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Which political, socio-economic, and cultural circumstances bring actors to recognize property rights, and what are the consequences with regard to the economic performance of a business company? To answer this question, this article analyzes the allocation of property rights in firms with a view to systematizing the categories of analysis. Business firms are continuously subject to internal and external structural challenges. As a consequence, they have to be able to transform their organizational structures very flexibly and very dynamically. Property rights are one of the central aspects of this process.This essay begins with a short summary of the basic characteristics of property rights theory, which offers an approach to studying social practices, processes of codification, and institutional changes in different property regimes. With these problems in mind, I suggest combining the theoretical and methodological implications of this economic model using the concept of "recognition" as a link between the social and the structural dimension of property. In the final part of the essay, I propose a systematic model for economic and business historians interested in analyzing governance structures within firms. I show how property rights theory can be modified to be applicable to the work of historians and social scientist without sacrificing its analytical value.

The Cold War was a crucial conflict in American history. At stake was whether the world would be dominated by the forces of totalitarianism led by the Soviet Union, or inspired by the principles of economic and political freedom embodied in the United States. The Cold War established America as the leader of the free world and a global superpower. It shaped U.S. military strategy, economic policy, and domestic politics for nearly 50 years. In A Brief History of the Cold War, distinguished scholars Lee Edwards and Elizabeth Edwards Spalding recount the pivotal events of this protracted struggle and explain the strategies that eventually led to victory for freedom. They analyze the development and implementation of containment, d#65533;tente, and finally President Reagan's philosophy: "they lose, we win." The Cold War teaches important lessons about statecraft and America's indispensable role in the world.

Intro -- Title page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Series Editors' Preface -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- Chapter One: The First Edition -- Chapter Two: The Second Edition -- Chapter Three: The Publisher and the Process -- Chapter Four: European Trials: Politics and Scholarship -- Conclusion -- Appendix One -- Appendix Two -- Appendix Three -- Bibliography -- Index.

This survey is a witness report of what is happening in the community of historians of econometrics. This survey is a follow-up of an earlier survey which investigated who was active in the history of econometrics. The conclusion of the earlier survey was that interest in the history of econometrics has arisen primarily from within econometrics itself and that its stories have been written mainly by econometricians. The conclusion of the current survey is that econometrics as a discipline remains of interest only to the econometricians but that the artifacts created by econometricians have caught the attention of historians of science.

No idea is more fundamental to Americans' sense of ourselves as individuals and as a nation than freedom. The central term in our political vocabulary, freedom—or liberty, with which it is almost always used interchangeably—is deeply embedded in the record of our history and the language of everyday life. The Declaration of Independence lists liberty among mankind's inalienable rights; the Constitution announces securing liberty's blessings as its purpose.1 Freedom has often been invoked to mobilize support for war: the United States fought the Civil War to bring about "a new birth of freedom," World War II for the "Four Freedoms," the Cold War to defend the "Free World." The recently concluded war in Iraq was given the title "Operation Iraqi Freedom." Americans' love of freedom has been represented by liberty poles, caps, and statues and been acted out by burning stamps and draft cards, fleeing from slave masters, and demonstrating for the right to vote. Obviously, other peoples also cherish freedom, but the idea seems to occupy a more prominent place in public and private discourse in the United States than in many other countries. "Every man in the street, white, black, red or yellow," wrote the educator and statesman Ralph Bunche in 1940, "knows that this is 'the land of the free'. [and] 'the cradle of liberty.'"

This radical reinterpretation of the great medieval thinker overturns the widely accepted view of him as a secular political theorist and proponent of republicanism and re-establishes him in his proper historical context. It places him as an imperialist whose work is underpinned by a Christian understanding of history