In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 57-79
The positive impact of the tourism industry on economic growth, revenues, infrastructure, employment, social inclusion and poverty reduction, although widely recognised, has been lately weighted against the appearance and exacerbation of several problems, such as: environmental footprint, increase of income inequality, cost increases related to solid waste collection, energy consumption, increased global CO2 emissions. On the other hand, the tourism sector is not just an active economic, societal, or environmental change agent; in turn, the tourism sector supports or is highly influenced by various factors, such as climate change, economic, political, or social factors. More recently, this industry has been highly impacted by the pandemic, technological developments and cultural trends. In this article we examined both the short and long-run relationship between tourism development and economic growth, CO2 emissions and energy consumption in European Union member states (EU27), by using the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) technique and autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model for panel data. The findings suggest that economic growth and energy consumption have a statistically significant impact on the tourism index both in the short and long-run, whereas CO2 emissions only have a significant impact upon the tourism index on the long run.
In: The federalist debate: papers for federalists in Europe and the world = ˜Leœ débat fédéraliste : cahiers trimestriels pour les fédéralistes en Europe et dans le monde, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 47-53
Motivation: migration management has become important both in the political debate and academic research. In recent years the interest of researchers in migration policy has significantly increased. As a result, there have been many quantitative studies related to the migration policy.Aim: the aim of this paper is to conduct a comparative analysis of the migration policy indexes (including databases on migration policies), as well as to broaden the understanding of the scope and essence of migration policies.Results: The indexes of migration (including immigration) restrictiveness are based on various concept of this policy. However, all the indexes of migration (including immigration) restrictiveness are based on de jure migration laws and regulations measures adopted by states (on the national level). The most of indexes of migration (including immigration) policy restrictiveness are based on a set of coded questions relating to these policies. An important factor differencing the migration policy indexes is also the fact that in some analyses relative changes of migration policy were evaluated, but in other studies absolute changes were considered. Concerning to the indexes of immigration restrictiveness, most of them are based on entry and stay regulations. The possible application of indexes in other studies is especially related to the time and geographical scope of these indexes, as well as to their level of detail. Most of the data on migration policies is available mainly for the developed countries, the majority of which belongs to the OECD or the European Union. Some of them allow for the long-term analysis and other for short-term study. For most countries the data is available since the 1980s. Additionally, some of indexes on immigration policy restrictiveness are characterised by relative higher level of detail of the analysis and results are classified for various groups of migrants and type of migration.
This study examines when and why threats of economic sanctions lead to the successful extraction of policy concessions. Scholars identified three (not mutually exclusive) hypotheses that explain the success of sanction threats: (a) the coercive, (b) the informational and (c) the public commitment hypothesis. The underpinning mechanisms for the hypotheses are, respectively, the economic cost of sanctions, uncertainty about the resolve of the sender and domestic audience cost for issuing empty threats. In this study, we offer an empirical test of the three hypotheses on threats effectiveness. In addition, we assess how variation in the three mechanisms affects the effectiveness of threats relative to imposed sanctions. For the expected economic cost, we use the TIES data. To measure uncertainty, we generate a network of diplomatic relations, based on Formal Alliance data, utilizing methods from complex network theory. To assess public commitment, we use the democracy score based on the POLITY IV data. Our results show that the effectiveness of threats strongly increases in an economic cost to the target; however, threats become increasingly effective relative to imposed sanctions for lower uncertainty and higher domestic audience cost.
As migrants throughout the world make important contributions to their families' social welfare, migration often implies changes in the ways in which individual's and families' needs for economic and social-welfare protection are met. This book contributes to the existing literature on transnational mobility and social protection by bringing in empirical evidence from across the globe which illustrates the multitude of mechanisms in which welfare concerns shape individual and family decisions about mobility and vice versa. By focusing on individuals, households and families rather than on nation states, the book's contributors distance themselves from the macro and nation-state level of analysis in the field of migration and welfare research. Despite the emphasis on migrants' subjective rationalities, the book's chapters often highlight the political nature of many dilemmas faced by migrants and their families and expose national-welfare systems' inherent sedentary bias. This book is designed for a broad range of audiences, from established scholars and policy-makers to graduate students of Sociology, Political Science, Anthropology and Human Geography who are interested in transnational mobility and social protection. We hope that the readers will find the contributions to this book insightful and valuable for their understanding of migrants' experiences of social-welfare protection in a globalised world.
This paper asks what role schools play in the gentrification process, a topic that remains understudied outside the Anglo-American context. I analyze how the discourse about schools has shaped the gentrification process in Berlin's working-class and immigrant-dense Neukölln district. By considering the different perspectives and narratives of parents, the local government, property owners, and investors, I show that, even in a context in which education remains mainly public, schools play a crucial role in determining the housing and educational strategies of different stakeholders in the area. I argue for a more thorough engagement of European urban studies with the histories of racism and migration, in specific with the question of school segregation and territorially based ethno-racial stigma, to fully grasp the current gentrification of previously neglected neighborhoods across western European cities.
Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine agricultural trade competitiveness of EU candidate countries (CCs) and Eastern Partnership countries (EPCs) compared to Polish agriculture, based on available 1992–2017 EUROSTAT and FAOSTAT data. Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper uses selected indicators of trade competitiveness. Findings: The study attempts to tell which of the countries covered are in a position to become competitive in European Union (EU) markets. As shown by the calculated competitiveness indicators, compared to Polish agriculture (which is competitive in respect of many agri-food products), some of the countries surveyed are also likely to become competitive players in the Union market. Due to increasing specialization indicator, Belarus and Ukraine are well positioned to become competitive in the dairy market. The market for cereals is dominated by three countries: Moldova, Ukraine and Serbia which demonstrate high levels of SI, CR and XRCA. In turn, the largest group of countries covered by this analysis specialize in fruit and vegetable exports, and are likely to attain the highest competitiveness levels in that very market. Practical Implications: The study of the foreign trade competitiveness using statistical methods is an important element in testing economic theories in the field of competitiveness research in the CCs and EPCs and it shows which countries may become competitive in the future in the EU market. Originality/Value: Showing the importance of foreign trade in the CCs and EPCs with the EU we can observe its impact on the future integration process of the CCs and EPCs. The results of the research are important from the point of view of the contribution to the economy of European integration, both in theoretical and empirical terms, but above all in the field of sectoral policy, which is the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). A comprehensive approach to the subject of research and its multidirectional nature, as well as the obtained results will be important both for the agricultural policy of the studied countries, as well as for the CAP and for the Polish agriculture. ; peer-reviewed
This paper discusses inequalities of the health system in Brazil and advocates that now, more than ever in light of the Covid-19 pandemic, the world needs to put in place a more collaborative and egalitarian way of financing health research and investments in public health systems. The role of the state and institutions in the design of public policies for the realization of social rights is debated in the face of the economic and political crisis. Here we draw upon Martha Fineman's vulnerability theory and Thomas Pogge's view on justice with regard to health.