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THE F-18, A FIGHTER-ATTACK JET AIRPLANE, HAS BEEN THE SUBJECT SUCH INTENSE CRITICSM FOR SO LONG THAT IT MAY BE CANCELLED. THIS PAPER STUDIES THE F-18 CASE AS AN EXAMPLE OF HOW PUBLIC POLICY, JOBS, AND ENGINEERING CLASH. ST. LOUIS DEPENDS ON THE F-18. IF IT WERE CANCELLED, THE REGION WOULD PLUNGE INTO AN ECONOMIC CRASH.

This introduction to studies carried out mainly in Brazil, India, and China aims to show the importance, for an understanding of the drug trade and its consequences, of research that compensates for the limitations of information available either in the media or from official specialist institutions. It sketches an overview of current academic activity around the world, noting the undeniable pre‐eminence of the United States but also the exceptional efforts made by researchers in some closely involved countries, including Colombia and Italy, and, by contrast, the astonishing lack of engagement on the part of academic circles in most other countries. It selects for discussion some of the results of the various studies which might point the way for further research. It observes that the questions which arise vary considerably depending on the level considered – local, national or international; and identifies some of these. It demonstrates that the drug trade is linked to other criminal activities, and seeks to analyse the forms of organisation which control it. Lastly, it puts forward some basic questions about the potential contribution of research to national and international public policy for control.

Despite the importance of the Bologna process for the mobility of students, and the further mobility of graduates, as well as for peace, growth and welfare in that area, nothing has been decided so far for the financing of internationally mobile students, so that the burden of that financing, usually public, is supported by the host country. Moreover in- and outflows of students show imbalances and such imbalances are expected to increase with mobility. Therefore, we first suggest and discuss an alternative system transferring the responsibility for financing higher education to the country of origin of the students (except for those from developing countries). Origin country finances students from its territory through a two-part portable voucher: one part is dedicated to the financing of the true cost of studies, the other part intends to support student's life and might be designed in such a way that some social goals are reached. Those vouchers can be used anywhere in a defined international area provided it is in the designed field of studies and in a school whose quality has been recognized by the issuing country. Some actual systems at work in the world, which prefigure aspects of the proposal, are presented in appendix. Second, we show that, when coupled with a compensation of the origin country in case of international career of the graduate, the system proposed in this paper might be equivalent to a centralized efficient design. JEL Code: H41, H77, I20.

Despite the importance of the Bologna process for the mobility of students, and the further mobility of graduates, as well as for peace, growth and welfare in that area, nothing has been decided so far for the financing of internationally mobile students, so that the burden of that financing, usually public, is supported by the host country. Moreover in- and outflows of students show imbalances and such imbalances are expected to increase with mobility. Therefore, we first suggest and discuss an alternative system transferring the responsibility for financing higher education to the country of origin of the students (except for those from developing countries). Origin country finances students from its territory through a two-part portable voucher: one part is dedicated to the financing of the true cost of studies, the other part intends to support student's life and might be designed in such a way that some social goals are reached. Those vouchers can be used anywhere in a defined international area provided it is in the designed field of studies and in a school whose quality has been recognized by the issuing country. Some actual systems at work in the world, which prefigure aspects of the proposal, are presented in appendix. Second, we show that, when coupled with a compensation of the origin country in case of international career of the graduate, the system proposed in this paper might be equivalent to a centralized efficient design. JEL Code: H41, H77, I20.

Recent studies by Hood have underscored the significance of the desire of decision-makers to avoid blame for poor policy initiatives, highlighting the importance to policy-making of learning about how best to avoid policy failure. This article examines several different concepts of policy failure in the literature on the subject, such as policy accidents, errors, mistakes, and anomalies, along with recent work by McConnell and his colleagues on the general types and sources of such failures. The article distinguishes between 'thin' (technical-strategic) and 'thick' (political-experiential) policy learning and links them to McConnell's three categories of political, programme, and process failures. The analysis points to the significant and underappreciated roles played by process and political problems in the analysis of policy failure and the need to draw lessons in these areas as well as in more technically oriented programme-related ones if the prospects of policy success are to be enhanced.

ABSTRACTTwo mutually exclusive theories of the effects of independence upon public policy exist: the nationalist hypothesis predicts the adoption of many distinctive policies, whereas the external determination hypo thesis, advanced by functional and Marxist writers, suggests that independence makes little practical difference to policies. These competing theories are tested by an examination of Ireland since it became independent of Britain in 1921. Three distinctive periods are covered: that of the consolidation of the regime, a subsequent era of nationalist activism in government, and the present era, emphasizing economic development. Three separate policy domains are examined: the state's defining concern with foreign affairs, law and order, taxation, national identity and representation; the mobilization of economic resources; and the provision of welfare services. In all domains and periods independence has a major effect upon public policies. This is not only a consequence of nationalist ideological aspirations but is also because the institutionalization of a regime gives politicians both incentives and opportunities to pursue national interests, and to respond distinctively to common problems of contemporary government.

The European Commission has recently sought to substantially revise how it regulates the telecommunication industry, with a key goal being to incentivise investment in high-speed broadband networks. Ambitious goals have been set regarding the availability and quality of broadband across the European Union, initially in the 'Digital Agenda for Europe' and more recently in its 'Gigabit strategy'. These goals reflect the view of many that there are widespread and significant socio-economic benefits associated with broadband. Our analysis explores the consequence of target setting at a European level, in terms of encouraging investment and picking which technology should be adopted within the context of technological neutrality. We demonstrate that while public policy targets favour specific technologies, especially when the target is defined with regards to fast broadband speeds, the technological choices that occur within a Member State are shaped by the complex and dynamic interaction between a series of path dependencies that may vary significantly across as well as within Member States. Furthermore, taking into account the ecosystem's tremendous evolution, the technological choices that are made within markets reflect both demand and supply uncertainties. To assist with understanding the interaction between those forces that shape, to lesser or greater extent, the choice of one technology over another, we propose a four-phase framework. This framework is not a definitive statement of the relationships that we have identified, but rather serves as a mechanism that illustrates the challenges associated with adopting and then sticking with technological neutrality in policy making.