Suchergebnisse

The chapter analyses the current legal situation of whistleblowers in work-related context in Poland. Protection of whistleblowers is not regulated by a single comprehensive legal act but may be granted on the basis of different pieces of legislation as well as according to the case law of the Supreme Court, which established the concept of 'permissible criticism' expressed by a worker. The level of whistleblower protection is by no means satisfactory, especially as regards atypical workers. The author assesses the shortcomings of the current legal situation and presents proposals for improvement in the light of the EU Whistleblower Protection Directive and international conventions ratified by Poland. ; The project is co-financed by the Governments of Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia through Visegrad Grants from International Visegrad Fund. The mission of the Fund is to advance ideas for sustainable regional cooperation in Central Europe.

International audience ; International aid has influenced and, in part, shaped the artistic sector in Africa's Great Lakes region (DRC, Rwanda, Burundi) since the s, a period marked by numerous conflicts and mass violence. Due to NGOs' programmatic foci, artists performing for social change are increasingly compelled to focus on reconciliation and conflict resolution, generating political awareness and bringing about social change, healing and peacemaking. Through a comparative analysis of European and local productions on the genocide this article asks, how and why does an 'NGO-style theatre' develop a specific audience in the region? How have themes such as mass violence, inter-ethnic conflict and social cohesion become the main concerns of the territory's theatre? How do performances made and/or sponsored by NGOs challenge not only theatre's form, its social stakes and functions, but also the conception of its audience and the relationships between actors and spectators?

Global governance in the post-COVID-19 operating environment faces unprecedented NTS challenges to a broad range of referent objects from the global biosphere, down through systemic security at the international and regional level, through national security, down to vulnerable individuals and groups. These challenges cannot be addressed successfully through the old state-centric mechanisms of international and national governance agendas and policy platforms. The purpose of this study is to assesses the future of global governance challenges in a world ravaged by COVID-19, and the hope offered by new actors in addressing these challenges. Therefore, the rise of new challenges has also brought new actors to the fore, including middle powers, IOs, NGOs, and other civil society organizations and entities. It is the very interconnectedness of the new challenges which empowers the new actors to contribute substantially to global governance in theory and practice.

The consequences of threat constructions and security-dominated politics in many Asian states and regions have been all too apparent recently. Whether the escalating language between China and the US over the outbreak of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, the violence against opposition movements in Hong Kong, the fate of minorities in Myanmar or the ongoing violence in Afghanistan – the invocation of "security" and the often violent practices of security agents constitute a powerful "key mode of governing". Security drives international and domestic politics and, at the same time, shapes livelihoods of citizens and the fate of individuals in often worrisome ways. In offering various empirical studies guided by the pragmatic frameworks of securitisation and Critical Security Studies, this Special Issue aims at deconstructing security as a governing mode in the Asian context, with articles ranging from the local and national levels to international relations.

Finding a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula is among the most pressing challenges that the international community currently faces. Given that any diplomatic solution to the crises necessitates direct dialogue with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea), this study analyzes past dialogue initiatives of the international community with that country — thereby aiming to scrutinize the multiple challenges associated with such endeavors. Among the lessons that can be learned from the failure of past diplomatic initiatives to solve the nuclear crisis is the acknowledgment of the fact that such non-military solutions will constitute a long-term and gradual process, whose continued maintenance requires a tremendous amount of sustained political will. Moreover, North Korea's transition to a de facto nuclear power has dramatically changed the baseline for dialogue with it.

The article elaborates on the achievement of the Malaysian athletes with disabilities locally and also in international scenes. Malaysian athletes start to participate in international competition since 1962, and local games had been organized back in 1982 with the introduction of the Paralympic Games. The article also illustrates the medal achievement where Malaysian contingent achieved a total of 1700 medals at the ASEAN Para Games from 2001-2017. In FESPIC and Asian Para Games, a total of 582 medals was won from the year 1982-2018. At the FESPIC and Asian Youth Para Games, a total of 189 medals won from the year 2003-2017. The highest achievement came from the Paralympic games as Malaysian won 11 medals in total from the year 1962-2016. More need to be done to establish para sports in Malaysia with the support of every parties including the government and the media.

Islamic fundamentalism, which is often associated with terrorism, is considered one of the challenges to international security. Developments in the 1970s have made it clear that religion still plays an important role in international relations, and that it influences global and regional political processes in various ways around the world. The conference paper will analyze the interrelatedness of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. The paper focuses on well-known forms of Islamic fundamentalism based on the Hanbali school in Sunni Islam, such as Wahhabism and Salafism. Within the topic, I will be discussing the early and modern understanding of jihad. Also, in the paper, I will elaborate on the alliance between the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the Ba'athists. In the concluding part of the conference paper, I will be summarizing the threats and challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism that threaten world peace and security.

While recent scholarship has highlighted how participating countries at the interwar world's fairs competed by displaying ideological versions of modernity, the alternative national projections of smaller states have received less attention. This study of the Swedish national pavilions from Brussels 1935 via Paris 1937 to New York 1939 analyses how a loose but well-connected network of communicators over the course of three fairs responded to, and used, the evolving trends at these international mega-events. In the threatening international atmosphere of the late 1930s, the network convinced the Swedish government to seize the opportunities opened up by the crises of capitalism and democracy. The 1937 and 1939 pavilions showcased Sweden at the world's fairs as an example of the successful handling of economic and socio-political crisis, and the experience had a formative impact on the post-war institutionalisation of Swedish cultural diplomacy.

