- 3. Adjudicating core international crimes cases in which old evidence is introduced / by Alphons MN.M. Orie -- 4. Old evidence in core international crimes cases in Kosovo / by Agnieszka Klonowiecka-Milart -- 5. Dealing with old evidence in core international crimes cases: the Dutch experience as a case study / by Martin Witteveen -- 6. Prosecuting and defending in core international crimes cases using old evidence / by Andrew Cayley -- 7. Investigating core international crimes in Indonesia using old evidence: the Indonesian National Commission on Human Rights' 1965-1966 investigations / by Sriyana -- 8. Old documents and archives in core international crimes cases / by Patrick J. Treanor -- 9. Memory and trauma / by Anya Topiwala and Seena Fazel -- 10. "The messaging effect": eliciting credible historical evidence from victims of mass crimes / by Mahdev Mohan -- Part II: Old evidence and the context of Bangladesh. 11. Towards the prosecution of core international crimes before the International Crimes Tribunal / by M. Amir-Ul Islam -- 12. The importance of prosecuting core international crimes: the International Criminal Tribunal's objectives and experience / by H.E. Shafique Ahmed -- 13. The International Crimes (Tribunals) Act of 1973 and the rules: substantive and procedural laws / by Md. Shahinur Islam -- 14. Bangladesh's attempts to achieve post-war (or transitional?) justice in accordance with international legal standards / by Otto Triffterer

This article examines compliance with international laws prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants in interstate war, specifically focusing on the role of third-party states in enforcement. We argue that the expectation of third-party coercion, when sufficiently high, can induce war participants to comply with this body of law. We identify the conditions under which combatant states will anticipate a high likelihood of coercion, demonstrating that third-party states are most likely to coerce combatants when they have both the willingness and opportunity to do so. Democratic third parties that value the rule of law and human rights possess the willingness to coerce war participants, while strong allies, trade partners, and intergovernmental organization (IGO) partners with existing ties to the combatant state have the opportunity to engage in coercion by linking combat-ant behavior to the provision of benefits or imposition of costs. Based on this logic, we hypothesize that war combatants who have ratified the Geneva/Hague Conventions prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants during war are more likely to comply with the legal obligations included in those conventions when they interact with relatively strong democratic alliance, trade, and IGO partners. In a series of quantitative tests on a data set of all interstate wars from 1900 to 2003, we find strong statistical and substantive support for the role of third parties in inducing compliance with the law.

The concept of internalization (domestication) of international law, underpinning the traditional theories of 'monism and dualism,' is being shifted along with the change in the contexts. Internalization can be mapped out through the process and result indicators of recognition of international legal norms through incorporation or transformation in the domestic laws, including the Constitution. The success of the internalization of international human rights law depends on the political will of the government and independent judiciary. The state practices, including decisions of the courts, discussed in this paper, further indicate the eventual changes in the process. Most importantly, the level of internalization can be measured by jurisprudential trends of application of international law in general and the international human rights instruments in particular. The second part of this paper minutely observes the 'bramble-bush effects' on the laws and jurisprudence developed along with democratization in Nepal since 1990. Nepal is an interesting case study due to its experiment of the theories of monism and dualism. Although the Treaty Act of Nepal explicitly recognizes the higher legal status of international agreements or treaties to which Nepal is a party, the Constitution of Nepal does not recognize the same. Nevertheless, the situation of ratification and accession of a large number of human rights treaties without reservation and growing thematic human rights jurisprudence reasonably justify the greater scope of internalization of international human rights laws in Nepal. DOI: https://doi.org/10.46985/jms.v6i2.209

Under the broad topic of the interplay between state aid and competition law, this article addresses the following related lines of discussion: (i) the goals and some of the political rationales of state aid control; (ii) a brief illustration of some of the harm caused by state aid, including a distinction between its anticompetitive and distortive effects; (iii) a description of the Portuguese legal and institutional framework on domestic state aid, including the underlying rationale for this institutional design; (iv) an assessment of the policy concerns that a scenario whereby the AdC would hold full-fledged enforcement powers against state aid might raise, and, finally (v) the competition advocacy role played by the AdC in relation to state-induced competition distortions, such as state aid or subsidies. The article concludes by putting into context the references included in recent EU policy statements on the importance of "fair competition" or "equitable markets" and recalls the need to avoid that similar standards contaminate antitrust enforcement or merger control, given the risks that "mixed" policy objectives in those domains might entail. It signals, in any event, the virtues of this new found rhetoric: the fact that it helps to engage the common citizen on the importance of competition. Such popular, less technocratic approach can be instrumental in bringing competition enforcement "down to earth".