The study presented in this article aims at understanding the relevance of mobility initiatives to the internationalization efforts of Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). By building upon relevant literature, 17 propositions related to this contribution were identified. Empirical evidence from a concrete case of a European university was then used to evaluate those propositions. Data was collected from individual interviews to 19 outgoing faculty and from focus groups with 32 incoming students, resulting in the identification of the promises and pitfalls of mobility. The study concludes that HEIs must define clear strategies and carefully manage their mobility activities to maximize the potential benefits for internationalization. Based on this main implication, it presents a set of managerial recommendations that may be relevant for those involved in administering or promoting international mobility programmes at universities, governments or international organizations, and for researchers in higher education. ; published

International audience ; This article centres on the variety of indexes of decentralization. The first section reviews and compares a dataset consisting of 25 decentralization indexes according to a series of items, namely the definition of territorial autonomy, the kind of units of analysis, the number of cases, the nature of variables, the timescale, the measurement frequency, the scoring, the sources, the validity and reliability assessment and the transparency of the data production process. It concludes by stating that the Regional Authority Index and the Local Autonomy Index are the rankings which best comply with these quality standards. In the second section, these two indexes are introduced along with the Territorial Political Capacity framework. While the former can be considered as the current international standards in the field of decentralization indexes, the latter proposes alternative ways to understand decentralization through using mixed methods.

This research attempts to provide an in-depth analysis of the public perceptions of inter-Korean economic cooperation. KDI survey data with a sample size of 1,000 were subjected to empirical analyses. By means of ordered logit estimations, we derive the following results. First, there is a significant effect of age on economic cooperation perceptions, where younger generations tend to be more negative. Second, the group who has positive view on the economic cooperation tends to prefer large-scale, domestic-entity-funded cooperation projects, whereas the group who has negative view tends to prefer small-scale projects and projects funded by international organizations. According to these results, prioritizing trade with the involvement of international organizations is likely to be an effective measure to alleviate potential political constraints and to achieve sustainable long-run economic cooperation systems when pursuing the economic cooperation.

Frankreichs Präsident Emmanuel Macron hat das Ziel ausgegeben, die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen zu revitalisieren und eine "neue Partnerschaft zwischen Paris und Berlin zu begründen. In der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik sowie in Teilen der Europapolitik konnte dieser Anspruch jedoch selten eingelöst werden. Hauptgrund hierfür sind strukturelle Veränderungen in den internationalen Beziehungen, auf die Frankreich und Deutschland unterschiedlich reagieren: Paris sucht neue Wege, seine verteidigungspolitische Handlungsfähigkeit zu erhalten und das strategische Vakuum zu füllen, das entstanden ist durch das nachlassende Interesse der USA an Europa und seiner Peripherie. Berlin setzt auf die Weiterentwicklung von Nato und EU als grundlegenden Organisationen deutscher Außenpolitik. Zudem erschweren nationale Alleingänge, Desinteresse und ein ungenügender Erfahrungsaustausch einen bilateralen Interessenausgleich. Eine neue Intensität der bilateralen Zusammenarbeit setzt erstens voraus, dass sich Paris und Berlin in ihren bestehenden außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Kooperationsformaten einer Gesamtschau der internationalen Gemengelage stellen. Sie müssen ihre jeweilige Betroffenheit sowie ihre Interessen offen besprechen und aus ihnen konkrete Maßnahmen ableiten. Zweitens müssen sie sich darauf verständigen, dass nationale Alleingänge unterbleiben und ein Desinteresse an den außen-, sicherheits- und europapolitischen Druckpunkten des Partners nicht geduldet wird. Die Deutsch-Französische Parlamentarische Versammlung sollte die Exekutiven beider Länder dazu anhalten, den Élysée-Vertrag wie den Vertrag von Aachen zu erfüllen. Zu diesen Ergebnissen kommen die sechs Fallstudien zu Libyen, zur Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik, zur Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, zu Russland, zur Nato und zur Türkei.

The coronavirus crisis is an opportunity for Europe to bet on strategic interdependence andmultilateralism. A more multilateral EU will only be possible if it emerges more united and solidaryfrom this crisis with greater health coordination and a solid economic reconstruction plan focused ondigitization and the environment, with a stronger euro at the international level and a full singlemarket. Otherwise, current trends will lead to a Westphalian world in which Europe has little politicalclout. ; The coronavirus crisis is an opportunity for Europe to bet on strategic interdependence and multilateralism. A more multilateral EU will only be possible if it emerges more united and solidary from this crisis with greater health coordination and a solid economic reconstruction plan focused on digitization and the environment, with a stronger euro at the international level and a full single market. Otherwise, current trends will lead to a Westphalian world in which Europe has little political clout.

Since Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia's territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The post-war period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.

Abstract
The International Accounting Standard Board (IASB) aimed to increase the decision usefulness of firms' risk disclosures with the 2007 introduction of the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) 7. Specifically, listed firms were mandated to provide information to the market on both their (1) exposure and (2) risk management, which are associated with holding their financial instruments. This study investigates whether IFRS 7 financial instruments and their disclosures are associated with firm valuation. Using data on premiumlisted United Kingdom (UK) companies, for the period 2007–2019, I find evidence that firm value (proxied by Tobin's Q) is negatively associated with the quantity of IFRS 7 interest and credit risk disclosures. I further find that the market value decreases with the presence of quantitative information tabulated in the disclosures. The findings of this study have important implications for the IASB's standard-setting process.